Vrhatto unit Vrurerhings iu Affluent.

HOUSE OF LORDS. Monday, February 25. Lunatics ; the Lord Chancellor's read a first time—Syria ; Lord Stradord's Motion.

Tuesday, February 26. The Bishop of Oxford's Bills thrown out—Mr. Turnbull; Lord Normanby's Motion postponed until Friday.

Thursday, February 28. Metropolitan Railways and the Poor; Lord Derby's Com- plaint Friday, March 1. Dalian Affairs ; Lord Normanby's Motion.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. Monday, February 25. Syria ; Lord John Russell's State- ment—Mr. Laing ; Sir C. Wood's Statement—Bankruptcy Bill in Committee—Ap- propriation of Seats Bill read a second time. Tuesday, February 26. Forage ; Mr. D. Griffith's Motion—Recovery of Debts ; Mr. Hodgskinson's Bill, leave given—The Slave Trade ; Mr. Cave's Resolutions.

Wednesday, February 27. Sir J. 'Trelawny's Church Rate Abolition Bill read a second time by 281 to 266.

Thursday, February 28. The Harvest; Mr. Caird's Statement—Russia, France, and Turkey ; Debate on—Naval Administration ; Sir J. Elphinstone's Motion.

Friday, March 1. Taxes; Mr. Gladstone's explanation—Syria ; Mr. Disraeli's Question—Naval Organization; Admiral Duncombe's Motion.

SYRIA.

LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE moved for _papers connected with late transactions in Syria. On two or three subjects mentioned in the Queen's Speech, Italy and China, papers had been furnished to Parlia- ment on a liberal scale, but no correspondence relating to Syria has been laid before Parliament. We should have been kept in ignorance of what the Turks and their allies were doing, had it not been for the public press. The Turks, it would seem, under the guidance of the active and intelligent commissioner FundPaaha, restored tranquillity to Syria before a single French soldier landed. We have sent a D commis- sioner, judicial proceedings have been carried on. With full reliance on Lord ufferin's capacity, still Lord Stratford thought that Parliament should have had ample and early information. The condition and destiny of Syria can never be indifferent to Pngland. Syria is the key of Egypt. Our trade with Syria is not inconsiderable. Be it also remembered that our neighbours had claims which, if not strong in right, had by traditions of long standin.g a powerfal hold upon their sentiments, and such ties were, as their lordships well knew, but too likely to degenerate into movements of ambition fraught with danger to the peace of States and to the balance of power. Last, but not

in

least, the titles of Syria to our sympathy, was the recollection of its history and the numerous events connected with our religion and

our literature, of which, from one period to another, it been so frequently and remarkably the witness and the theatre.

For one, he should be glad to hear that the present occupation of Syria was to cease with the terms assigned to it by the treaty. Not that he would entertain, without overpowering reasons, any mistrust of the Power whose troops were acting on behalf of the alliance. He should be very slow to believe that any Sovereign would risk his honour and position for the gratification of a short-sighted ambition, in defiance of express engagements contracted with the chief Powers of Europe. But it was due to *the independence of the Sultan, and, in some respects, to the feelings of the country itself, that a foreign oc- cupation should not be extended beyond the limits of a strict ne- oessity. Lord Stratford said that the inhabitants of the Lebanon are entitled to an independent administration with the payment of a fixed tribute. But the solution of the question is not easy. He inclined to forced

separation of the adverse races and disarmament. They should not, however, consider the disease wholly local. It is part and parcel of the infirmities of the Turkish Empire. The danger from Turkey, which a few years back seemed speculative, now hangs over our heads, and threatens to rush down without preface or admonition. He lamented our indifference to the danger, and counselled the exercise of an external pressure on the Sultan's Government by all tk owers to obtain the efficient execution of the Hatti Humayoun. Lord WODEHOUSE, in reply, pleaded that it would be embarrassing to produce the papers or any portion of them. He repeated some statements, already made public, showing the bloodthirstiness of the Maronite clergy. Lord STIUTFORD DE REDCLIFFE consented to withdraw his motion. In the Lower House, Mr. EDWIN Jams put a question on the sub- ject, and Lord Jolla RUSSELL thus replied:

has not been decided by the conference in Paris that the French occupa- tion of Syria shall be prolonged beyond the period originally arranged, and there- fore the question as to what period it may be prolonged to becomes unnecessary. The representative of the Ottoman Porte has not protested against the occupa, tion, but I will shortly state what has been done. The representative of the Ottoman Porte stated that it was the opinion of the Sultan's Government that a prolonged occupation would be unnecessary, and he added a request, that if the representatives of the European Powers were of a different opinion, he hoped that, before coming to any collective decision, they would severally refer back to their respective governments. No decision has taken place, but the matter has been referred, as requested by the Turkish Ambassador."

