Clank% mitt Oracteliingd fit fladiament.

NEGRO EMANCIPATION.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, the order of the day having been read for "taking into consideration the matter of the proceedings of the House of the 29th and 30th of March and 22d of May," relating to Negro Apprenticeship, Sir GEORGE GREY rose to move the following reMlutions- " 1. That, in order to prevent the injurious consequences which may follow from the intentions of Parliament being left in doubt, and in order to maintain the peace and welfare of the Colonies, it is necessary to declare that, in the opi- nion of this House, it is not advisable to adopt any proceedings for the purpose of giving effect to the resolution of the22d of May. 2. That this House, at the same time, declares its opinion that no means should be omitted which can tend to secure to the Negro population of her Majesty's Colonies the privileges to which they are entitled under the Act for the Abolition of Slavery, and under the Act for the Amendment of the Slavery Abolition Act ; and further, that the anxious attention of this House will be directed to the state and condition of the Negro population, when the expiration of the term of apprenticeship shall have entitled them to the full enjoyment of entire freedom."

In a long speech, Sir George laboured to prove the necessity of re- tracing the false step which the House had taken in affirming Sir Eard- ley Wilmot s resolution in favour of the immediate abolition of Negro Apprenticeship. He dwelt on the injurious effect it must produce on the minds of the praedial apprentices ; who, he maintained, were at pre- sent well-disposed to obey the law and serve out their time. Resolu- tions had been passed in large meetings of Negroes themselves, in which their willingness to work under their present masters was declared, when malicious attempts bad been made to excite discontent among them. With respect to the improvement of the apprentices during the remainder of their servitude, Sir George Grey had not much to bring

forward ; but he said that reports of Mr. Latrobe showed that pains had been taken to educate them, and asserted that the attention of Govern- ment was earnestly directed towards effecting improvements in prison

discipline and the administration of justice. He could also, he said, answer for the sincerity with which the leading planters in Jamaica would aid in carrying out the intentions of Ministers. He much re- gretted the excitement which bad been got up on this subject, and especially the attempts made to mix it up with party politics.

The first resolution having been put from the chair,

Sir EARDLEY WILMOT moved an amendment-

" That it is the opinion of this House that the resolution passed on the 22d of May should be carried into effect by means of a legislative enactment, due provision being made to secure the peace of the Colonies, and to promote the welfare and good conduct of the Negro population, on attaining the full enjoy- ment of their entire freedom."

In the debate that followed, the amendment was supported by Mr. VILLIERS, Sergeant JACKSON, Mr. WARD. Mr. RAINES, Mr. O'CON- HELL, and Dr. LUSHINGTON ; and opposed by Mr. BARRON, Mr. HUT- Ton, Sir CHARLES GREY, Mr. ELLICE, Sir ROBERT INGLIS, Sir ROBERT PEEL, Lord STANLEY, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL Little new or interesting was uttered on this exhausted subject. Mr. BARRON assailed Lord Brougham— "The people of these realms have been grossly misled by exaggerations of of every description ; they have been betrayed into error by exaggerations, by crafty misrepresentations, and frauds. The British people are too generous, too noble, too fond of justice and the rights of property, to lend themselves to poli- tical mountebanks or disappointed ambition, were the truth and the whole truth exposed to view at once. In this instance the truth is carefully concealed, facts ere artfully coloured ; and one powerful individual, poweiful in talents, powerful in varied acquirements, powerful froni position, and reckless of character, reck- less of consequences, reckless of the blood and anarchy that may result from his inflammatory and grossly shameless exaggerations, has dared to impugn the area in this House that have acted consistently with their ideas of justice and equity. I tell that powerful individual, that, however he may mislead th humbler classes in this country .for a moment with specious woi di and froth; declamations and violent philippics, that, disguise it as he may, the shrewd sod intelligent see through the flimsy veil that covers his disappointed ambition his base desertion of principle n seeking to destroy the power of the partv'th at

he cannot hope under any circumstances to succeed. By his y ,

his folly, not to say his madness, he lost the confidence of one Sovereign 'and now he seeks to annoy, to unsettle, the Ministeis of another; not togai power, not to succeed them—for no statesman would act with him—but simply from a love of mischief and a desire of revenge. I think this is a piece of wickedness unexampled in the history of the world, and only to be equalled in that of Satan, where he tempted our first parent and brought destruction on mankind, without any possible benefit to himself" [According to the repoit in the Morning Chronicle, not a single cheer interrupted or encouraged Air. Bar. ron in the delivery of this philippic.] Mr. ELLICE urged that time was needed to prepare theColonies for the great change which it was wished immediately to effect.

