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Faueca.—The National Assembly devoted Saturday to the disposal of M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire's accusations against General Cavaignac for his conduct as Minister of War in the insurrection of June. The galleries of the hall were crowded with spectators; and, for the first time since the opening of the National Assembly, the front and second range of seats were occupied by ladies. The Deputies assembled earlier than usual, and the chair was taken by M. Marrast at one o'clock.

General Cavaignae entered the tribune, and, with a brief preface, ques- tioned the gentlemen whom he had named on the Tuesday before, " if they had written or said anything in support of the attacks made on him in con- nexion with the events of June; or if they thought he had betrayed his duties on that occasion?"

In answer to this appeal, M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire entered the tribune and produced an " historical document," composed two months ago, in no contemplation of the present occasion: this document he proceeded to read as his indictment against General Cavaignac. Its charges, which were marshalled with little oratorical display, may be briefly catalogued. General Cavaignac was charged with direct disobedience of the Executive Com- mittee's orders, both in respect to the number of troops he was required to bring into Paris before the outbreak, and in respect to his conduct in the course of the battle; with pursuing such measures as allowed the rebels to gain great strength before they were regularly attacked, and so increasing the loss of lives on each side in the struggle; and with pursuing these measures, and also with using political intrigue, as a means to secure the ends of a personal ambition. It was known to the Executive Committee that the disbanding of the national workshop artisans was to be used as a starting-point of outbreak: General Cavaignac was therefore commanded to assemble in or near Paris regular troops, Moveable Guards, Republican Guards, and police, with artillery and cavalry, to the amount of 40,000 men; and 20,000 men of the army of the Alps were to be put in motion towards Paris, and held as a reserve not far off. These orders weregiven on the 20th of May; but they were deliberalely disobeyed. It was found from General Foncher that in the month of Jane no more troops were in Paris than the 10,000 men originally brought there by M. Arago. On the 22d Jane, M. Marie sent from the Luxembourg a note informing General Cavaignac that all the police- reports assigned the Place du Pantheon and the Luxembourg as intended places of anion for the disaffected next morning, and demanding two regiments of in- fantry and cavalry to be sent to the Pantheon. The time of arrival should have been six o'clock, but no troops had arrived at seven, though 2,000 workmen had then assembled. General Cavaignac denied having received the orders; but Ge- neral Faucher stated that he personally delivered them: and it might be added, that General Faucher, though wounded in the insurrection, had since been dis- missed from his command by General Cavaignac, and removed to an inferior com- mand in a distant department.

Then as to General Cavaignac's general plans. On the morning of the 23d Jane, the Committee discussed with him the scheme of action. Messieurs Arago, Lamartine, Marie, and Ledra-Rollin, wished to oppose the erection of the barri- cades; M. Cavaignac was of a contrary opinion. The Commission desired to sup- port the National Guards by troops of the Line. At the commencement of the struggle there would have been no danger in dispersing the troops throughout Paris; and the troops might have been certain of having the National Guard with them. When the barricades were made and armed, they became so many for- tresses, that must be taken by breach. To allow barricades to be constructed, when they could be prevented, is a great fault. "Do you wish an example?" said M. St. Hilaire: "at the corner of the Rue du Bac a barricade was in con- struction; a platoon of dragoons, who were passing, charged vigorously, and the attempt was not renewed during the four days of combat. The same thing occurred at the Porte St. Denis, where the Third Legion destroyed barricades in the course of construction, which were not afterwards re- commenced. From these delays how much blood has been spilled. The only act which could be forced upon General Cavaignac was to call the artillery from Vincennes: but again, the order given was not executed until the following day. M. Ledru-Rollin in vain gave orders; the plans of General Cavaignac prevented everything. Instead of positive orders, the N..tional Guards were desired to wait; and in their despair the National Guards uttered the most bitter complaints against the Executive Commission. At half-past twelve o'clock M. Bixio arrived in all haste, and told the General that with 200 men he would prevent barricades being erected in the suburb of St. Jacques. The General replied, that he would not scatter and compromise his troops. M. Biala then told him that he did not understand street-fighting, and pledged himself to recapture all the barricades without bloodshed. The General persisted in his refusal; and at three o'clock he proceeded to the barricades of the Boulevard du Temple, and remained absent until past eight o'clock, although he was only to be away half an hour. Mes- sieurs Marie and Ledru-Rollin alone stopped at the Presidency; and as the Gene- 1 ral had requested them not to give orders in his absence, lest they should be con-