On Thursday the subject came up again for discussion on the motion to go into committee of supply. Mr. Summit Finozasim, Sir Jsmas FERGUSON and Mr. LAYA.RD made speeches on the occupation of Syria by the French, and the interference of Russia with the internal affairs of 'Turkey. Practically, they all agreed in objecting to the French expedition to Syria, to the continued occupation of that country, and to the intrigues of Russia, both in the spring of 1860 and .at the present time. They showed that by acceding to the Convention of 1860, a precedent for the occupation of Bulgaria by the Russians had been established. They showed that Fnaci Pasha alone could have suppressed, as indeed he did suppress, the insurrection, without the aid of the French. They showed that the Maronites _provoked the war, and that under the protection of the French flag these so-called Christians have committed great enormities; that the French occupa- tion has inflamed the hostility between the two parties, and that every day the French remain in Syria the prospect of pacification be- comes less. All agreed that the Turks should be left to govern the country, and that if they cannot, the country should govern itself. Lord 'Jona RUSSELL described the attempts of the Russians to interfere in the internal government of Turkey._ The Russian Mi- nister proposed a joint commission of Turks and Europeans, but that objectionable proposal was not adopted. Then the Grand Vizier in- quired personally the Russian Minister rejoined, suspecting his state- ments, and Lord John thought that the Grand Vizier should answer im.

With regard to the affairs of Syria, there had, no doubt, been a great deal of foreign intrigue in that country of late years; but he must remind the House that it was the massacres at Hasbeya and Dahr-el-Kamar that bad induced the Powers to intervene; and he had been recently informed, on most reliable autho- rity, that if foreign troops bad not been sent to Syria, the like scenes would have been enacted at Bagdad and Jerusalem. The Sultan's concurrence in the Con- mention was certainly a reluctant one, but it was given upon this ground—that if the massacre had contilmed, its success would have excited to similar outrages the fanatical portion of the Mahomedan population in other parts of the Turkish Empire • and, in that case, some, at least, of the Powers of Europa would have interfered by arms, not only in Syria, but in other provinces of the empire. With regard to prolonging the occupation, the French Government had expressed their readiness to allow their troops to act conjointly with those of the other Powers, and he had no reason to doubt their sincerity. He granted that the conduct of the French troops had been such as to expose them to the censure which had been passed upon them. He did not mean to say that they bad taken part in the murders perpetrated by the Ilaronites, but he was sorry to state that all his reports from Syria confirmed the assertion that the Miuronites had taken advan- tage of their presence to wreak vengeance upon their Drose enemies, and to murder women and young children, without being brought tojustice. Now, this was one of the consequences which made him desire that foreign occupation should cease. The occupation of Syria, he believed, was beneficial at first, but the time bad arrived when he thought it should cease. At the Paris conference, upon this subject the French Minister had stated, that if the troops went away the massacres would be renewed, while the Turkish ambassador believed that tranquillity had been restored, and that there was no reason why the occupation should not terminate at the period originally fixed. But the Austrian ambassador —and Austria had always shown herself sincere in working the independence of Turkey—thought further time should be allowed, and that it was desirable that the French troops should remain till the 1st of May. The Turkish ambassador referred the question to his Government, and there the matter rested ; but Lord John said he would use his best endeavours to put an end to the occupation.

CHURCH RATES.

The R-ednesday sitting was taken up almost wholly by a church rate debate—one of our Parliamentary "annuals."

Sir JOHN Taziawar, in a speech of great moderation, moved the second reacling of his Church Rate Abolition Bill. He showed that no danger to the Established Church would result from the abolition of the rate, and he took pains to disassociate himself from the designs of the Liberation Society, pointedly stating that he intended to go no farther.