Mr. BAINES denied that the subject bad been taken up in the spiritof party. The humane feelings of men of all parties, expressed in 8,000 petitions, had been excited in behalf of the Negroes; who, it was vain to deny, had been cruelly treated by their masters, and had not received the protection from this country which they had a right to claim.

Sir ROBERT PEEL mainly insisted on the fact, that a contract had been made by Parliament with the Planters, and that there had been no such extensive or general breach of the bargain by the Planters as would justify Parliament in annulling it. He recommended firmness, in oppo- sition to clamour and extrinsic influences.

As the organ of the Government when the measure was brought forward, he declared that the term of the apprenticeship and compensation-money were stipulated as returns for the cordial assent of the Planters. As to the amount of the one and the length of the other, they were matters of discussion and negotiation with the West ludian bodies. The terms were submitted to Par. liainent— by Parliament they were considered. The changes made were not from a loan, but a grant of 13,000,000/., tu a grant of 20,000,0001. and the re- duction of the term of the apprenticeship to six years.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL agreed that the great majority of the indivi- duals who advocated immediate emancipation, were among the most moral and religious and conscientious persons in the community—

Whilst he spoke in terms of high respect, however, fur the agitators of this question, he must say, that some there were, he hoped few in number, who took the part they did in this matter with the view chiefly of injuring those inborn they considered party or personal opponents. Ile must say, that he considered conduct of this kind degrading to the great cause it was pretended to eapuuse, and to the good and couscientious men with whom these parties were associated in its advocacy.

The division took place on Sir George Grey's first resolution—

For it 2.50 Against it 178 Majority 72

The other resolution was affirmed without a division; and the House rose, at two o'clock.

SETTLEMENT OF TI1E IRISH QUESTIONS.

On Tuesday, before the House went into Committee on the Irish Municipal Bill, Sir ROBERT PEEL rose to fulfil his promise of stating the course he intended to pursue with respect to the settlement of the Tithe and Corporation questions. After the Duke of Wellington's declaration in the other House, and the intimation he had himself given of a desire to come to a satisfactory arrangement of the questions which had so long occupied Parliament with respect to Ireland, be thought it incumbent upon him not to deal in vague generalities, but CO say distinctly what modification in the Government measures he should deem it his duty to propose. He considered that the Poor Bill touched the other two measures—Tithes and Corporations—in a point of the greatest importance ; for it established the test of rating. In this way, the Poor Bill was connected with the measure for reforming. the Corporations. He considered that the satisfactory adjustment ot the Tithe question was a necessary preliminary to the Corporation Bill. He differed with those persons who thought that the interests of the Church did not require Parliamentary interference with regard to tithes. He admitted that, under the existing law, the payment of tithes might be, and to a great extent had been enforced ; but he wished to take away all that was offensive in the manner of maintaining the Mr. O'CONNELL said, that the black part of the transaction with the Planters, was the payment of the twenty millions—

That sum, he maintained, bad been paid to them in defiance of the law ; their claim to it being founded in fraud and deceit. Ile did not accuse those who paid it of any improper motives ; but he did contend that they ball not been sufficiently cautious, and had allowed themselves to be grossly deluded. The act of 1834 specifically required that the money should not be paid to the Planters until proper security was given that its conditions as regarded the Negroes should

be carried into effect. Had that security been given ? or, if so, had those coo ditions been kept ? Why, if the Planters had fulfilled their contract, what was the Occasion for the act passed during the present session? If the Planters had observed their pmt of the contract, then the act to which he alluded was ia direct violation of it ; and he had nothing to do but to read the several clauses of which it was composed to prove that it was so. The Government bad corn. mitted a grave fault in paying the twenty millions as they had done ; and for that fault be openly arraigned them before the People of England. It was only now that the Planters were entitled to be paid ; so that, in addition to the enormous principal, they had, through the precipitancy of the Government, pocketed four years' interest upon it. But what reparation was to be made to the Negro for the mistake which had been committed ? How was he to be compensated for the non-fulfilment, on the part of the Planters, of the conditions of the act of 1834? How was he to be paid for his time lost? What compensation was to be given to the unfortunate woman who had been flogged ? None. Alas! they could not repair the past, but they could do something for the future. It was in their power to do justice to the suffering Negro ; and justice he demanded at their hands. He was not alone in the call. The mujority of the English no. tion joined him, and the appeal no Government could long resist. Let him not be told there was no time for preparations. Ile denied that they were wanted ; but if they were, they could well proceed, pari passu, with the bill for carryiug iota effect the resolution of that House. He implored the House, therefore, to pause before they decided against the claim of the Negro, fur that claim was in every sense the claim of justice ; and though it might for a time, could not eventually be resisted.