teary to his own, those two gentlemen found themselves in the most critical posi- tion, being obliged to refuse all the demands of assistance they received from all quarters." It was not till the afternoon of the 24th that General Cavaignac would commence the attack. His plan was to interfere in nowise till the barn- cedes were erected, and then to pour his troops in columns ou particular points. But General Cavaignac was not in Paris in 1830 or in February 1848; he had never seen a barricade; and he resolved to wage war in the streets as he had been accustomed to do in the plains of Algeria. bl. St. Hilaire teen narrated the stages of the political intrigue whereby, as he declared, General Cavaignac overthrew the Committee and assumed the supreme executive power. M. AdeLwrird came on the 22d of June to the Rue de Puictiers, and announced from General Cavaignac that he was "disposed to assume the go- Imminent." The Club was astounded. M. Gamier Pages went to the Assembly to ascertain its feeling, and obtained an almost unanimous adhesion. At noon on the 23ii, Messrs. .Arago, Marie, Lamartine, and Ledra-Ralliu, made a last en- deavour to induce General Cavaignac to commence the attack. The General re- " Let our National Guard defend their shops. I remember 1830, and would blow out my brains stoner than allow a single company to be compromised." M. Arago replied, that his suicide would answer no purpose, and that it world be fitter for him to attack the barricades. The General replied, " If the insurgents should gain ground, I will retire with my troops into the plain of the Vertus and Deuis, and there give them battle. " We will nut follow you," added M. Arago. Shortly afterwards, General Cavaignac, who was walking up and down in the greatest agitation, went up to a group of members of the circle of the Palais National, and said to them, " What are you deliberating about? Paris is up, and in two hours the insurgents will have invaded the Assembly. It is a revo- lution." An instant afterwards, M. Pascal Duprat entered the Assembly; and, on his motion, a decree was issued, declaring Paris in a state of siege, and invest- ing General Cavaignac with the most extensive powers.

General Cavaignac rose and made a defensive speech of more than three hours' duration. He spoke with a sustained vigour and debating dexterity which amazed the Chamber; passing calmly by, or happily replying in his brief characteristic manner, to numberless interruptions which for some time assailed him. Before sitting down, he obtained a complete Parlia- mentary victory. It is impossible, however, for ns to do more than indi- cate the main features of his defence.

He began by disclaiming any quarrel with the Executive Committee. He well remembered receiving the orders of the Committee to station in Paris a garrison of 20,000 men. On examining the barracks, he found that 25,000 could be brought into Paris. He appealed to General Bedews whether he had not conferred much with him on the arrangements for compressing more troops into Paris.

General Bedean—" I beg to say that this is perfectly true." General Cavaignac--" I have demanded a copy of the orders I issued relative to the increase of the garrison of Paris. This copy is an of copy from the archives of the Ministry at War; and if my adversaries desire to verify the exactness of that statement, I authorize my colleague the Minister at War, and even pray him to allow them to obtain whatever proofs they may think proper to obtain from him." As early as the 19th of May he had sent out of Pans ten

battalions of depet, entirely composed of recruits, to replace them by old soldiers. On the 20th of May he had applied to his colleagues of the Navy ankPublic

Works to procure fresh accommodations for the troops, as there was only room for fourteen regiments. He contrived to lodge sixteen regiments or thirty-two batta- hone, and twelve others were stationed in the immediate neighbourhood. On the 25th and 28th of May further orders were transmitted to the military commanders to send up all the disposable troops. M. de Lamartine every day inquired as to the arrival of the troops; and was told, " The ceders have been given, and the troops are in movement." Taking into account the effective strength of the Garde Mo- bile, the Garde Republicaine, and the Gardiens de Paris, the effective number of the garrison was 45,000 men; and it was afterwards increased to 53,000 by the arrival of the division of the army of the Alps. Neat, as to the letter written by M. Marie on the 22d. The troops demanded were sent; and written documents made it clear that in no instance did troops arrive at their point of destination an hour and a half, an hour, or half an hour, after the time fixed for their arrival—although many times more troops were demanded than could be despatched. He had preserved M. Marie's letter: " I am happy (he said) in being able to.produce this important letter, the original of which I refused to give up; but if the Assembly doubted—("No!")—I fully Comprehend the exclamation of the Assembly; but I am far from calling noisy manifestation to my help. I do not insist. The Assembly has understood me; I merely add, that I would rather be a forger than an assassin. It is fortunate for me that, besides this proof of my having fulfilled the orders of the Execu- tive Committee, I could even indicate the numbers of the corps which I sent thither. Another letter was sent to me, at half-past one in the morning, from M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire; who informed me, in his own name, of the facts bL Marie had stated to me in his letter, and in which he demanded troops for the Pantheon. I sent the troops demanded; but as it was the Luxembourg, the seat of the Government, which was to be attacked, I sent those troops to the Luxem- bourg." He had accordingly faithfully executed the orders of the Executive Committee.

General Cavaignac defended the plan by which he had combated the insur- rection. " Of two things, one must have occurred: either the Commission found it bad or good. If they thought it good, it is enough for me, even should M. Gar- nier-Pages and his colleagues judge it to be bad. I have always thought, and.de- elared before the Assembly itself, that the most important thing of all, in order to defend a city against an emeute, is unity of command. I have also maintained this opinion in the bosom of the Executive Commission, though, doubtless, with less reserve—in a more soldierly manner, if' you like. I would not expose myself to the possibility that, in a given circumstance, any one could, spit in my face, or tear off my epaulets, as was done to a General I shall not name—but why should I not name him ?—to General Tempoure. Without speaking of the moral or po- litical causes which have brought about the overthrow of two dynasties, one of the material causes which have singularly facilitated their fall is, that the men they employed have always treated conflicts in Paris as affairs of police, and not at all OA serious combats. In the position of affairs at Paris on the 223 of June and the preceding days, I had the serious conviction that it was a battle that was pre- paring. On the 23d of June, the Executive Commission and myself took our parts with the clear understanding that I should have the complete command of the troops—that the military command should not be divided, and that I should bring the troops into action in the manner that seemed fit to myself. If the Executive Commission, before whom I laid my plan, held different views, they had but to change their Minister. They did not do so; consequently let no one come and say they disapproved of my system. Besides, I submitted that system to the Generals Lamoriciere, Bedeau. and Foucher, mute days previous to the combat, and they all approved of it. I consider their silence as an assent to what I advance. [Each of the three Generals bowed assent.] Without entering into technical details, you can conceive that the dispersion and insulation of troops would result in their being forcibly disarmed; and that was seen in what happened to the troops in the Place des Vosges. Engaging troops separately in those quarters where the imeute was raging, would have been to expose them to be surrounded, and con- sequently lost. Do not all the returns of the police state that barricades were being erected? The example of the Porte St. Denis was just mentioned, where the barricades, once destroyed, were not rebuilt: I can easily conceive that—it was the head-quarters of my friend General Liunoriciere." (Laughter.) M. Bars thelemy had asserted that the collision had only commenced at noon on the 24ts. Now, he could read to the Assembly the returns of the Ministry of War; from