Lord FERMOY seconded the motion. He declared that the reduction of the revenues of the Church in Ireland had strengthened the Pro- testant Church in that country. Sir WILLIAM lizexacgra led the Opposition by moving that the bill be read a second time that day six months. His speech consisted partly of answers to some statements made by Sir John Trelawny,. and partly of an argument intended to prove that the bill was a blow aimed at the Established Church with the object of inflicting injury. What- ever might be the language of Sir John, his action is one of unmiti- gated hostility to the Church. He laid it down that the Church has a vested right to submit a church rate to the local authorities and take their decision. That is a right which cannot be trodden down. He was in favour of exemption of Dissenters as an experiment, and he insisted that the rejection of the bill before the House must be a con- dition precedent to any settlement of the question. Mr. PACKE seconded the amendment, arguing that churches would fall to ruin if there were no rate. Mr. .14,SH suggested that Dis- senters should be exempted after the vote in vestry, and not per- mitted for the future to take any part in the consideration of a church rate.

Mr. &kiwi= supported the amendment, and contended that it was time to bring the matter to an end. The bill before the House did not afford a basis for satisfactory legislation. There are two parts in the question of church rates. There are the populous parishes 'there churches can be maintained, and rural parishes where they cannot be maintained by voluntary contributions. The state of the law is not applicable to populous parishes, but it is to rural parishes. Why should the ancient law be abolished in eight thousand out of the ten thousand parishes where the rate is levied and paid? The rate is good for rural parishes. There the land pays it, there the occupier manages it, and the peasantry enjoy the benefits. The fabrics maintain the just rela- tion between burden and benefit. The poor have the privilege of a free place in church, and why should this be taken away? The Dis- senters have been offered exemption, and they have refused it. We are not to abolish a law to meet the convenience of persons who dis- like to pay a tax and won't accept an exemption. Mr. Gladstone pro- posed a remedy. He would accept the power of the majority in a parish, then abolish the existing law, give the parish a right to tax itself, and where church rates have lapsed, a right to form a voluntary vestry, with power of taxation. Mr. Gladstone pointed out that the bill offered to the landed interest an enormous pecuniary boon, some 300,000/. a year; the landed interest, represented by the House of Lords, refused to accept it, and in so refusing occupy a strong, pro- bably an impregnable, position. He hoped they would bethink them- selves on the prolongation of this hopeless warfare, and come to some settlement.

Mr. BRIGHT made a long speech in support of the bill, nearly the whole of which was an attack upon the practices and the disunion of the Church of England, set forth from the Nonconformist point of view. He said that he had nothing to conceal, that the Noncon- formists look upon the struggle as one for ascendancy, and that any attempt to settle this question which would leave any shred of the church rate unrepealed would be a failure, and the Nonconformists will never abandon the field until complete victory is won. Mr. DISRAELI explained his position. He said that in addressing his neighbours [meaning the clergy at Amersham] all he had meant to say was that when there is a majority pledged against the principle of a measure, it is unwise to offer a compromise. Until the House has rescinded its unlucky resolution, that church rates ought to be abo- lished, it is useless to come forward with projects of compromise. He denied that he had any personal or sinister party motive in giving that advice. To impute such motives to him would be a great injustice. Before we can arrive at a just settlement of the question, the House must rescind its resolution.

Lord Joan RUSSELL and Mr. WALPOLE brought the debate to a close, the former supporting the bill on the ground that it would take away the grievance ot the Dissenters and strengthen the Church ; the latter maintaining the ground taken up by Sir William Ileathcote, and imputing to Mr. Bright and his friends a desire to keep the ques- tion alive for ulterior objects. On a division, the amendment was negatived by 281 to 266, giving for the second reading a majority of only fifteen. The bill was read a second time.

Tire VA.CANT SEATS.

Sir GEORGE Lawn moved the second reading of the Appropriation of Seats (Sudbury and St. Alban's) Bill, telling the House that as the second reading would be nothing more than an affirmation of the prin- ciple, and would not pledge any Member to . any particular arrange- ment, he trusted they would postpone discussion until the next stage.