Lord STANLEY distinctly maintained that there was a contract— se- Established clergy ; and he warned those who underrated the dauger of tithe agitation, that It must be connected with other matters, such U the non.payment of rent, and affected the security of all other kinds of property. With regard to the amount of deduction to be made on the conversion of the tithe-composition into rent-chasge, he would not then discuss the question ; regarding it as a point of detail, not of principle. He did not in the least regret the abandonment of Lord )ohn Russell's resolutions; to which he had serious objections, espe. daily to the plan of purchasing land for the clergy out of the produce of the rent.charge ; and if the money were invested in the Funds, the result would be a very considerable reduction from the incomes of the clergy, in consegnence of the low rate of interest the Funds yielded. He was perfectly willing to aid in the removal of the abuses of plu- ralism and non-residence from the Church of Ireland, and in making an equitable apportionment of income to duty, applying any surplus fund towards increasing the efficiency of the Church. He would now proceed to the question of reforming the Irish Corporations. He could recognize no establishment of Municipal Corporations in Ireland except on the basis of popular election— The bill, which had been read a second time, and the object of which was she establishment of corporations, in a schedule which was attached to it, divided the towns of Ireland into three classes, described as A, 13, and C; and be proposed, in the first instance, to deal with the first two schedules, A and B. These schedules included eleven towns,—namely, Belfast, Cork, Dublin, Galway, Kilkenny, Limerick, Waterford, Clontnel, Drogheda, Londonderry, and Sligo; and these towns were of such an extent as to contain a population exceeding 15,000 each. He knew not whether the selection of these eleven towns in these schedules had been governed by any principle ; but it was a angular fact that they all coincided in the particular of their population weeding 13,000. Now, with respect to these, he should assent to the extension of corporate rights to the whole of them ; and he would assume that this was a course which was beneficial and proper for towns of their magnitude. Whether in point of honour those towns were compelled to accept them, and to incur the expenses attending them, was ano- ther matter, which it was not his duty to inquire into; hut he should not oppose or object to their establishment in those towns. He did not quarrel with the duties imposed on the corporations under this bill ; and the material point for consideration would be, therefore, the franchise which it was intended to grant; and the House was bound to define the nature of the franchise which it era proposed to give. There were, however, other matters of detail, on which it was necessary to come to some decision, such as the principle of rating it was intended should be adopted ; but without going into minute details—for upon the consideration of a general point of this nature it was better not to go into a minute inquiry—he must say one thing with respect to the franchise of the constituencies, and he should insist on this, that whatever it might be it should be a &mil fide franchise.

To obtain this end, he thought that the franchise should be confined to those rated under the Poor-law, which, he presumed, would be passed ; and he should propose that a 10/. rating be the limit which should entitle a person to the municipal franchise, in accordance with the law and practice in Scotland, adopted upon excellent grounds by the Scottish Municipal Corporation Commissioners. With respect to residence and payment of rates— He should propose that the test of the claimant to vote as a 10/. householder being entitled to do should be decided in this way, namely, that the holder should be rated to that amount, and that he should be in occupation of the place, either solely or jointly ; and also that to be qualified, a 101. householder must have occupied for twelve months, and have resided at least for six months, and that the receipt for the payment of the local taxes to the three months pre- vious to the period of claiming the franchise should be produced : indeed he believed that this was proposed in the bill. He should also propose that the receipt of poor relief as a pauper should disfranchise a person : he believed, however, there would be no doubt a hesitation about that.

With respect to boundaries— He believed that the great objection would be lest large rural districts should be introduced within the boundaries of the boroughs. He thought that at first there were some considerable objections to the boundaries proposed ; hut he be- lieved that they had been removed by the Report recently made. He had looked into that document with great attention; and it appeared to him that the pro. posed boundaries had been fairly madeby the Commissioners, and that they had sines been approved of by her Majesty's Government.

The management of corporate property he would confide to the Municipal Councils. Tolls ought to be abolished when the debts upon them shall have been off. Any additional police force that may be required, should be paid for out of the corporate funds, but put under the control of Government. With respect to the nomination of She- riffs, he thought that the responsibility of the appointment should rest entirely with the Government, and not be divided between the corpo- rate body and the Lord-Lieutenant, as was proposed by the bill. He recommended that no new arrangement should be made at present with

respect to charity trusteeships, and that in the mean while the Lord Chancellor should fill up all vacancies. He thought also, but he would not insist on that point, that a separate provision should be made for

