ihitatto nut( rwing inVirliamtut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Horn or Loans. Thursday. January 31. Opening of the Session—The Ad- dress, in reply to the Queen's Speech, moved by Lord Gosford, seconded by Lord. Abingdon, and agreed to. Friday, February 1. The Queen's reply to the Address, read by the Lord Chan- cellor.

Horse or CONXONS. Thursday, January 31. The Address, in reply to the Queen's Speech, moved by Mr. Syng, seconded by Mr. Baxter, and agreed to. Friday, February 1. Alien Bill; Lord Pahnerston's Reply to Mr. T. Duncombe —Report on the Address agreed to—Minister of Education ; Sir George Grey's Promise—Law of Partnership ; Mr. Lowe's Bill, read a first time—Joint-Stock Companies ; Mr. Lowe's Bill, read'a first time.

- TIME-TABLE.

The Lords.

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment. Meeting. Adjournment.

Thursday Friday 511 . 8b 5m 511 20m Thursday Friday 411 .... 71130.,, 4h .... 8h 30ta Sittings thisWeek, this Session, 2; Time, Si, 25m 2; — 31125m

SittingsthisWeek, —this Session,

I; Time, 811 Om 2; — t3h Om

OPENING OF THE SESSION.

QUEEN Vic-roaa. opened the session of 1856, on Thursday, with that splendid formality so well known. The House of Peers was amply filled before her arrival ; the chief characteristic of its appearance being the vast assemblage of Peeresses and their friends. There was a "thin red line" of Peers on either side ; the Judges sat back to back on the Wool- sack ; the Diplomatic Body mustered in considerable strength—the American Minister conspicuous in his ordinary evening black ; the Clerks were at the table ; all the rest of the House, the seats on the floor, the galleries above, were filled with ladies clad in brilliant and variegated attire. Among the earliest arrivals of the Peers were the Earl of Devon and Lord Combermere ; after them came the Earl of Clarendon, Lord Campbell, Lord St. Leonards, the Duke of Cain- bridge, Lord Panmure, and the Duke of Newcastle, "with a well-de- veloped Crimean beard." The Queen entered the House at twenty minutes past two o'clock ; leaning on the arm of Prince Albert, and attended by the Duchess of Sutherland and the Duchess of Wellington. Lord Gran- ville bore the Sword of State, Lord Harrowby the Cap of Maintenance, the Marquis of Lansdowne carried the Crown on a velvet cushion. When her Majesty was seated, and the Officers of State had taken up their posts, the faithful Commons" were summoned ; and shortly after, headed by the Speaker, they entered in a dense column, and with their usual demonstrations of vigour. When order was restored, the Lord Chancellor' kneeling, presented a copy of the Speech to the Queen; which her Majesty read, as follows. "My Lords and Gentlemen—Since the close of the last session of Par- liament, the arms of the Allies have achieved a signal and important success. Sebastopol, the great stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, has yielded to the persevering constancy and to the daring bravery of the Allied forces. The naval and military preparations for the ensuing year have necessarily occupied my serious attention; but while determined to omit no effort which could give vigour to the operations of the war, I have deemed it my duty not to decline any overtures which might reasonably afford a prospect of a safe and honourable peace. Accordingly, when the Emperor of Austria lately offered to myself and to my august ally the Emperor of the French, to employ his good offices with the Emperor of Russia, with a view to en- deavour to bring about an amicable adjustment of the matters at issue between the contending Powers, I consented, in concert with my Allies, to accept the offer thus made ; and have the satisfaction to inform you that certain conditions have' been agreed upon, -which I hope may prove the foundation of a general treaty of peace. Negotiations for such a treaty will shortly be opened at Paris.

"In conducting those negotiations, I shall be careful not to lose sight of the objects for which the war was undertaken ; and I shall deem it right in no degree to relax my naval and military preparations until a satisfactory treaty of peace shall have been concluded. "Although the war in which I am engaged was brought on by events in the South of Europe, my attention has not been withdrawn from the state of things in the North ; and, in conjunction with the Emperor of the French, I have concluded, with the King of Sweden and Norway, a treaty contain- ing defensive engagements applicable to his dominions, and tending to the preservation of the balance of power in that part of Europe. "I have also concluded a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, with the Republic of Chili. I have given directions that these treaties shall be laid before you. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The Estimates for the ensuing year will be laid before you. You will find them framed in such a manner as to provide for the exigencies of war, if peace should unfortunately not be concluded.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—It is gratifying to me to observe that not- withstanding the pressure of the war, and the burdens and sacrifices which it has unavoidably imposed upon my people, the resources of my empire re- main unimpaired. I rely with conhdence on the manly spirit and en- lightened patriotism of any loyal subjects for a continuance of that support which they have so nobly afforded me ; and they may be assured that I shall not call upon them for exertions beyond what may be required by a due regard for the great interests, the honour, and the dignity of the em- pire.