The House was not so minded. A. number of claimants for the appropriation of one or more of the four seats after their manner rose in succession. Mr. Berme. claimed one for Scotland, the Scotch Universities, for Kensington and Chelsea. Mr. BENTINCK demanded more Members for the counties, and described the metropolitan Members as a very great inconvenience to the House. What would Morgiana have said had she found that the number of the forty thieves had been increased? Mr. CARNEGIE was for disfranchising Gloucester, Wakefield, and Berwick. Mr. Pascocia proposed that the four seats should be given to the working classes, by allowing those who pay less than 101. rent—say in Manchester and Liverpool— to elect Members. Mr. LOCK.E defended, and Mr. BLACKBURN at- tacked the metropolitan Members, asking what Kensington produced except cauliflowers and asparagus, and declaring that the Members for the English and Irish Universities are superior to the whole lot of metropolitan Members. Lord ENFIELD said he should claim two for Chelsea and Kensington. Colonel BRUCE spoke up for Scotland, Colonel DoNtia and Mr. V. SCULLY for Ireland. Mr. HORSMAN pointed out that there were, besides the Members for the metropolitan boroughs, forty Members all connected with and interested in London, bankers, merchants, capitalists, and aldermen, and expressed a doubt whether the metropolis required another Member.

The bill was redd a second time.

Tan BANKRUPTCY BILL.

The House, in committee, resumed on Monday the consideration of the clauses of the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill, and disposed of clauses 118 to 191 inclusive. There was a good deal of desultory debate, and several amendments were moved, but only three were carried. On clause 119, Mr. SCHOLEFIELD obtained the insertion of words giving to the majority of creditors in "number and" value the powers conferred by the clause. Clause 120 was amended, at the suggestion of Mr. HADFIELD, by the insertion of words giving a bankrupt who has made full discovery of his effects, a right to apply for a certificate of discharge. In clause 123 the restriction on the choice of assignees was omitted. Tan BISHOP OF OIFOB.D'S BILIS.

The Bishop of Oxman moved on Tuesday the second reading of two bills. One was intended to suppress houses of ill-fame. But it

was pointed out that the bill as drawn WAS of the nature .of imoney bill, and_ it was at once withdrawn. The second measure was intended for the protection of female children. The present law prdtects young girls between ten and twelve, and carnal knowledge of thoidt. is a4Ifis- demeanour. The bill extended the age to thirteen. Lord Max- wonTu said no age. could be fixed as a limit to which the argument of the prelate would not pply. Earl Granville thought that these dis- enanons were more mischievous than otherwise. Motion negatived and bill thrown out by 48 to 27. CAVALRY FORA.GE.—MT. GRIFFITH moved that the House should go into committee for the purpose of praying her Majesty to direct the discontinuance of the stoppage from the pay of cavalry and artillery officers for forage. The motion was supported by ColaneLs DICKSON, Duzazz, and Kisox, and opposed by Mr. T. G. Bantam, Mr. F. Peri, and Mr. OSBORNE ; and negatived by 213 to 66.

Tau SLAVE TRADE.

Mr. CAVE moved, on Tuesday, the following resolutions : "1. That the means hitherto employed by this country for the suppression of the African slave trade have failed to accomplish that object. 2. That this failure has mainly arisen from our having endeavoured, almost exclusive, to prevent the supply of slaves, instead of to check the demand for them. 3. That the true remedy is not to be found in countenancing immigration into those countries where slavery exists, but in augmenting the working population at those in which slavery has been abolished. 4. That, therefore, while repressive measures should be continued, and even rendered more effective, every possible encouragement and assistance should be given to the introduction of free immi. grants, and especially of settlers from China, into the British West Indian colonies."