the local government of Dublin. So much with regard to the principal Irish towns in schedules A and B. The towns in schedules C were generally too small to derive much benefit from the establishment of the system of self-government that might be very suitable to larger owns— He did not propose to give a list of towns in which corporations were not necessary ; but he proposed to adapt them to those places possessed of some cor- Portte Property, which should be allowed to have this managed for their local benefithy persons elected as a corporate body, and having all the privileges and exercising all the functions of one. He should also recommend that this body should be elected by the 10/. franchise in these towns. He did not for these places propose, as a matter of course, either the granting the franchise of a corporate body, or the withholding of it ; he would leave it entirely to the majo- rity of the inhabitants baying the franchise of the town to declare whether they wished their local affairs to be managed and controlled by a corporate body. What he recommended was, that if the town applied to the Lord. Lieutenant for a charter, he might give it in conformity with the principles of that bill. To qualify to vote, lie should require that the person claiming the franchise had occupied his dwelling for a year, and had resided in it for six months, and bad paid all rates and tales; and he did not object, in case the majority of the householders of the town made application to the Lord-Lieu- tenant, that he should be empowered to give a charter. Sir Robert concluded, by insisting upon the advantage which would result from the settlement of the Irish questions, and professing his own readiness to aid Ministers in any attempt to effect it; although he knew that there would be dissatisfaction on the one limns at is oat would be culled the niggardly nature of his concessions, while others would think that he had conceded too much. He rusted, however, on the approbation of the moderate men of sound judgment in the country.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL complimented Sir Robert Peel on the spirit and manner in which he bad fulfilled his pledge not to obstruct the satisfactory adjustment of the great questions uuder discussion. He saw no objection to the proposition of making payment of poor-rites a necessary qualification for the municipal francleee ; but WRS not pre- pared just then to signify his acquiescence in the suggested sum of 10/. Neither would he say any thhig positive with respect to the exact num- ber of towns in which corporations should be established. There were other points of detail for the consideration of the Committee, into which he would not enter. If the bills could be passed for the settle- ment of the three great Irish questions on the principles proposed, he should consider a great benefit had been conferred on Ireland ; though, he confessed, he had frequently pressed upon Earl Grey, that there could be no satisfactory settlement of the Church question unless a por- tion of the revenues of the Church were devoted to general education. Earl Grey always said that be would not be able to carry that principle ; and he confessed that Earl Grey was right as to the result.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, that if words were things, and gentle speeches acts, it would be impossible to desire more than they had heard that night : but the general scheme of delusion he witnessed reminded him of the arrangement between Government and the Planters, in which the unhappy Negroes were left out of the question— Thus it appeared to him, that the feelings of the people of Ireland, their wishes, and their demands for right being done to them, were overlooked, or, it consulted, were rather consulted net with a view of acting upon them. He did not wish to impute motives, and it would be highly improper to dos° when so many kind professions were made; but still it seemed to him, that what he hail heard was rather intended to reconcile parties in this eutintry than for the pacification of Ireland. What, he asked, had the Poor-laws to do with the question of Tithes, or with Corporations? The Poor-law was sufficiently un- popular without being MOde the means of enhancing the franchise and of dimi- nishing the number of electors.

It was pretended that tithes were now ea..; of collection : that was not the case. Anti-tithe meetings, attendA by from 80,000 to 150,000 persons, bad been held within these few .:.iys—that was the species of tranquillity with respect to tithes that pre.ailed in Ireland. lie would tell the House, that the vulgar expedient of resorting to the public purse to pay the tithe arrears must be resorted to, if they wished to tranquillize Ireland on this question ; and on the amount of the reduc- tion from the tithe composition much also would depend. With re- spect to the establishment of Municipal Corporations, he hoped it was not intended " to keep the word of promise to the ear" only. Let them take care that this concession was not a mere deception—a splendid humbug—a well.painted delusion.

Mr. SHAW approved of the tone in which the discussion had been carried on. He hoped care would be taken that what was only a bond fide 51. franchise should not be converted into a 10/. franchise. The Appropriation principle too, be was glad to see, had been abandoned. ("No, no/ "from Mr. Ward.) No Tithe-bill which included it should have his consent.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL desired to state, that be retained bis opinion respecting the Appropriation principle ; and he would propose it the next day, if he thought he stood any chance of carrying it.

Mr. WARD did not believe that any satisfactory adjustment of the Tithe question could be effected on the basis proposed ; and would move an instruction to the Committee on the Irish Tithe Bill to intro- duce the Appropriation principle into the bill. If he stood alone, be would divide the House on that motion.

Lord CLEMENTS objected to the clubbing of Irish questions toge- ther.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN highly approved of the course adopted by Ministers.

Mr. SLANEY rejoiced at the prospect of an end being put to the party bickering on Irish questions.

The House went into Committee, pro forma ; and immediately rose, to sit again on Friday.

THE Inn!' POOR.