which it appeared that on the 233 thirty-five soldiers of the army adbeen killed and 160 wounded: among the latter was General Redeem He had not received

the returns of the casualties of the Gerdes Mobiles; but the losses during the five days having amounted to 708, he was justified in saying that the fighting on the 23d was as destructive as on any other day. During his absence, from three o'clock p.m. to eight o'clock, on that day, he had attacked and possessed himself of the barricade of the Rue du Temple; which be thought it would require only half an hoar to carry, but which occupied the seven battalions under his orders three long hours."

After some additional explanation of details, General Cavaignac referred with an indignant disclaimer to the accusations of political ambition; and brought his oration to a characteristic conclusion—" Is it possible that I, or any man in his senses, would for his own ambition risk the lives of so many of his countrymen*

the ruin of a great city, and the destruction of the National Assembly ? No, it is impossible. (Cheers.) All these calumnies must have an end. I am ready to discuss them when you please—now, tomorrow, at any time; and when at last i

an end has been come to, it is no longer the pleadings of the advocate that will be witnessed, but the acts of a soldier." (Great cheering, repeated several times) M. Bixio rose to state, that though he had dissented from General Ca- vaignac as to the proper plans of defence, yet he protested with all the energy of the deepest conviction against the idea that General Cavaignac ever thought of opening a blood-stained path to power by treason or delay. M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire reentered the tribune to explain—

The friends in whose name he had read his " simple historical document" had more than once asked him if he considered General Cavaignac culpable—carried away by ambition ? "I always replied," said Id. St. "blare, " as I do now, that my thoughts never went to that extent." Several Members—" Why, that's a retraotation I " M. St. Hilaire—" No, no; it is rather a confirmation of what I have ever said." General Cavaignac again rose—" M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire has just said that he never dreamt of accusing me of ambitious calculations: let me then tell him, his style is faulty, and that he has said more than he intended. The serum of observations, which in your account follows me as a shadow, from minute to minute—which interprets my every action, making me act in concert with the Parliamentary plot you mention—this series, I repeat, goes further than your thoughts. I do not doubt your sincerity. I do not know you; I have spoken to you but twice: but I can belie4e that, wounded in your feelings, in your affec- tions, and deceived in your hopes, you have written what you did not intend to write. But you yourself have said that what you have written is history: now history does not remain buried in a secretaire; it is printed and put into circula- tion. Your declaration, then, does not suffice; it does not place me in a situation of unassailable honour."

M. Gamier-Pages complained of the murmurs with which his friend was interrupted. " Every word was interrupted by studied murmurs: they were precisely the same murmurs with which the Aides of M. Guizot drowned the voices of the members of the Extreme Left when they disclosed facts useful to the country." M. Pages went on to speak at much length in an ad captandum style, without reference to the charges against General Cavaignac. He avowed that he had no rancour against the individual; sad was at a loss to conceive why the Republics like the Monarchy, should be personified in a man. He charged General Cease gnat with enormous blunders, with dissimulation, and with base ingratitude to

the Executive Commission, which made him a General of Division, Governor- General of Algeria, and Minister of War, and which he in return conspired to throw to the earth. (Laughter.)

M. Landrin, from personal knowledge of facts, bore testimony to the truth.

On the 223, the Representatives of the Palais National assembled, and spon- taneously resolved to offer the Government to General Cavaignac. At six o'clock p. M. three Members waited on the General to apprize him of the resolution of the meeting. The General replied—" I appreciate the gravity of existing cir- cumstances. If the Assembly commanded me, I should accede to its wishes; but we are adherents of the Executive Committee. Do you inform its members of your resolution, and I will do so on my side." Thence they repaired to the Luxembourg, and received this honourable reply from the two Commissioners they met—" Tomorrow circumstances will be too grave for desertion; we will re- main at our post." M. Ledru-Rollin denied that troops were concentrated in Paris, and de- fied General Cavaignac to show it. He concluded a speech of similar staple to that of M. Gamier-Pages with a plea for an amnesty to the hungry men led away by conspirators in the days of June.