This speech was an arraignment of our policy respecting the slave trade. Re admitted that we had succeeded in Brazil, he concurred with some of the remedies suggested by Lord John Russell to the American Government, but his main argument was that we should fight the slave trade and slavery by promoting iminigration. 'The Emperor of the French took every possible means of supplying the colonies of France with labour. Spain risked a war with England to obtain it. But here immigration was still regarded as only a planter's question. Sugar could not be grown without a sufficient supply of free labour; but, while the planters were saddled with two-thirds of the cost of immigration, it must be confined within the narrowest limits. Linder the existing laws immigration must come to an end, because no individual planter could find capital to carry it on. There could be no better employment of the revenue of a colony than in bringing fresh hands into it; and even the mother country might find it a matter of economy, instead of spending annually large sums in obstructing the slave trade, to encourage, by loans or guarantees, immigration into the colonies, and so put an end to that traffic for ever. He would not assert that free labour was absolutely cheaper than slave labour, but there could be no doubt that practically it was so, because the employer of free labour took less profit than the slave- owner. For that reason it was that Barbadoes was able to hold its own against Cuba. England must now pursue one of two courses, either strike at the root of the slave trade by cutting off its commercial profits, or withdraw her squadron, let her colonies go to ruin, and continue to be as she now was, the greatest con- sumer.of slave produce in the world." . (Cheers.) -Lord Join; Russzu, in his answer, recapitulated our successes since 1815 in regard to slavery andthe slave trade; stated with some detail our neptiations with frtm rice, and commented on Mr. Cave's resolutions. The reasons why there is a great slave trade with Cuba are that the nffieials of the Spanish Government take bribes to connive at the landing of slaves, while at sea the slavers are protected by the American flag:. nave read over and over again in the American newspapers that there is a large association with considerable capital at Havanuah, which has relations with New York and with other ports on the coast of America. The agents purchase Teasels in New York and elsewhere, and these are sent sometimes to fiavannah, and sometimes directly to the coast of Africa. They arrive off the coast, and perhaps are for weeks unable to embark their human cargo, but opportunities are ultimately found. As the hen, gentleman truly said, one squadron, however active, cannot prevent the embarkation of slaves along the whole coast. The ships are then brought to Cuba, where they anchor in some of the small creeks or harbours, and the slaves are landed and dispersed among the plantations. All this time our cruisers are unable to touch them, because they are covered by the American flag. When we remonstrated on this subject, the American Govern- ment stated—and held that they were in their perfect right in so doing—that the right of search in time of peace cannot by international law be allowed; and they claimed immunity.for their ships, however engaged, from any search by our cruisers. No doubt this flag has covered a vast importation of slaves. If the Spanish flag had been shown, our cruisers would at once have seized the vessels ; but as they bore American colours, it was impossible to do so. But I met them, I think, with great fairness. I said, It may be that the sensitiveness you show with regard to the search of your ships is justifiable; it may he that your uattmal pride would never allow an English officer to come on board, and search vessels band fide in possession of ship's papers belonging to the United States; but, if that be so, do not depart from your own treaties and your own declara- tions against the slave trade. Employ cruisers of your own. If you will not allow British cruisers to put down the slave trade, put it down yourselves, and take all the credit and glory which will attach to the successful extinction of the slave trade. Let us not touch a single one of your ships; but do it effiictually- do it for the sake of your own character, for the sake of that great republic which I hope may still remain the United States of America.' The President of the United States, as the hon. gentleman says, directed the Secretary of State to tell sue lust the American Government had already heard enough of these re- monstrances on the part of the British Government, aud hoped that they would not be continued. The hon. gentleman has seen that in the papers, but he has not seen my answer. My reply was that the American Government might state what they pleased, but theta) declaration or diplomatic remonstrances of others would prevent the British Secretary of State from remonstrating, or from declaring that it. was.a blot on the United States that they did not effectually suppress rae slave trade. (Cheers.) /laid, more than that, I stated that whenever occasion arose I would repeat the remonstrances against which the American President had protested:" (Cheers.)'

Lord John Russell described the success of coolie immigration in the Miuritius. Above one hundred and eighty thousand Indians have been introduced into that colony; many have returned home; many have settled in' the island; they have benefited themselves and the owners of property. It was not on the principle of immigration, therefore, ,that be opposed Mr. Cave, but because Mr. Cave implied that our means have not tended towards the desired end, and because the promotion of immigration alone would not be sufficient: He moved the previous quettion.