A discussion took place in the House of Peers on Monday, on the motion for going into Committee on the Irish Poor Bill. Lords Ro. DEN, STANHOPE, MACCLESFIELD, and CLANRICARDE, spoke strongly in condemnation of the measure. Lords WiNcititssa, WICKLOW, WYN- FORD, Ferzeeaasn, and the Duke of WELLINGTON, while expressing disapprobation of many of the leading provisions of the bill, were in favour of considering it, with a view to alteration and improvement ; and the Howe finally went into Committee, without a division.

Being in Committee, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE suggested that all the clauses up to the 41st should be postponed. Earl STANHOPE opposed a motion by Lord FITZGERALD to that effect ; but the House adopted it, by a majority of 101 to 4. The 41st clause provides for the erection of workhouses. Earl FITZWILLIAM moved to alter the word "workhouse" to "poor-house," and proceeded to explain the extent of the alteration be would propose in this important clause. He pro- posed— " That when the Commissioners shall have declared that any poar-bouse " (instead of workhouse) " to be fit for the reception of the poor," (leaving out the word destitute,) and not before, it shall be lawful for the Guardians, at their discretion, but subject in all cases to the orders of the Commissioners, to take order for the relieving (leaving out the setting to work) " such persons in the poor-house" (leaving out the words " destitute and unable to maintain them- selves.") To this clause he propomed to add the following proviso—that it shall not be lawful for the Guardians to receive persons into the poor-house of the district or union, unless such person shall be (and he should be prepared to enumerate them) either blind, or deaf, or dumb, or deprived ot their joints, legs, or arms, or paralytic ; or, if a man, that he should be above the age of sixty years; or a woman, over fifty years ; or an orphan, under twelve years; and if persons not coming within this description be received by the Guardians of the pour-house, it shall be lawful for any three or more of the rate-payers to ap- peal against the rate; and such rate shall, if the fact be proved before the Jus- tices at Quarter-sessions, be quashed. By this be proposed to give a remedy against the Guardians, if they gave admission to improper persons into the

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE thought that the sums which must be laid out in erecting workhouses would be far better devoted to the employment of the poor.

l• The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that by substituting "poor-house" for " workhouse " the whole frame of the bill would be altered, and the poor-house. He had also to observe, that though he had taken much pains in the specification, yet he thought it was extremely probable that the enumeration was imperfect ; and he should not therefore object to receive any suggestions which noble lords might ollim him upon this point.

Lord IVeteronn opposed Earl Fitzwilliam's motion, and maintained the right of the destitute able-bodied to relief.

Lord Fizzed:earn dwelt on the inefficiency of the bill ; which was especially defective in that it made no sufficient provision for the employment and emigration of the destitute able-bodied. He sug- gested a practical difficulty that might arise under the scheme of noting— It wt.s said that One of the main benefits of the bill was to be found in giv- ing relief to the destitute poor in Ireland, and in providing asylums for those who were ejected from the possession of their lands. But if the system of cleat Mg estates, or of throwing sundl holdings into larger ones should continue, Le was afraid that the consequences of the ball were likely to produce a directly control)! effect ; for it excepted from the payment of the rates all occupants

lender ; and, as the landlords were to pay tor all tho occupants, they were trustine to the in.qpianimity of men who would have a direct interest in making two :d. holdings into ot,e 101., to avoid the payment of the rates. It was diffi- cult, therefore, to reconcile the arguments of the supporters of the bill with the enactments.

Ile was willing to try the experiment on the limited scale proposed by Earl Fitzwilliam, but would not take the bill as it lay before hint.

Lord Ilereou Re': fully admitted that the bill was not very popular ; but ha did not think its unpopularity ought to have much weight against any measure— For his own part, be had never been inclined, in consequence of any number of petitions being presented in favour of any measure, to give that measure undue importance, nor bad he ever permitted his opinion to be acted upon in the opposite way; and he was glad, therefore, that there was no violent demand in favour of this bill, because it would allow their Lordships to take that course which they should think best in their own judgment. If the measure were likely to confer v benefit on Irelaud, the good sense of the country would see the advantages likely to be derived fiom it, and would offer no resistance to its being carried into effect, and rendered useful and beneficial to its own circum- stances. Entertaining these opinions, it was impossible for him to accede to the adoption of the amendment of the noble eatl, conceiving, as he did, that it would be injurious to the bill.

He objected also, that the tests proposed by Earl Fitzwilliam were insufficient. For instance, a deaf and dumb person might be able- bodied, and better able to maintain himself than persons free from his peculiar infirmities.