General Cavaignac was surprised not to see M. Ledrn-Rollin in the tri- bune, and addressed him personally, thus- " If we both make a statement of our services, it will be seen which of the two has best served the Republic. Address insults to me, and if I were a man to seek to derive an advantage from what you say, be well convinced that I should prefer your insults to your praises." * • • " I well foresaw," said the General to the Assembly, " that in connecting myself with M. Ledru-Rollin, violent passim" would be let loose against me; and under the existing state of things I do not foresee that those passions can cease." General Bddeau stated his opinion that the plan of combating the insur- rection was wisely prepared, and could not have been departed from with- out great risk; and it had been ably carried out. (Great sensation among the Moderates.) M. Dupont de l'Eure closed the debate with peaceful and paternal words- " Nothing but the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed could have determined me to appear in the tribune. I am profoundly afflicted at the dif- ferences that I have witnessed this day amongst us, and which cannot, if per- sisted in, but do injury to the Republic. But, after the luminous explanations given by the President of the Council, bearing as they do such a character d loyalty, they ought to carry conviction into every mind. (Cries of" That is troll Trey have carried conviction to mine, and I hope you will share in my feeling.' He moved a resolution, that " The National Assembly, persisting in its decree of the 28th June last, declaring that General Cavaignac, chief Of the Executive Power, had deserved well of his country,' passes to the or- der of the day."

Twenty members having called for a division, a ballot commenced, and the resolution was affirmed by 503 votes to 34. The result was hailed with shouts of acclamation, and a sitting of nearly twelve hours was con- cluded amid cries of " Vive la Republique!"

In the Assembly, on Tuesday, M. Bixio questioned the Government on the affairs of Italy—

He sought to know the situation of the Anglo-French mediation. He called attention to the accounts which had arrived of what is taking place in Rome; and declared that the Democratic party had made war on the cause of liberty. It was commenced by a cowardly assassmation, and is now finished by an attack upon his Holiness the Pope.

" General Cavaignac himself replied-

" I have to state that the negotiations are going on. As soon as it was pos- sible after the outbreak at Vienna to apply to a regular Government, we insisted an the necessity of a prompt solution being given to the Italian question. This representation has been attended to, and I hope soon to be able to state that some determination has been come to on the subject." "As to the question of Rome, it was only the day before yesterday that an official despatch informed us of what had taken place; and yesterday we sent or- ders to Marseilles to have 3,500 men embarked on board steamers lying there, for the purpose of proceeding without delay to Civita Vecchia. (" Hear, hear!") In addition, M. de Courcelles has been sent to Rome as Envoy Extraordinary. We did not wait to take the orders of the Assembly on the question. In the first place, the case appeared of exceeding urgency ; and next, we believed that we were acting altogether in unison with the wishes of the Assembly. (Cheers.) We reserved to ourselves merely to come here afterwards, and relate what we had done, feeling convinced that we should obtain your approbation." (Cheers.) General Cavaignac read the instructions given to M. de Coarcelles. They di- rected him to proceed at once to Rome in quality of Envoy Extraordinary: "your mission having for object, to intervene, in the name of the French Republic, to have his personal liberty restored to the Pope, should he have been deprived of it. Further, should it happen that he has withdrawn from Rome, to offer him a pro- per reception on the part of the French nation. (Cheers.) You are not to in- terfere in any way in the political affairs passing at Rome; your mission being confined to the purpose just stated relative to his Holiness the Pope. . . . . You are to see that the troops be quartered at Civita Vecchia, or in the imme- diate neighbourhood, so as to be able to act as may seem best for the success of your mission,—namely, the safety of the Pope, and his temporary withdrawal to the territory of the Republic. Such conduct is in full accordance with the old policy of Franca, which we cannot now depart from: it relates to the aid which ought to be given to the Pope's person."

M. Ledru-Rollin wanted a discussion at once; but the Assembly resolved that it should be had on Thursday.

On Wednesday morning, all the Paris papers announced, that " it is by mistake that a journal announced yesterday that the Pope had been obliged to quit Rome." Some of the Opposition papers commented with ridicule on the alacrity with which troops had been sent to rescue the Pope before he was in danger; and declared that the whole affair was an election manatuvre to favour General Cavaignac.

To counteract in some degree the influence of General Cavaignac's tri- umph last Saturday on the pending canvass, the Bonapartists felt that something must be done immediately; and to meet this demand the following address was issued on Monday.

"Louis Napoleon Bonaparte to his Fellow Citizens. "To recall me from exile, you have chosen me Representative of the People. On the eve of electing the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, my name is placed before you as a symbol of order and security. " This testimony of confidence, so honourable, is offered. I am aware, much more to that name than to me, who have as yet done nothing for my country; but the more the memory of the Emperor protects me and influences your suffra- ges, the more do I feel myself bound to explain to you my sentiments and prin- ciples. Between you and me there must be no misunderstanding. "I am not an ambitious man, who dreams now of empire and of war, now of the application of subversive theories. Educated in free countries, in the school of misfortune, I shall ever remain faithful to the duties imposed on me by your suffrages, and by the will of the Assembly. "If I were elected President, I would not shrink from any danger, from any sacrifice, to defend society, so audaciously attacked; I would devote myself en- tirely, and without any reserve, to the consolidation of a Republic, wise by its laws, honourable by its intentions, great and strong by its actions. "I would make it a point of honour to leave to my successor, at the end of four years, power consolidated, liberty untouched, and real progress accomplished. "Whatever be the result of the election, I shall bow before the will of the peo- ple; and my concurrence is obtained in advance for whatever just and firm Go- vernment shall reestablish order in the public mind, as well as in public affairs; shall effectively protect religion, private life, property—the eternal bases of every social state; shall bring about reforms where they are possible; shall calm animo- sities, reconcile parties, and thus permit our troubled country to calculate ma a morrow.

"To reestablish order, is to bring back confidence, to provide by credit for the temporary insufficiency of resources, to restore the finances. "To protect religion and private life, is to insure liberty of worship and liberty of education.