Burro], opposed the resolutions in a speech which celebrated British -exertioa to effect the suppression of the slave trade and slavery, and suggested a variety of measures for the further expulsion:. ef the slave trade from Africa. Lord ALFRED Causcuim, would. 'fight the slave trade with commerce, free labour, forts and consuls on. the Afriam coast, and would punish severely slave traders when caught. Mx. Kussentb supported the resolution, but concurred with. Mr. Buxton and Lord Alfred Churchill. Mr. MILinovr would meet the slave. trade by permitting tobacco to be grown in the United King-. dom. Mr. CHICHESTER FORTESCITE defended the Colonial-Office from some strictures passed on it by.Mr. Cave, described the difficulty of dealing with the colonies on the immigration question, and expressed his pleasure at hearing Mr. Buxton advocate the introduction of coolie- labour into our colonies. He had doubts about the value of a Britisk protectorate on the coast of Africa suggested by several members. Lord P T.M1M STON said the debate showed that there was no differ- ence among them as to the tend to be attained. He vindicated the- British nation from the column that it encouraged slavery and the slave trade because it eons n slave-grown produce. We set the, example of suppressing both. France has abolished slavery and the slave trade. Holland has abolished the slave trade. We have con- eluded treaties with Spain and Portugal and innumerable African chiefs to put down the slave trade ; and our efforts have been greatly successful. Brazil has given up the slave trade, and the Portuguese Government honestly endeavours to suppress it, "The slave trade is now confiped exclusively to that centre of abominations, the island of Cuba." And the reason is that the United States covers with im- punity a prostitution of the American flag. Lord Palmerston was. very severe upon Spain: " As far back as 1817, the Spanish Government bound themselves to put an end to the slave trade and received 400,0001. as compensation to those who. might-be sufferers by this change of policy. In 1885, after the Government of- England had mainly contributed by its assistance and protection to the esta- blishment of a free constitution in Spain, we asked, as the only acknowledgment of our services, that Spain would conclude with us a treaty by which machinery- should be established by mutual right of search, mixed commissions, and the- like, by which the engagement of 1817 might be rendered fully applicable, and. an effectual end put to that slave trade which Spain still carried on' and which she was bound to abolish. We obtained our request. The memory of the ser- vices we had rendered her being still fresh in the recollection of Spain, she con- sented to make such a treaty, and, if it had been fairly carried out., the Spanish slave trade would have been as much abolished as that of Brazil. It is extra- . ordinary that a nation which consists of men who, taken singly, would blush to do anything which was not perfectly honest and straightforward, should, when taken in the aggregate, be guilty of so shameless and abominable a violation of - good faith. (Cheers.) The conduct of Spain might have given us just cause- for war, if we had thought proper to avail ourselves of it. We have repeatedly- remonstrated with the Spanish Government in strong language, like that which. L have been using. My noble friend has recently spoken to them in the same- tone, but I am sorry to say they have hitherto been deaf to a sense of their duty with respect to their national engagement. I trust, however, it is only a rem- nant of drat debased feeling which the arbitrary Government of former days in- flicted upon Spain. I hope that those liberal principles and those generous feel-:' ings which belong to a popular, representative, and constitutional Government will before long have their sway, and that the people will force their Government to act in a manner more in accordance with national honour and good faith."- (Cheers.) Like Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston described the conduct or the American Government and the obstacles interposed, not only by • its action, but by its laws. We have not •received from them the. assistance we were entitled to expect from a nation of free men. As to Mr. Cave's resolutions, though. the. Government could not accept - them, they concurred in the opinions of the mover, but they could not do anything that would be construed into a desire to injure rival colonies, and make the motives of England in suppressing the slave trade misunderstood.

Mr. CAvz contended that the Spaniards are not fit to be trusted with the custody of free immigrants. Spain worked to death two races in. the New World, and she ought not to be encouraged to import a third_ He withdrew his resolutions.

NAVAL ADMINISTRATION.

Sir J. EmaNsTorre moved a series of resolutions on the Naval Administration, the purport of winch was to substitute a Ministry- of Marine, with responsibility to Parliament, for the Board of Admiralty. But his speech on the subject was on general naval topics, and did not stick closely to the text. Mr. BA rtLIFT seconded the first resolu- tion of the series, although he adhered more closely to a deserip-. tion of the evils arising from divided responsibility. Mr. LINDSAY went still farther afield, discussed the question of iron-clad ships, and entertained the House with a long account of an. interview be- tween himself and the French Minister of Marine, who had expressed. surprise that England should be alarmed because the Emperor carried_ out the naval policy of Louis-Philippe, and built a few iron-clad ships. Mr. Lindsay said we had exaggerated the naval power of France. Sir Jotor PAKINGTON deprecated_ the desultory nature of the discussion, and sug.gested an inquiry by Royal Commission. Lord CLARENCE PAGET made a general reply. In answer to the. soothing statistics supplied to Mr. Lindsay by the French Minister, he said that just such statistics might be presented to the House if : all the ships excluded from the French returns were excluded from our own. The French return actually excludes all the reserve, the paddle steamers, and the magnificent transports.