Lola BROUGHAM had heard nothing like an argument from Lord Melbourne against Earl Fitz willium's amendment— The people for whose benefit and advantage this bill was intended, were ob- durate as to its reception ; and the noble viscount, most strangely as he thought, asserted that he was glad that it was not popular, because it would show that they were impartial, and could consider it calmly, as they were uninfluenced by popular clamour. If there had been no petitions on the subject, it would be a reason ; but a great number of petitions had been presented against it, and none for it. lie therefore could not see the consistency of the noble viscount in as- suming that it could lead hint to form a deliberate judgment on it ; unless, in- deed, the noble viscount at the same time said that he did not care for the popu- lar voice—that be was perfectly indifferent to the impularis aura. If aunts was his opinion, he might then, with some degree of propriety, turn round to the amble President of the Council, who was near him, and exclaim " What foolish thing have I said or done that it is 80 much applauded ?" (Laughter.) But as things stood with reference to this measure, he might throw up his hat and exclaim, " Hurra, hurra! I have at last hit upon a most brilliant thing ; I have at length produced a most successful measure' for nobody is for me and everybody is against me." ( Great laughter.) He had been engaged in other speculations with the noble viscount ; and now, for the first time, on the 26th of May 1836, the noble viscount, who was still a Minister of the Crown and the head of the Government, haul made the sage discovery that it was better to have no petitions in favour of a measure which he was anxious to carry into Effect ; and he now for the first time declared that it was better that they should not have a popular voice for or against a measure, as they could the better come to a calm conclusion without such assistance. (Increased laughter.) On the motion of the Marquis of CLANRICARDE, the debate was ad- journed to Thursday.

The discussion was resumed, on Thursday, by the Marquis of CONINGIIAM, who gave his cordial support to the bill. He said it was but too true, as had been stated by Mr. Nicholls, that on his pro- perty in the North of Ireland there was great destitution. Nine-tenths of his tenantry were rented under 5/. a year. The difficuty of per- suading people to give up small holdings was so great, that the landlord was rendered almost powerless. He did believe that the measure would tend to tranquillize Ireland, and lead to the formation of large farms.

The Earl of FINGALL supported Earl Fitzwilliam's amendment.

Lord PORTMAN would not agree to the proposed alteration. He was convinced that the bill as it stood was the safest measure that could be introduced into Ireland. Lord Brougham's opposition to the bill was consistent with the principles that noble and learned person had laid down in his masterly speech on the second reading of the English Poor. law Bill. By a reference to that speech, it would be seen that Lord Brougham belonged to those political economists of the purest kind—of the first water—who were opposed to all poor-laws. Such beieg the case, be must believe that Lord Brougham only interfered with the present measure for the purpose of spoiling, not amending it.

Lord BeouGnaat would not again have addressed the House on this question, but for Lord Portmun's—pleasantry, he supposed he must call it. lie denied that it was inconsistent in him to endeavour to cut down the bill to the lowest possible dimensions, since he was unable to get rid of it altogether. As for the economists of the "first water," they were matter-of-fact men they preferred good jokes to bad ones, but like most other men had a strong objection to mere idle jokes. He had not read his speech on the English Poor-law since it was published, but was confident, that he maintained the principle of giving relief to such sick and infirm persons as were fit subjects for the hospital. vast machinery it proposed to construct would not be required. If it was intended to relieve only the sick and aged, there was no occasion for the machinery of an almshouse, as there were already plenty ee buildings of that description in Ireland. But he was for taking larger view of the subject, and wished to legislate in reference to the vast amount of destitution that existed, especially in Dublin raid the large towns. At present popular clamour compelled what were called voluntary contributions. Persons who refused to contribute to cha- rities were booted in the streets, and their names placarded. In Scot- land, the relief afforded by the poor-law only extended to the sick and infirm ; but then there were collections at the church-door, and many individual charities. It was absurd, however, to suppose that sufficient sums could be collected in Ireland at the church-doors to make up the deficiencies of such a poor-law as the amendment would snake that under consideration. With regard to the expense, he did not believe it would be so great that the Irish landowners should object to hear it in return for the benefits they would receive. He did not thick it fair, however, that persons holding land under the value of iii. rineuelly, should be entirely exempt from the payment of rates. lie felt for that class of persons whose estates were heavily encumbered. They were not, however, exempt from similar impositions—such as the grand jam cess ; and he could see no way of relieving them, except by excusing them altogether from payment ; but how that was to be dune he could not just then state.

The Earl of CHICHESTER believed that the vast additional burden which the bill would impose upon land in Ireland, would uggruvute the distress which prevailed in that country.

Lord Chancellor COTTENHAM maintained, that the reception of sick and aged persons into poor-houses would leave the chief evils of Irishi, society untouched. They who objected to the magnitude of the bill, and yet admitted the vast extent of' the misery it was intended to re- lieve, passed a severe reflection on their own country. They left the destitute in a hopeless state, without an am mpt to succour them— If the amendment were carried, it would he telling a starving family who might apply at one of the workhouses, tho thong t the worlchot it d.is i. usewastut tutu, yet no relief could be afforded to them, at d thr; must perish a

experiment certainly was about being tried in Ireland, and the experiment was that which had been tried in England it was this—would the diced of a workhouse have the same effect upon the Irish labourer that it had upon the English labourer, so that it would induce him to exert himself to keep out of the workhouse ?