" To protect property, is to maintain the inviolability of the produce of all kinds of labour; it is to guarantee the independence and the security of possession, the indispensable foundation of civil liberty.

"As to practical reforms, the following are those which appear to me moat ur- gent—

" To allow every economy which, without disorganizing the public service, may permit a diminution of the imposts that are most burdensome to the people. To encourage enterprise, which, by developing the resources of agriculture, may, both in France and in Algeria, afford labour to unoccupied hands; to provide for the old age of labourers by provident institutions; to introduce into our industrial laws ameliorations which may tend, not to ruin the rich for the benefit of the poor, but to found the wellbeing of each on the prosperity of all. "To restrain within just limits the number of employments that depend on the Government, and which often make a free nation a. nation of applicants. " To avoid that disastrous tendency which leads the State to execute of itself what individuals can do as well and better than it. The centralization of interests and of enterprise belongs to the nature of despotism; the nature of a republic re- pels monopoly. "In a word, to preserve the liberty of the press from the two extremes which always compromise it—the arbitrary and the licentious.

" With war there is no relief for our evils. Peace shall therefore be the dearest of my wishes. France at her first Revolution was warlike, because she was com- pelled to be so. Invasion she met by conquest. Now that she is not assailed, she May consecrate her resources to pacific ameliorations, without at the same time abandoning a policy true and resolute. A great nation should either be silent or never speak in vain.

" To have regard to the national dignity, we must not neglect the army; the noble and disinterested patriotism of which has often been misunderstood. At the same time that we maintain the fundamental laws which constitute the strength of our military organization, we mu.t lighten, and not aggravate, the burden conscription. We must watch over the present and the future, not only of the officers, but also of the sub-officers an I soldiers, and provide a sure sub- sistence for the men who have long served under our colours.

" The Republic ought to be generous, and have filth in the future: hence I, who hare myself been familiar with exile and captivity, anxiously desire to see the day when a magnanimous pardon may without danger put an end to all pro- eetiptions, and obliterate the last traces of our civil discords.

" Such, my dear fellow citizens, are the ideas that I would carry with meto the exercise of power, if you should call me to the Presidency of the Republic. "The task is difficult, the mission is immense—I know it; but I should not despair to aceompliah it, by taking to the work, without distinction of party, men whom public opinion and their own elevated intelligence and probity would rea commend.

" Besides, whoever has the honour to be at the heed of the French people, these is for him an infallible method of doing good—namely, to will it.

Louts NAr0LitON BOZitirAliTE." " Paris, Nov. 27.

The partisans of the two competitors for the Presidency have resorted to the plan of procuring " characters " of their favourites from men likely to influence votes: the supporters of Cavaignac have obtained a voucher by M. Dufaure; those of Louis Napoleon one by M. Os'ilon Barrot. The letter: of M. Dufaure is remarkable for the explicitness man warmth of its opinion; and promises, from the high character of the writer, to be a valuable card in the game of election. It was written to a M. Odier, in reply to a direct inquiry for M. Dufaure's opinion of General Cavaignac's "character and intentions," respecting which there still remained " some doubt." Tho following are its most striking points- " I had directed my attention for a long time, in my Parliamentary studies, to those young officers who on the soil of Africa so gloriously sustained the honour of our flag. Prepared by a. severe education, tried by the fatigues and varied chances of military life, I saw them, strangers to our constitutional conflicts,, resolutely pursuing the line traced out to them by their duty, and laboriously gaining at the price of their blood all their grades on the field of battle. I felt that they formed the strongest and most serious part of our generation; and I respected them from the bottom of my heart before I saw them, without divining, that society in France would one day owe to them a debt of gratitude for the re- pression of the most criminal disorder in the terrible days of June. I have been f'or two months in intimate and continual relations with one of these officers of Africa, now become chief of the Executive power. The opinion which I had con- ceived is now more firm and more fixed. I am not new in the study of men in the direction of public affairs. I have been able to see closely, I have observed at leisure, for four years past, all the statesmen of these times: I have known was. whose language was more sincere, whose heart was more correct and more disin- terested, whose mind was morejust and more clear, than those of General Cavaignac. I consider him to be the true Republican of our times—a Republican of wisdom, firmness, and conviction. He has a very decided opinion that the Republic can be founded in France only in the midst of peace. He fears that a war would expos* us either to internal convulsions or the domination of a victorious general. Hems his efforts to maintain peace; and be is assisted in this noble enterprise by the confidence which he has been able already to inspire in all the Governments of Europe. General Cavaignac knows as well as you and I, that a Republican Government, like any other, would be impossible in France unless it should make it an absolute duty to protect all liberties and energetically main- tain public order. He has not in any respect or in any degree those despotic or anarchical ideas which by different modes would alike lead the country to ruin. He combats both with equal resolution. I am really as- tonished that his intentions should appear doubtful, to those who have seen for five months how he has maintained order under the most difficult circumstances, amid the warm emotions which followed the days of June, and the ardent anxie- ties which precede the election of the 10th of December. I could not conceive the shadow of a doubt in those who can read the bottom of his heart."

The letter of M. Odilon Barrot is a bare recommendation, not free from. doubts- " I would have preferred a totally different candidate; but, compelled to pro nounce upon one of the two names which alone have the chance of issuing from the ballot-box, I will say! in reply to your demand, that, after many hesitation, I shall probably decide in favour of M. Louis Bonaparte; for the reason 0144 not being pledged to any of the political parties who have brought about the Re- volution, he will be the more easily able to find capable men in every party wiffint to cooperate with him, and to accomplish thus the work of true conciliation, with out exciting cries of treason among his ancient friends."