Mr. Lindsay said people were alarmed, but there was nothing to be alarmed. at, as the British fleet was in a very satisfactory state. However, though there was no cause for alarm, there was cause for making progress in the construction of iron-cased vessels. The hon. member had told the House that France had fifteen of these ships, but that only La Gloire was launched, and that the rest were in their infancy, and would not be ready under two years. This was all a. matter of opinion, and he had reason to believe those ships were very nearly ready. He believed that every one of those ships, if the French desired it, could be afloat this summer. He had bad curiosity like other men, and had seen them. Let the House remember that the French had fifteen iron-cased ships; two were- vessels of fifty-two guns, of a very large class. There were four others, sister ships of La Gloire, and four more of a very formidable character, which they called Hosting batteries. That made ten, and five iron-cased gun-boats gave it. total of fifteen. We had only seven under construction. It was true they were' much finer ships. He agreed with his right hon, friend that they.were finer ships—much liner ships. He thought they were very superior; but he said this, that if they found much more progress made over the water in building these ships, it would be the bounden duty of the Government to come down to

the House and state frankly and fairly what was going on, with a view, if neces- sary, to extend the number of our iron-cased vessels.

The debate grew more discursive than ever; and in the course of it Sir MORTON Pero bore personal testimony to the friendly intentions of the French people and their ruler; and advocated the substitution of iron for wood in the navy.

The resolutions were withdrawn.

bin METROPOLITAN Poon.

The House of Lords was occupied on Thursday by a debate on the effect of the metropolitan railway projects upon the metropolitan poor. The Earl of DERBY presented a petition complaining of the pro- posed displacement of labouring. men and their families to make way for railroads. One, intended to ran from Finsbury. to Smithfield, will turnout five thousand persons. He predicted painful overcrowding, and its accompaniments, drunkenness, immorality, disease, and death, from this destruction of property and livelihood; but suggested no remedy. .8:- debate of some interest ensued. The Earl of SHAPPESBIIRT dwelt on the great evils that will arise from the extension of the rail- way system to the heart of the metropolis, illustrating the point by deseribin.g the horrible effect on the poor of sudden orders to quit, and denounced the further sanction of wild schemes to turn poor people out of their abodes. The Bishop of LoNnon added his mite of com- miseration. Earl GRANVILLE, on the other hand, pointed. out the advantage to the general public; and to the labouring classes them- selves, of the extension of railways. It wilLfind work for them, and will relieve the crowded thoroughfares. Lord RanBSDALE recom- mended the establishment of a railway board. Lord. STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said if every measure of improvement were suspended- because it interfered with the dwellings of the poor, then the town will not be improved to the end of the chapter.

THE CHARGES AGAINST Mn. LAING.

Mr. VANSITTART having asked Sir Charles Wood. whether his atten- tion had been drawn to the railway report alleging charges against Mr. Laing, Sir ClITARTYS WOOD said: "'In' answer to the question of my hon. friend, I have to state that my attention was called on..Thunsday morning last to the report which appeared in the news- papers. I can only say that it took me as much by snrpnse as I believe it did everyone else. I had had means, previous to Mr. Laing's appointment, to ascer- tain whether there was any reason arising from his having previously been connected with railways why he should not be appointed. Two members of my council, who are more or less connected with the City, made inquiries, and they informed me that there was no possible reason against the appointment. They said that of late years Mr. Laing had been frequently employed as referee be- tween companies, that his advice was much sought, and that both sides were always satisfied with his impartiality. I was therefore as much surprised by the report of Thursday last as any man in London. It will certainly be my duty to inquire most carefully into the circumstances—indeed, to a certain extent I have inquired already, having seen several parties more or less connected witq the particular railway in question. The chairman of the company has called on ine, and, from what he said, I believe that the statement which has been pub- lished is very much of an ex parte statement. Until we have more information it would, in my opinion, be unfair—especially to a gentleman who is now in a distant country—to come to any decision. I therefore beg that for the present

judgment." Tan members will suspend their

THE LATE HARVEST.—MY. UATRD, taking advantage of a motion for Supply, dwelt on the deficiency of the late harvest, and drew arguments from that source to enforce a demand for economy in ex- penditure. He laid down the doctrine that we should meet a bad harvest by reducing the Estimates.