"There are many subjects connected with internal improvement which I recommend to your attentive consideration. "The difference which exists in several important particulars between the commercial laws of Scotland and those of the other parts of the United Kingdom, has occasioned inconvenience to a large portion of my subjects engaged in trade. Measures will be proposed to you for remedying this evil. - "Measures will also be proposed to you for improving the laws relating to partnership, by simplifying those laws, and thus rendering more easy the employment of capital in commerce. The system under which the merchant shipping is liable to pay local dues and passing tolls has been the subject of much complaint. Measures

will be proposed to you for affording relief in regard to those matters. , "Other important measures for improving the Law in Great Britain and in Ireland will be proposed to you ; Which will, I doubt not, receive your attentive consideration. "Upon these and all other matters upon which you may deliberate, I fer- vently pray that the blessing of Divine Providence may favour your coun- sels, and guide them to the promotion of the great object of my unvaryin, solicitude, the welfare and the happiness of my people?' The Queen then retired ; and both Houses of Parliament sherd)" afterwards ds adjourned—the Lords until five, the Commons until four o'clock. When the Honk of Peers reassembled, the benches were well filled. Five Ministers—the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Clarendon, Earl Granville, Lord Panmure, and the Earl of Harrowby--occupied the of- ficial benches ; and, on the same side of the House were the Earl of Aberdeen, Earl Grey, and the Duke of Newcastle. Conspicuous among the Opposition were the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Malmesbury, and Lora Lyndhurst.

After the Queen's Speech had been read, the Earl of GOSFORD rose and moved, that an humble address should be presented to her Majesty in reply to her gracious speech. After a brief preface, he said that he had looked forward with joyous anticipation to the probable result of the campaign of 1856; but the scene had changed, and, with feelings strongly enlisted on the side of the vigorous prosecution of the war, he found himself, somewhat reluctantly, transformed into an advocate of peace. lie dwelt emphatically on this point ; describing in general terms how the immensity of our resources was just beginning to produce its effect. But, strong as might be his disinclination to peace, he was bound to ask whether they were at liberty to refuse pacific overtures ? He had there- fore become reluctantly, an advocate of peace—but only on condition that the terms of that peace would be such as our successes require. Go- ing through the heads of the Queen's Speech, Lord Gosford moved the Address, in the usual form.

The Earl of ABINGDON, in seconding the motion, took a wider scope. Ile compared the relative positions of England and Russia ; alluded to the successes of the Allies the cordial union of England and France ; and, appealing to their Lordships to put party-spirit in abeyance, urged them to show that there was perfect unanimity in the British Parlia- ment, and that, anxious as we are for peace, yet if that peace cannot be obtained on a firm, safe, and honourable basis, "we are unanimous in our determination to support the Crown in an instant, immediate, and vigorous resumption of hostilities."

The Earl of DERRY, responding to Lord Abingdon's appeal, said that he and his friends had no desire to interfere with that unanimity so es- sential at this time. But while he went along with the address in an- swer to what, in constitutional phrase, is termed a "gracious" speech, he must be permitted to deal with the speech as it is, and not as it is not—as the speech of the Ministers, not the speech of the Sovereign. In documents of this kind, we do not look for ornaments of style and elegance of diction, we are satisfied with plain English ; but of all the documents of the kind he ever met with, there is none that can so little pretend to the graces of diction, or even the intelligible conveyance of information. Of course he did not know who suggested the paragraphs relating to the war; but if Lord Panmure suggested them, "it must have been at the close of one of those exhausting attacks to which he as well as I am unfortunately subject, or under the influence not more exhilarating of that meagre diet which is their necessary accompaniment. The speech is redolent of water-gruel." [This sally drew forth a burst of laughter—both noblemen being notoriously subject to the gout.] The document reminded him of those school-day "themes" in which care is taken not to exceed the allotted six-and-thirty lines, and within that limit "to dilute with the largest possible amount of feeble and unmean- ing language the smallest modicum of sense." We do not desire to see the longwindedness of a President's message ; but we have been accustomed to see some notice taken of our foreign relations—some indication that we have an Indian empire, some reminder that we have Colonial possessions, some mention of our commerce and internal affairs. But the speech of that day was so bare so bald, so meagre, as to warrant the distinction that it was not the speech of a Sovereign but of a Minis- ter. Had her Majesty been left to the promptixigs of her own heart, could those who have observed the warm, kindly, womanly sympathy she has shown to her wounded soldiers' watching their sick-beds, and decorating the survivors with her own hand, believe that she would have used the cold language of the speech, and confined the expression of her feelings to the simple statement, that since the close of the last session of Parliament, Sebastopol, the great stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, has yielded to the persevereing constancy and to the daring bravery of the Allied forces ? Her Majesty would have expressed a deep sense of gratitude to the Almighty, and have asked her Parliament to join in the expression of gratitude to those brave men, who, under Almighty Pro- vidence, have been enable to achieve so important a success. That would have strengthened the flame of loyalty that burns in the troops, and have encouraged those deeds of daring on which the language of the speech is calculated to throw a damp. The House was asked to thank her Majesty for the information that the great stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea was captured,—information which for the last three months has been notorious all over the world. "Within that time information of that fact, so far as it is a fact—because unhappily it is not a fact— might be derived from the columns of any newspaper." We have ob- tained the Southern side of Sebastopol ; the Russians have destroyed their fleet; we have blown or are blowing up.he decks ; but the strong- hold on the Northern side still holds us at defiance.