The Moniteur of Monday published a comparative statement of French- imports and exports during corresponding months of the years 1846, 1847, and 1848. The receipts on merchandise imported in October 1846 were 14,055,655 francs; in October 1847, 12,036,084 francs; and in October" 1848, only 9,089,703 francs. The receipts of the first ten months of the successive years 1846, 1847, 1848, were 128,450,461 francs, 111,883,283 francs, and 71,915,803 francs! Yet the years 1846 and 1847 were con- sidered years of disaster. In the midst of this general depression, one ar ticle has maintained its imports in a singular way: the quantity of raw cotton imported for home consumption in 1848 is nearly double the quantity imported in 1847, and is nearly equal to that of 1846. The exports have. universally diminished. The falling off in the export of tissues of silk is very remarkable: in October 1846, it was 1,089; in 1847, 1,157; in 1848, only 135 metrical quintals.

Ixatx.—The assassination of Rossi proved to be but the commencement of outbreak in Rome. It is described by the Roman correspondent of the Daily News-

" The unfortunate Rossi had used last night language of a most insulting na- ture with reference to the Democratic party and the Opposition generally. This morning he had lined the streets with carabineers and cavalry, and with an air of defiance was proceeding to open the Chambers more like a Dictator than a re- sponsible functionary. Those who crowded round the gateway of the Cancelled& (where the Deputies meet) came rather to hiss and hoot than with any sangui- nary project; when, in evil hour, the haughty spirit of the Count suggested to bins the fancy of braving by gesture and expression the hatred and hostility of, the bystanders: he confronted them with an expression of scorn and contempt; an universal yell was the result, a sudden onslaught, a dagger was forthcoming: at once, and deeply buried in the right clavicle of the neck. The dying man was; taken up to the rooms occupied by Cardinal Gazzoli, and in five minutes expired.'• "The son of Rossi, standing over the dead body of his father, vowed awfaP vengeance on the murderer, whom he says he will devote his life to discover and kill."

The Dutchess of Rignano had written a most pressing letter to the Prime Minister, cautioning him not to attend the Senate-house on the opening day. The document was found on his person.

Rome was predisposed to disorder. " The sudden arrival of the Cara bineers," says a writer on the spot, " the review of that body by the Minis- ter of the Interior, and the report that they were to occupy the avenues) leading to the Chamber of Deputies and the halls of the University, had produced an unusual agitation among the people. An ill-advised article in the official Gazette, containing a bitter attack on the Chamber of Depu- ties, increased the excitement. The Civic Guard appeared in uniform, but, unarmed.; as they were, as well as the officers, convinced that nothing se rious would take place. Crowds had assembled opposite the Palace and in the adjacent square; but their behaviour was perfectly pacific, though se rious and taciturn. The hour of the sitting had arrived; the tribunes were filled with spectators; the Deputies had taken their seats. According to a new plan, the Chamber had been divided into three parts, the Right, Left,, and Centre. Four Deputies only had taken their seats in the Centre; all' the rest occupied the Left. The article of the Roman Gazette had deter

mined even the Ministerialists to side with the Opposition." The fall of the Administration was deemed certain. Suddenly a horrible event was announ- ced—" Rossi is assassinated!" This was at first disbelieved, but was soon found to be too true. It acted like a thunderbolt upon the Assembly. While Rossi was expiring in an adjoining room, the Deputies remained in their places, transacted some formal business, and adjourned. After the death of Rossi a sullen pause ensued. " It is true that towards evening groups of mingled soldiers and citizens, with lighted torches, were heard singing in chorus along the streets-

. Benedetta quells mano Che U Uranno pugualo.

—a translation of the Greek ditty about Harmodius and Aristogeiton." During the night the popular ringleaders were on the alert, and everything was organized for a demonstration. At half-past ten a gathering began in the great Piazza del Popolo, and symptoms of a menacing character were perceptible in the leading streets. The Civic Guards and troops of the line in fragmentary sections mingled with the people; and the Carabineers, whose uniform had hitherto been invariably arrayed against the populace, were now for the first time seen to fraternize with the mob. From the terrace of the I incian 1E11 the spectator could count nearly 20,000 Ro- mans, in threatening groups, and mostly armed. " Printed papers were handed eagerly about, all having the same purport, and containing the fol- lowing Fundamental Points-1. Promulgation and full adoption of Ita- lian nationality. 2. Convocation of a Constituent Assembly and realiza- tion of the Federal Pact. 3. Realization of the vote for the war of inde- pendence given in the Chamber of Deputies. 4. Adoption in its integrity of the Programme Mamiani, 5th June. 5. Ministers who have public con- fidence—Mamiani, Sterbini, Cambello, Saliceti, Fusconi, Lunati, Sereni, Galletti'