The Earl of HADDINGTON could not understood what this test was to be. Was it asking the labourer whether he would starve abroad, or be next to starving in a prison ? But the principle of the bill %, as that of giving relief to the able-bodied. The Irish knew that principle had been proclaimed. Were they to be mocked, then, by the " tebt "— by the question, whether they would starve abroad or be tormented in a prison ? It would be said in Ireland—see, for one relieved among

us, five are relieved in England. It had been already announced that the bill would provide food for agitation. He believed Hutt the distress of Ireland would be best alleviated by employment in public works, and to a certain extent by emigration.

Lord CARBERY recommended the introduction of a more limited measure.

Lords ABERDEEN, RADNOR, CLONCURRY, and the Marquis of LANSDOWNE spoke briefly in favour of the bill. The Earl of GLEN. GALL and the Marquis of LONDONDERRY opposed it ; but we do not find in any of the speeches any thing that had not been, in effect, urged before on one side or the other.

Lord MULGRAVE expressed a strong opinion that excellent results would flow from the mere fact of the anxious attention bestowed by Parliament on the means of diminishing pauperism in Ireland.

Lord Bitouotraer, after apologizing for again addressing the House on this question, also for his absence during the early part of the de- bate,—and alluding to the unwonted and well-timed interference of the Viceroy of Ireland in the discussion,—warned the supporters of the bill, that it would be found impossible, if once they admitted the principle of relieving the destitute able-bodied, to deny &lief to any who wculd claim it, not only in the workhouse but out of doors— The bill, as it now stood, told the famished poor two things. It need ”nt tell

them that they were hungry, and in want of all the necessaries of life,

of those sad and melancholy facts they were themselves sufficiently au. re; Jut it told them now, for the first time, " We, the Imperial Parliament, have pro- vided a board of persons, who have the power, if they please to exert it, to re- lieve your hunger; and they have a fund at their disposal, or may ralse a fund to be at their disposal, from the rich landowners, out of which your wants may be relieved." That was what the bill said to the hungry thousands of lulled; and when it addressed them in such terms, even though the workhouse might be pointed out as the only place at which relief was to be adminietered, their Lordships might depend upon it that they would demand and obtain relief out of doors whenever they stood in need of it.

Indeed, the bill had been well described as a great and hazardous ex- periment—

He held it to be an expetiment upon the whole frame of society in Ireland.

It was hardly less than taking to pieces the whole structure of the civil and social polity of that country. What (lid they do who gave a poor.'aw t, a country which proclaimed that all men, were they ever 80 able to weak, who could not find +honk, or who did not choose to find work, should be supported at the public expense? They did neither more nor less than this—which had hitherto been deemed most monstrous—they attempted to affix

wages. His opinion of this measure was decidedly the same as it had elsays been. He was afraid it would have very little weight. He was afraid their a mammon of

Lordships had resolved to pass the bill. He at least hail relieved himselt. of ail responsibility that was attached to it. He should now:most sincerely gave Ins vote in favour of the amendment ; and should hereafter vote against the bah la too, if it should come out of Committee without the adoption of that and many other essential amendments.

Lord MULGRAVE protested against the attack Lord Brougham had made on him, and called upon the House to bear witness that lie Ind cautiously abstained from saying a word that could be construed into giving an advantage to either side. Lord MELBOURNE observed, that Lord Brougham had alleged the state of the debate—the fact that a noble lord had concluded his speech without saying any thing in reply to his (Lord Brougham's) speech on a former night—as an excuse for his absence during apart of the night be suspected it was not the state of the debate, but the state of something else, which had taken Lord Brougham away. (Lauf:ides.) Be was opposed to the amendment as unjust in principle, and us open- ing a door for imposture and equivocation. Lord BROUGHAM said, that his absenee need not have provoked Loyd Melbourne's sneer. During the eight years he bad sat in the House, he had never before absented himself from such a cause.