Turning to the next paragraph, he rejoiced to learn that naval and military preparation for the ensuing year have occupied the Government ; for, much as he should welcome a peace that will secure the objects of the war, it will be a permanent disgrace to this country if we accept a peace that falls shortof those objects. Ile could not blame the Govern- ment for entering into negotiations, although he might entertain con- siderable doubt with regard to the quarter from .which they proceed. But the language of the paragraph in which those negotiations are men- tioned is not satisfactory. It would have been more gratifying if the Government could have stated that the Emperor of Austria had applied for the sanction of the Emperor of Russia to employ his good offices with the Sovereigns of France and England ; for, from the language of the speech, the impression in Europe will be that we are virtually appli- cants to Russia for peace, and not that Russia is the- applicant. (" No, no .1" from the Ministerial benches.) "Noble lords opposite say No, no. The statement they make is this—that Austria has applied for your consent to employ her good offices with Russia towards obtaining the assent of Russia to certain conditions in whieh,.you have signified Your concurrence." If Russia were not the party preserving the right to grant the conditions subnsitted .to her, or to refuse them, he did not understand the force of language.

Lord Derby next commented on two remarkable omissions from the Toech—Sardinia is altogether ignored; not one mention is made of

Turkey. Ile thought Turkey was a principal in the war; but now, forsooth, propositions of peace are made to and accepted by France and England! Lord Derby was not surprised at another omission. If such ungracious terms are applied to those who have succeeded, it is no wonder that no language is found to record the matchless endurance and gallantry of those who in a distant and deserted Asiatic town, had so nobly main- tained the honour of English arms. But might not words have been found to cheer those whose gallantry has consigned them to the depths of a prison ? Standing in that place, feeling that his words might reach them in their prison, he would say to a Williams, a Teesdale, a Lake, a Thompson—" You may rest assured that this House and the country deeply sympathize with you in your misfortunes ; that we honour the valour and prize the fame of the brave defenders of Kars as not below those of the moie fortunate conquerors at Sebastopol." Well might a blush rise to the cheek of the Minister, and well might he hesitate when about to inscribe in a Queen's speech the significant word " Kars,"—a name of immortal honour to its defenders, but equally a name of eternal reproach and shame to those who left that devoted band unsuccoured and unavenged. lie did not 'mow to what influence we might ascribe this fatal disaster. He would mention a rumour, that, if possible, it might meet with prompt and explicit denial. It was said that Kars was neg- lected because of some miserable jealousy between two great allies—a paltry fear that we should be seeking our exclusive interest in Asia. Any measure having for its object the exclusive advantage of England only, would be unworthy of a British Government ; but it would be equally unworthy of our illustrious ally for him to harbour a dark sus- picion against our Government. Such an unfounded mistrust would show, that whatever the alliance may be in name, it is nothing in sub- stance ; it would paralyze our efforts : for us to yield would be de- grading and and humiliating, and we should be reduced from complete equality to the miserable position of obsequiously following in the wake of France. It was also said that her Majesty's Ambassador at Constan- tinople had treated with contempt urgent demands for aid : but until he should have the most indisputable evidence of it in writing, Lord Derby said he could not believe that the Ambassador could have so far forgotten his duty to the Queen. He hoped the Govenuneut would lay on the table the papers relating to the disastrous abandonment of Kars. Prima facie, there is a grievous charge against the Government. Where was the Turkish Contingent ? 'Where the men raised under the Foreign Enlistment Act ? how are we to account for the imprisonment of thirty or forty thousand troops at Eupatoria ? He demanded an explanation of an occurrence that had filled the enemy with exultation and the heart Of the British nation with painful emotions.

Returning to the prospects of peace and the pending negotiations, Lord Derby expressed his concurrence in the view that the Foreign Secretary had formerly expressed of the objects of the war ; and dis- tinctly intimated the course he should take.