" Their ostensible object was to proceed with these five points to the Chamber of Deputies in a constitutional manner. But the chiefs finding themselves in such unlooked-for force of numbers, and many of the Depu- ties being found mixed up with the crowd, the cry was raised to march to the Pope's palace; and accordingly the procession moved on orderly enough through the Corso, another column advancing through the Babuino, and reaching the Quirinal by the avenue opened by Sextus Quintus. It was now one o'clock. The members of the Chamber presented themselves as the mouthpiece of the multitude, and transmitted the five points to the Sove- reign. In about ten minutes the President of the late Ministerial Council, Cardinal Soglia, came forth from the private apartment, and informed the deputation that his Holiness would reflect on the subject, and take it into his best consideration." This message was unequal to the crisis, and a personal audience was insisted on for the deputation. An audience was granted; Galletti, the former Police Minister, (and, strange to say for such a functionary, the most popular man in Rome,) appeared on the balcony, and stated that the Pope " would not brook dictation." Matters grew critical. The Swiss Guard was resolute, but it numbered no more than some two dozen men: escape or defence was equally difficult. Suddenly, one of the advanced sentinels was seized by the mob, and disarmed. The Guard instantly dung back, closed, and barred the palace-gates, and pre- sented their arms at the mass of the besiegers. The die was now cast. "From the back streets men emerged bearing aloft long ladders wherewith to scale the Pontifical abode; carts and waggons were dragged up and ranged within musket-shot of the windows, to protect the assailants in their determined attack on the palace: the cry was, ' To arms! to arms!' and musketry began to bristle in the approaches from every direction. Fag- gots were produced and piled up against one of the condemned gates of the building; to which the mob was in the act of setting fire, when a brisk dis- charge of firelocks scattered the besiegers in that quarter.

" The drums were now beating throughout the city, and the disbanded groups of regular troops and carabineers reinforcing the hostile display of assailants and rendering it truly formidable. Random shots were aimed at the windows, and duly responded to. The outposts, one after another, Were taken by the people, the garrison within being too scanty to man the outworks. The belfry of St. Carlino, which commands the structure, was occupied. From behind the equestrian statues of Castor and Pollux a group of sharpshooters plied their rifles; and about four o'clock, Monsignor Palma, private secretary to his Holiness, was killed by a bullet." Two six-pounders were drawn up and pointed at the gates; but a truce was de- manded, and a deputation again entered the palace bearing " the people's ultimatum,"—which was a simple repetition of the "fundamental points "

cited above. If those terms were not granted, the palace was to be stormed, and every soul in it put to the sword, " with the sole exception of his Ho- liness himself." " Pius no longer hesitated, but sent for Galletti, with whom be remained in conference from six till nearly seven; when the fol- lowing new Ministry was formally proclaimed to the people—Foreign Af- fairs, Mamiani; Home and Police, Galletti; Finance, Lunati; Commerce and Public Works, Sterbini; War Minister, Cambello; Public Instruction and President of the Council, Rosmini. The last name is the only one which the Pope had selected himself: the others were all named by the people. Sterbini is the leading writer in the Contemporaneo. The genius and orthodoxy of Rosmini, who presides over a Ministry so composed, will have ample scope for exercise." The Abbe Count Rosmini has since de- clined the task proposed to him by the Pope's selection, and has been re- placed by Monsignor Carlo Muzzarelli, a popular and enlightened " pre- lato."

The Roman journals of the 17th state that Rome was again perfectly tranquil; the people having themselves removed the barricades erected on the previous day. The Swiss Guards had been disarmed, and were to de- part from Rome that evening; the gates of the palace were delivered up to the Civic Guard, " and the Holy Father is now protected " by the latter. Cardinal Lambruschini escaped from the palace in the uniform of a dra- goon.

On the 18th the new Ministry was installed, and issued its programme.

The Ministers gave their full adhesion to the programme of the 5th June. " Our hearts," they declare, " beat at the idea of the proximity of the moment when we are allowed to hope that we shall at length see the birth of that Federal Compact, which, respecting the existence of the isolated states, and leaving intact their form of government, will serve to insure the liberty, the union, and independence of Italy."

The Piedmontese Gazette of the 20th November contains a proclamation by null.King Charles Albert, declaring Radetzky's decree of a forced loan to be Auszau.—The Vienna journals give the definitive list of the new Aus- trian Ministry, as follows—Prince Felix Schwartzenberg, Premier and Foreign Minister; Count Francis Stadion, Interior; Baron Kraus, Finance; General Cordon, War; Dr. Bach, Justice; Rhinnfeld, Worship; De Bruck, Commerce and Public Works; and Thienfeld, Agriculture.

Count Stadion stipulated that Dr. Bach should be Minister of Justice, and that Weins the State Councillor and some other instruments of Met- ternich should be sent away.

The Diet assembled at Kremsier on the 22d, and was formally opened in the Cathedral Church. Nearly all the members were present. The Minister Stadion appeared for a few minutes; Kraus and Bach were pre- sent the whole sitting.

The funeral of Count Baillet Latour took place on the 20th, with great pomp, at Laxerberg, a league from Vienna. Fifteen thousand troops and twelve batteries of artillery were present, and after the ceremony was over, filed off before Prince Windischgriitz.

The Agramer Zeitung has published a manifesto by the Emperor, dated the 9th November, warning the Hungarians against the "impertinent in- trigues " of Louis Kossuth, and calling on them to make common cause with the Imperial troops and the legal authorities. The Emperor pro. mises that, " the freedom from robot and tithes, which has been granted to you in consideration of a moderate indemnification of your landlords, shall be left untouched." He adds—" You have the guarantee of the law for it; you have the guarantee of my own royal word."