There were loud cries of " Divide !" in the midst of which,

Lord WINCHILSEA rose, and in much agitation, said— At my Lords, I have just heard, with the greatest regret and the deepest sor- Tow, a report that a most aa.-1 awl al tt•ining Poor-law riot took place this day in the neighbourhood of my resh:ence in the county of Kent, the consequence of which has hoe!' the In of uptratds tiventy lives. I beg, before we divide, to ask the mark: viscount if he has re..eives1 any information which leads him to believe that th•it repos t is Comet ? 1 liive. been uiven to understand that one officer, Lioltenant Bennett. (.1 the Forty-fifth Regiment, has been killed; that another officer, Captain Monr:ramory, has been wounded ; and that hews en eighteen and twenty of the vovalace have lost their lives. This teport has been brought to the House by a gctalemaa of the county ; and it would be very sa- tisfactosy to me, s the circumstance is said to have occurred in my neighbour- hood, arid as I may have hotsome dearii i••nds on the occasion, if the noble viscount will state whether ur not he has received any information on the sub- ject." Lord Art:t.nOt'axE—" nave In :ad nothing of the kind ; but I un- derstand that a messenger is now waiting for me."

The Committee then di vided-

For Earl Fitzwilliam's amendment 41 Against it 107 Majority 6ti

The House then adjourned, at half-past one.

THE Conoxnalost. In the House of Peers, on Monday, the Mar. quis of LosnoNounite presented a petition adopted at a meeting hdd at the Freemason's 'laser'', tOr the pornponement of the Coronation to the let of August, and against any eurtaihnent of its usual splendour. Earl Frrzwil.Liast said, that the Coronation appeared to him a mere idle pageant, which it would be wise to dispense with altogether— There were periods in our hestory—in the days of Anglo-Saxon or Anglo- Norman ancestors—when the cA•emony of placing the crown on the head of some dal hug adventurer gave him the r.ght to it in the estimation of his semi- barbarous followers ; hut we now live& in different times, and in a country whete the Sovereign was tno touch respected, and reigned so firmly in the hearts and affections of her subjeets, that nothing of loyalty or attachment could be added by the pomp and relernony of a coronation. Ile was sure that our young Sovereign herself attached no value to the pwantry, which he was glad to learn would he omitted. Ile had peat doubts whether the !wing exposed for sevet al hours to the gaze of a mob was consistent with female delicacy. So far from blaming his noble friend* her Majesty's Ministers for omitting the pagenn in NVeiaminster Hall, he regretted that they haul not the courage to go further, and put an end to the whole ceremony, uldell was fit ooly for a semi. barborany he Alargniq SATSPIHMY re:Trottr1 '.1”lt O."! ramnlz of this chnnfrer should be placed in the paltry situation of appearing unable to give their Sovereign a banquet, when totsign powers wet e sending re;sres sentatives to he present at the cerenimiy, at an enormous expense.

The Marquis of LosnoymmeY Irsped that if Lord tzwilliam in- tended to act (you his opinion, and to move that there be no emso.a. tion at all, he would folhe,v it up with another motion, that there he no Earl Fitzwilliatu at all.

The petition was laid on the table.

Tim NATIONAL LOAN FUND AsSra AWE COMPANY BILL was read a second time by the Coomion,. Thim.day; with an understanding between Mr. O'CoNteri.m. told Mr. Poehrier TuomsoN, [kit Ii0 further progress shcatld be made in the measure, until the latter should hero. duce a bill conferriug the poweist ou all joint stork companies, whidt the measure before the House would give to the National Loan Fund Company exclusively.

CIIAMAINS OF TIIE HOUSE. Mr. WYNN, on Thursday, moved an address to the Queen, ',toying that some ecclesiastical preferment might be coat Fred on the three Lae Chaplains of the House of Com- mons, in compliance with the addresses of the House to his late Ala- jesty William the Fourth. Sir Hi ti PEEL supported the metion. Lord JoilN FlussEt.t. alai Mr. i4cifiNG RICE opposed it ; chiefly on the ground, that in run,equetive of the regulation for suppressing sinecures in the Church, the Crown had not the means formerly at its disposal for bestowing the preferment asked for. It also appeared that the ser- vices of each of the Chaplains only extended to one year. Bat the question, Lord John said, was one for the decision of the House. The general impression appearing to be in favour of the address, in- asmuch us the House was in seine slot pledged to make the provision for the three late Chaplaius, Lord John Russell gave way, and Mr. IVynn's motion was agreed to.

New Warr. On Thursday, a new writ was ordered for Dungannon, Lord Nuntbland having accepted time Chiltern Hundreds.

E srertos; PETITION.

The Maidstone Committee was chosen on Thursday.

Liberate-7; Tories-4; ,jr_ Villiers Stuart, Lord Ernest Bruce,

Mr. Beatnish, Earl Jermyn,

Mr. John Peeves, Sir Charles 'ere, Sir Charles Lemon, Mr. Thomas.

Mr. Frederick Ponsonby, Mr. Eisthope,

Sir John Hohhouse.

The petitioners are Liberal electors of Maidstone against the return of Mr. Fector, the Tory sitting 'Member.