"I am prepared to give her Majesty's Government this assurance, that during the course of the deliberations now about to be entered on I v-ill my- self carefully abstain—and I will impress on all with whoin'l have the slightest influence the necessity of refraining—from making any comments, suggestions, or observations which can have the effect of unnecessarily em- barrassing the Government in the conduct and management of the negotia- tions They shall be vexed with no wanton interference, with no vexatious conunents, with no unnecessary questions ; and that no impedi- ment shall be offered to the course of their proceedings until they shall have brought us to one of two issues—a durable and honourable peace, or the re- newal of a just and necessary war." (Cheers.) He disclaimed altogether the doctrine that Parliament should be the constant and daily adviser of the Sovereign in matters of peace and war. Those matters are the prerogative of the Crown, exercised by its respon- sible Minister. When the Minister has performed his task, then it is for Parliament to approve or condemn. But he trusted that there would be no indefinite and uncertain suspension of hostilities—no armistice, if possible—certainly none by sea ; and not an indefinite prolongation of perhaps fruitless negotiations, which would spoil our opportunities and enable Russia to recruit her strength.

a course would be likely to lead to a friendly solution. Such a subject could not have been alluded to without the Government being prepared to lay upon your Lordships' table the correspondent* which has taken place on

the F ubjert ; and as that correspondence is still in progress, to lay it en your Lordship' table in its present state could have led to no sa-

tisfactory conclusion. The most recent demands of the Government of the 'United States arrived only two days ago, and it would not have been conducive to the public interest to produce them at the pre-aent moment. The origin of the point now in dispute is as follows. On the breaking out of the war, numerous applications from fo- reigners, and also from British subjects in the United States, were made to the British Government for permission to join the army in the East. Some of these applications were made from politieal motives, some on accusing of a political interest in the issue, and others from other causes; and in conse- sequence of them, instructions were sent to the Governor of Nova Scotia, to consider whetlwr persons froth the United States desirous of enlisting in the British service could be reeeived at Halifax. These instructions were inane known to Mr. Crampton ; and he was told that, however desirous her Ma- jesty's Government were to obtain recruits, they were still more anxious that there should be no violation or infringement of the municipal law of the United States. Shortly afterwards, an agent opened an agency-office ; and upon complaint being made, Mr: Crampton desired that it might be made public that the British Government did not recruit or raise soldiers in the United States ; and he made known his instructions to Mr. Marcy, who then expreased himself satisfied. The passage of persons wishing to go into Canada to enlist was paid, and Judge lame laid down the rule that to pay the passage of men to a foreign port and then enlist them is no violation of international law. Those persons whose passage to Canada was paid went as volunteers ; aid, upon arriving there, they were not bound to enter into the Britiali service, and, in point of fact, a large number of them preferred undertaking work in Canada. A correspondence of a not very amicable character has taken place between the two Governments ; but the transac- tions to which it refers are bygone transactions, and from the commence- ment the British Government have disclaimed all intention of infringing in any war the law of the United States. I say, then, that any difference of aion which may exist has reference to bygone transactions ; and I cannot believe the two nations, having been bound together, as the noble Earl has observed, by such unity of interests, that such a question as this is not ca- pal-!e of a !peach- and amicable solution. With the conduct of Mr. Crampton we are perfectly satisfied ; for I am convinced that neither intentionally, nor unintentionally, nor accidentally, did he violate any law of the United States. I therefore do hope that the question will be 'brought to a satis- factory solution. But I do not think that that result would have been pro- moted: by any allusion to it in the Queen's Speech ; and sorry indeed should I be if our friends on the other side of the Atlantic were to think that the aimance of any allusion to them was treating them with anything like con- tempt or disrespect.

‘• It is hardly, my Lords necessary for me to say, that I deplore, in corn- MIMI with the noble Earl, the magnitude of the loss which we have sustained by the fall of Kars. I can only say that the whole of the papers connected with the subject, from the time when Colonel Williams was sent out by her Majesty's Government down to the latest pericd, shall be laid before Par- liament; and I must beg of your Lordships to suspend your judgment until you shall have had an opportunity of seeing those papers. The noble Earl has alluded to reports which have been widely circulated with regard to the feeling said to exist in the French Goverment or the French nation with respect to assistance having been withheld from Kars. I do not mean to say that the French press may not have tiro:wiled the idea that, if the war were to be carried into Asia Minor, it would be a waste of French blood and Freoeh treasure for English purposes' but I must give the most unqualified &mill to the supposition that such is the opinion of the French Emperor or of the French Government.

" With respect to the negotiations for peace, I am sure that your Lord- ships will feel that it would be indiscreet in ine on the present occasion to give to your Lordships more information upon the subject thanI should be strictly justified in doing ; and I think, as the gracious Speech of her Ma- jesty has indicated the course which has been pursued, that I need hardly add that her Majesty's Government, fully rasing on the support of Par- liament and the people of this country, lied intended and were pre- pared to carry on the war with much greater means than they have hi- therto 110SSeSSOfi . Her Majesty's Government never were disinclined to listen to overtures of peace, and they were all along anxious to bring the war to a satisfattory.conclusion. It certainly was not for England and France to make any overtures to Russia ; and I think we can understand, and, I had ahuost said, can respect, the motives which induced Russia not to make overtures to us : but Austria was in a position to proffer her good offices; and the time that she chose for doing it was an excellent one, when the ap- proach of winter rendered the cessation of hostilities necessary. But it was no mediation which Austria offered. She simply offered to ascertain and make kuown at St. Petersburg the terms upon which the Allies would con- stint to peace ; and I must do the Austrian Government the justice to say, that from the first they admitted the necessity that those terms should Le clear and precise, in order to do away as much as possible with the chance of misapprehension, and, by avoiding those misunderstandings and compli- cations which arose last year, to bring the negotiations to a successful issue. It was impossible for her Majesty's Government, according to their sense of duty, to refuse those good offices. However confident they might have been that another campaign would have increased the military fameof England, and might have led to a treaty of a dinbrent and more comprehensive cha- racter, yet such anticipations would have been wholly unjustifiable if they had induced us to prolong the war when a prospect appeared of attaining the objects for which that war was undertaken ; and, notwithstanding the spirit which now animates this country, I believe that the cool judgment and right reason of the people of England will approve the course which we have taken. The original proposal of Austria was to communicate those terms to Russia on her own responsibility ; but we saw that it would be useless for Austria to send those terms to St. Petersburg without the sanc- tion of the Allies. And here let me say that there was no disrespect in- tended either to Sardinia or to Turkey by omitting them from the Queen's Speech. We are deeply sensible of the courage which Sardinia has evinced, and of the manner in which she embarked in the contest, and in which she has carried out her engagements ; but we thought that it was simply neces- sary for her Majesty to declare that, in concert with her Allies, she had con- sented to accept the good offices of Austria with the Emperor of Russia. Austria, however, 'became a party to the terms in question ; she made herself responsible for them ; and she entered into engagements to break off her diplomatic relations with Russia if they were rejected, and afterwards to eancert with the Allies as to the means of coercing Russia. Those terms were sent by the Austrian Minister to St. Petersburg : he was to ask for a categorical-answer, yes or no. He was simply the bearer of a despatch ; he was forbidden to discuss its contents, and he was on no account to admit any modifications or counter-propositions whatever. The answer of Russia was transmitted direct to Vienna. It was not in the form required by Austria, but contained some very important modifications; and the Austrian Go- vernment hereupon informed the Russian Minister at Vienna, that unless a categorical answer were received within a stated period, the Austrian Mia. later with the whole of the mission at St. Petersburg would leave that city, and passports would be sent to the Russian Legation at Vienna. That was communicated by Prince Gortschakoff to his Government ; upon which an acceptance pure and simple was sent by telegraph to Vienna. The de- spatches containing it arrived at Vienna on the 24th instant. The sub-. stance of it was communicated to her Majesty's Government the day before yesterday ; and the plan which is proposed to be adopted is this—That the tenus which have been accepted by Russia shall be agreed to by the repre- sentatives of tho Allies at Vienna; that the representatives shall then aiga a short protocol, agreeing that the preliminaries shall be signed at Paris ; that an armistice shall be entered upon, and that the provisions of the treaty shall then be determined. Although I shall not enter further at pre- sent into the terms or duration of the armistice, and think that it would not be right to discuss it at this time, yet I must take the opportunity of saying, that I entirely agree with the noble Earl opposite that it should be of the shortest possible duration. " I have now informed your Lordships of the present state of affahm ; and I will not deny that great doubt and anxiety are entertained as to the result. It is impossible to deny that doubt is felt as to the sincerity with which Russia may have accepted the conditions. The very readiness which she has shown in accepting them has increased that doubt ; and the manner in which she proceeded last year, after having purely and simply accepted the terms then proposed, has still further added to it. We can only hope that Russia is sincere—for my own part I believe that she is. I think that Rus- sia desires a peace ; and I think that the Emperor of Russia has shown great moral courage in at once accepting terms which he has reason to believe are displeasingto the War party in Russia. I hope he will continue to exhibit the same moral courage, and that he will, without any attempt at evasion, abide by the letter and spirit of these terms. Should he do so, I think we have a prospect of speedily obtaining that which has throughout been the object of the war—a safe and honourable peace., By an honourable peace, I mean a peace which will be honourable to both parties, for a peace which would degrade Russia would not be a safe peace. -For my own part, I think that Russia has accepted conditions which will cast no stain upon her. She must be aware that the aggressive policy which has been imputed toher is the cause of alarm and irritation to Europe, and that it will be resisted ; and it is on that account that she has been required and has consented to give guarantees for maintaining the independence of the Ottoman empire. I say there is no dishonour or degradation east upon Russia by the accept. mice of these terms ; the only dishonour will be in the evasion of them. " Butony Lords, our sincerity in these negotiations is also called into question. Your Lordships may probably be aware, that throughout the Continent of Europe we are accused of insincerity in accepting these con- ditions. It has been said that, though we have accepted them, we mean to continue the war, simply because we want more war, not for any definite end, but in the expectation that another campaign would be productive of more military glory, which would serve to compensate us for the sacrifices we have made. I mention these reports, because they have been widely circulated and pretty generally believed, and also because I desire Oil the part of her Majesty's Government to give to them the most unqualified de- nial. (Cheers.) However much we may be aware of the spirit which ani- mates the country ; however much it may be regretted that the vast prepa- rations which we have made—preparations inch as there has been no in- stance of before in the history of this country—should not be turned to ac- count, and should not be made to redound to the military and naval fame of England ; yet I am Convinced that the number pf persons who put faith in these reports will be very rapidly diminished, *hen it is seen that, not- withstanding all the efforts we have made, and all the sacrifices we have undergone, we hold faithfully to the conditions which we have once ac- cepted. But, should any attempt be made to deprive us of the conditions which we have a right to demand, and to which we have already agreed, then I believe the people of this country would be as one man. They would not consider any sacrihces too great to carry on the war; and we might then expect conditions of a very different nature from those which her Majesty's Government have now accepted, and to which they will frankly and honourably adhere. (Cheers.) "There is another reason which has induced me to allude to these re- ports ; and I hope it is not presumptuous in me to allude to it, as it is of a personal nature. Her Majesty has been pleased to desire that I should go to Paris as the negotiator on her behalf. However gladly I should have de- clined this honour, and however unfeignedly I may distrust my own powers satisfactorily to conduct negotiations which involve so many_ intricate and complicated questions, yet I feel it my duty to obey her Majesty's coin- mewls, and to place any experience I may have gained in the matters likely to be discussed at her disposal. Whatever power of usefulness, however, I might possess, would be entirely extinguished if it were thought that I un- dertook—or was capable of undertaking—that mission with any other ob- ject than that of bringing it to a successful issue. (Cheers.) Acting on the part of her Majesty's tiovemmeut, I shall enter upon negotiations with a sincere desire for peace ; and it will be with unfeigned regret if I have to withdraw from them with the conviction that peace is impossible on terms consistent with the dignity and honour of this country. And, my Lords, I think I may say, without any violation of official reserve, that the senti- ments of her Majesty's Government are entirely shared by the Emperor of the French. I hope it is not presumptuous in me to say, that the judgment, firmness, and moderation, the straightforward and honourable conduct of Ids Majesty's Government in these matters, are beyond all praise. The Emperor of the French desires peace, but he will make no peace which is inconsistent with the dignity and honour of France. Like her Majesty's Government, he is determined that the naval and military preparations shall go on with uninterrupted activity, in order that both countries shall - be completely prepared for war on the very day on which it is understood that the negotiations for peace have failed." (Cheers.) When the question was put, the Address was agreed to without a dig-sentient voice.

In the House of Commons, the Address was moved by Mr. BYNG. In an easy, fluent style, he ran over the topics natural to the occasion ; touching with a free hand on the paragraphs of the Royal Speech ; and urging Ministers, should they find that Russia merely intended to cheat them by diplomatic intrigues out of what they had won by the sword, to appeal to the patriotism of Parliament and the good sense of the country—to that great branch of the service which only needs a fair opportunity for exercising its multiform power with success, and that army now inured to the hazards of war—and the event could not be doubtful. Mr. BAXTER, the seconder of the Address, treated of the unanimity of the country in supporting the war ; the losses of Russia; and the alternative of peace or war. The Teeple do not want to see a repetition of what occurred last year. -1Ie urged two things upon Ministers,—not to submit to any delay in carrying on the proceedings of the conference ; and not to omit a single preparation necessary for another campaign. "Unless all possible means are taken to strengthen our army and navy, the noble Lord at the head of the Government must

understand that he will have to encounter not only an enemy abroad, but a dissatisfied people at home."

MT. DISRAELI spoke briefly. He began by expressing his satisfaction that her Majesty should have acceded to conditions which she hopes may prove "the foundation of a safe and honourable peace " ; and that she will not lose sight of the objects of the war. He could not criticize the terms of peace, for no authentic information on the subject was before the loose;' and he hoped that under these circumstances the House would exercise " that prudent but high-spirited reserte which, while it shrinks from embarrassing a Minister qn whom is about to devolve the fulfilment of so difficult a duty, will at the same time watch with the utmost vigilance—I will not say suspicion—the course of all his pro- ceedings." No little advantage will be gained from the prosecution of negotiations while Parliament is sitting. • The fact that Parliament is assembled will exercise a salutary moral influence on the conferences. Mr. Disraeli said that he was glad to hear—so many statements had been made on the subject by persons in authority—that Government, in attempting to conclude a peace, will seek to attain the purposes for which the war was undertaken. A noble Lord assured the other House that one of the objects of the war was to vindicate the oppressed nationalities. In a few days that noble Lord was called to take one of the highest places in her Majesty's Councils : of course, the object was to subject his too fervid enthusiasm to the cooler atmosphere of Cabinet society ! It showed, at all events, that gentlemen should be cautious. Mr. Disraeli deprecated the continuance of the war for the sake of adding lustre to our arms. The abstract principle that we should continue a war to gratify the vanity or support the reputation of the community is ques- tionable; but in any case it does not apply to our circumstances. The lustre of our arms has not been dimmed. He could not easily describe the immensity of the resources at our disposal and the energy we have already displayed. But it is monstrous to say that nations should never engage in war unless they are sure to win great victories that will figure among the decisive battles of the world. That would be to degrade us front the vindicators of public law to the gladiators of history. Mr. Disraeli alluded to the serious catastrophe of Kars, with its omission from the Speech ; and said that the Government must fully understand, that it is a subject upon which the country and the House will expect and require the most ample explanation. [The House cheered repeatedly as the speaker uttered a brief eulogy on the defenders of Kars.] At the close of his speech, he referred to the possibility of a slip between the cup and the lip in the peace negotiations. 'All this I admit.; but we have at least the satisfaction of knowing, that if her Majesty fails in the negotiations which are now about to be carried on—if the conditions of 'peace, of which the noble Lord is cognizant but with which we are unacquainted, may not effect that great result which is now generally expected and generally desired—we have the satisfaction of knowing that her Majesty may appeal with confidence to her Parliament to support her in a renewed struggle ; and that there is no sum which Parlia- ment will not cheerfully vote, or her people cheerfully raise, to vindicate her honour and maintain the independence-and interests of her kingdom."

(Cheers.) -

pause of a few moments ensued. Then Lord PALMERSTON, rising, said he had waited to the last moment to see if any other Member wished to express his opinions. He complimented the mover and seconder of the address on that strain of eloquence and good feeling that must have gratified the House : he hoped they would often renew the display. He was bound also to say that nothing could be more becoming than the position filled by Mr. Disraeli, and the CORM he had taken on that occa- sion. Lord Palmerston entirely agreed, that when great national ques- tions are pending between the Government of this and other countries, so far from being hurtful, the presence of Parliament gives strength to the Government, and is a cheek upon it should it wish to depart from its duty. Therefore, although it has been rumoured that Government in- tended to propose an adjournment, such a thought has never passed through their minds. With regard to the negotiations, as soon as any step is taken—as soon as Ministers can consistently with the public in- terest do so—they will give the House every information. It will not be their duty to urge the country to continue the war, if we can now accomplish those objects for which the war was undertaken. "No doubt, the resources of the country are unimpaired. No doubt, the naval and military preparations which have been making during the past twelve months, which are now going on, and which will be completed in the spring, will place this country in a position, as regards the continuance of hostilities, in which it has not stood since the commencement of the war. We should, therefore, be justified in expecting that another campaign.— should another campaign he forced upon us—would result in successes which might perhaps entitle us to require, perhaps enable us to obtain, even better conditions than those which have been offered to us and have been accepted by us. Butif the conditions which we now hope to obtain are such as will properly satisfy the objects for which we are contending—if they are conditions which we think it is our duty to accept, and with which we believe the country will be satisfied—then undoubtedly we should be wanting in our duty, and should not justify the confidence which the coun- try has reposed in us, if we rejected terms of that description merely for the chance of greater successes in another campaign. These were the feelings which actuated her Majesty's Government. We felt, like many others in this country, that the future chances of the war were m our favour ; we felt, like many others in this country, that the available resources of the enemy with whom we are contending were dully diminishing, while our resources, our preparations, and our means of carrying on the war, were continually increasing. But we felt that we should not be justified in rejecting over- tures which promised the possibility of a safe and honourable peace, merely for the prospect of obtaining even greater successes in another year of war. Sir, I think the country Neill approve the course which we have pur- sued."

England-has no need to continue hostilities for the sake of glory ; and if our objects can be gained by other. means, not for glory or victories shall we continue the-war. - In-a -strain of high eulogy Lord Palmerston referred to the gallant defenders of Kars : defeat was most honourable to those who surrendered, more honourable than many successful re- sistances recorded in history. Government have taken all the measures in their power to obtain the exchange of General Williams and his brave companions; and he trusted that they would in due course be regularly exchange& Making some slight references to measures of domestic. im- provement, Lord Palmerston concluded by assuring the House that they were Prepared to enter on the negotiations on the footing suggested by Mr. Disraeli—that Ministers should not be embarrassed by premature discussions, but that Parliament should reserve its right to confirm what is done in conformity with duty, and to manifest displeasure if coatidence has been misplaced.

Mr. ROEBUca observed that the punishment of a Minister is but a poor recompense for the loss of honour. In his view, it was for Perlis,- ment to watch over the interest of England and chalk out the course which the Minister should pursue. lie had no confidence in Lord Pal- merston. " We have seen a great country brought imprudently into a great war ; we have seen that war inefficiently conducted ; it becomes our duty to see that we do not come out of that war with disgrace." Mr. Roebuck took Lord Palmerston to task for not telling them why we went to war. He would supply the noble Lord's place. We went to war in tho interest of humanity. We shamefully allowed Russia to pursue her de- signs, until she threatened the existence of Turkey. Once in possession of the territories of Turkey, Russia would be formidable to England in India. When Russia crossed the Pruth, England, taking fright, stew Russia becoming dangerous to her, and went to war ; still for the lair- rests of humanity, for the interests of England and of humanity are one. Having set this forth, Mr. Roebuck entered upon a sweeping criticism uf our campaigns ; he declared that our honour is tarnished; and prophesied that if peace be made Russia will be in Constantinople in ten years. He also criticized the Austrian propositions, and called upon the House to watch carefully over the negotiations. Sir DE Leex Evart& did not agree with Mr. Roebuck as to the origin of the war. He did not see the slightest ground for being alarmed at Russian projects-on our Indian border. We went to war, not to protect India, but to defend civilization and enforce public law. As to negotia- tions, Sir De Lacy regarded the terms offered as the minimum which could be accepted by us. The debate rapidly died away. Short speeches were made by Mr. STAFFORD, on the excellent condition of our hospitals at the seat of war; and by Lord Joule MANNERS, who desired that the territory of Turkey in Asia should be amply secured.

The Address was agreed to without a dissentient.

LORD WENSLEYDALE'S LIFE-PEERAGE.

In the last section of his speech on Thursday Lord DERBY drew at- tention to the creation of a life-peerage. He supposed that could only have been done" to try the prerogative of the Crown." The House should carefully consider whether it will, can, or ought to submit to the exercise of a prerogative which has been dormant three or four hundred years, which might be used to swamp the House, and which at no time was ever sanctioned as conferring the right to sit and vote in Par- liament.

Earl GRANVILLE said, that the discussion of this subject should not be confined to the Law Lords, hut be shared in by all. Lord CAMPBELL con- curred; but said he entertained extreme doubts whether what had been done was lawful—whether, if desirable, it could be done without the authority of Parliament. It might turn out that it was within the pre- rogative of the Crown, and then their Lordships could consider whether the prerogative had been wisely exercised. Finally, Lord DERBY announced that Lord St. Leonards will bring the question forward on Thursday next.

GOVERNMENT MEASURES.

Mr. HATTER gave notice of eleven bills— A bill to amend the law of Partnership a bill for the Incorporation and Regulation of Joint-Stock Companies a bill to regulate certain Offices in the House of Commons ; a bill to amend Ale Acts relating to Metropolitan Police; a bill to provide for the more effectual Police in Counties and Boroughs in England and Wales; a bill for the better Regulation of the Corporation of the City of London ; - a bill for the Abolition of Passing Tolls, and for the Regulation of Local Dues on Shipping ; a bill to amend the Law of Vacci- nation; and bills for further amending the Laws relating to Prisons in Ire- land, for amending the Laws relating to the Burial of the Dead in Ireland, and for the better Care and Reformation of Youthful Offenders in Ireland.

NOTICES OF MOTION.

Among the more prominent notices of motion given on Thursday, were these--

Mr. STAFFORD, to more for a Committee on the Army Medical Depart- ment; Lord Jon rs Russ:mt., Resolutions on the subject of National Educa- tion in England and Wales ; Sir BE LACY EVANS, the Abolition of Pur- chase in the Army ; Sir WILLIAM CLAY, bill to abolish Church-rates : all these to be moved on an "early day." On Thursday next, Mr. lbeiny BAILLIE proposes to move Resolutions expressing disapprobation of course pursued by the Government in employing agents in foreign countries for the .Enlistment of Foreigners in defiance of the law of those countries. OnTuesday week, Major REED proposes to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the present system of conducting the affairs of the Army ; and on Thursday, Mr. WILLIAMS proposes to move for a Committee to inquire into the Administration of the Navy. Mr. CoLuan fixes Thursday for the introduction of a bill to transfer the Jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Courts to the Common Law Courts. On the 12th February, Mr. Nerien will ask leave to introduce a bill, as a measure of administrative reform; to make

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provion for a Responsible Department of Public Justice.

NEW MEMBERS AND NEW WRITS.

The following Members took the oaths and their seats on the first day of the session,—Sir Charles Napier, for Southwark ; Mr. William Cowper, for Hertford; Mr. Robert Lowe, for Kidderminster ; Mr. Bon- verie, for Kilmarnock; Major Sibthorp, for Lincoln ; Mr. M'Evoy, for Meath ; Mr. Bond, for Armagh ; Captain Jolliffe, for the city of Wells ; Mr. Rust, for Huntingdonshire ; Lord Gifford, for Totness.