Prince Windischgratz addressed the inhabitants of Hungary and Sieben- burgen, on the 13th November, with an exhortation to loyalty and a re- turn to peace and duty- " To you, the decoyed, the seduced by malignant rebels—to you I say, that the very last moment is come when you still may return to your ancient loyalty. By so doing, you may rely on our Monarch's grace and on my protection and intercession.

" But those who sacrificed this wretched country to their lust of dominion and their cursed vanity shall find a severer judge in me; for protection to the loyal, pardon to the repentant, and destruction to the rebels, is the motto."

He has also issued a proclamation extending for fourteen days—to the 26th November—the period before fixed for General Moga and all the officers and troops now serving in Hungary against the King to return to their Imperial allegiance at his head-quarters. After the extended date,. all persons found in arms against the King will be "judged by the strict letter of the articles of war."

The Agrain Gazette states that the operations against the Hungarians are to be carried on from five different points. Field-Marshal Windisch- gratz, together with the Ban Jellachich, with 60,000 from Vienna, will act on the right bank; Simonich, with 16,000, will pass over from the left bank of the Donau; whilst Puckner, with 20,000 men from Sieburgen, Rukarina with about 25,000 from Banat, Nugent, Dahlen, and Todorovicb, with about 26,000 from the Croatian borders, are drawing near to the Hungarian capital.

The Hungarian Minister of War, Messaros, has received full power to carry on negotiations for the settlement of the Hungarian disturbances with the two Generals Windischgriitz and Jellachich., The Emperor of Russia has sent his Aide-de-camp Baron Lieven on an extraordinary mission to the head-quarters of Prince Windischgriitz, to pre- sent him with the grand cross of the order of St. Andrew, and to invest the Ban Jellachich as a Knight of the first class of the order of St. Wladf- mer. The Prince's grand cross is the same that the Emperor had worn for the last ten years. Autograph letters to the Prince and Ban accompa- nied these distinguished honours. The letter to the Prince congratulated him on his occupation of Vienna with " those faithful troops who under their leader had conquered the criminal opposition of an anarchical fac- tion, that had dared to raise the banner of rebellion in the very capital of the monarchy."

"It is your intention;' continued the letter, "to wage war with the Revolu- tionary party in other parts of the monarchy, wherever it may lift its head. By doing this, you and your gallant companions in arms will make a brilliant conclu- sion to a series of important services you have done to the cause of order and legality in Europe." In the letter to the Ban, the Emperor says—

"Your evolutions, the offspring of brilliant military talents, brought you under the walls of Vienna on the eve of a decisive combat. Victory, of which so daz- zling a part reverts to you, declared for the cause of right. . . . Your noble endeavours to save the principles of social order and of an equality of rights from the violence of a frantic and guilty faction have given you the jnstest claims on my respect."

Paussm.—The 27th, the day on which the Assembly met at Bran- denburg, was inauspicious to the Government: the Left kept their word and did not appear at Brandenburg; and the Right and Centre were unable to make more than three-fourths of a House. In the absence of Von Unruh and all the four Vice-Presidents, Von Brunneck took the chair, as the oldest Deputy present. The names were called over, and only 154 members answered-48 too few for a legal quorum. Written protests from Von Unruh and the Left were received; there occurred some scattered conversation—chiefly expressive of surprise that the Right had been so weak in numbers; the Assembly was formally declared incapable of coin- ing to a legal vote; and it adjourned till the next day. As none of the Ministers are Representatives, they did not appear in an informally constituted House; and their intended manifesto of policy is withheld for the present.

A great number of spectators were present at the proceedings, and behaved with perfect decorum.

Waldeck, Teichman, Robertus, and Von Berg, have put forth protests against the misrepresentations of the state of Berlin and of the aims of the Left, by Bassermann to the Frankfort Assembly. Robertus and Von Berg have gone to Frankfort with an address to the Central National As- sembly, signed by 199 members of the Left, which states that Bassermann did not seek to hold any direct communication with the Prussian National Assembly. The only steps he took were to call as a private individual on Unruh, and make " a proposition utterly unacceptable,' and to avail him- self of a visit to a " sick member of the Left Centre, to hear and then mis- represent the terms of a transaction of which he did not understand the import." They " have only to add, that it is untrue that the Prussian National Assembly would only consent to enter into arrangements with the Crown on the conditions asserted by Bassermann."

GERMANY.—In the Frankfort Assembly, on the 24th November, Mohl the Minister of ,,Justice gave some information on the Blum affair. The third Commissioner, who started on the 17th after the two who departed on the 14th, took instructions to demand of the Austrian Government an atonement corresponding with the magnitude of the offence of Blum's execution. No answer to the last despatch had arrived; but a letter had come from the first Commissioners, stating that Baron Wessenberg had received them courteously, and assured them that all proceedings against members of the Frankfort Chamber should be suspended. He subse- quently despatched an officer to Prince Windischgratz with orders in this

sense.

On account of the execution of Robert Blum, the people of Trieste have resolved not to return a Deputy to the Frankfort National Assembly, until they learn what steps have been taken by that body to protect its members.

Seatar.—It is difficult to get at the real proportions of the Carlist move- ment in the North-east of Spain, the accounts are so meagre and contra- dictory. From the official statements of the number of troops required to put it down, some 60,000, it would seem to be serious and extensive. The last accounts are unfavourable to the Government. Cabrera is said to have defeated the column of Manresa, consisting of nearly a thousand men, and taken prisoners a Brigadier-General, eight officers, and 500 men, with store of arms, armour, and ammunition. " To obtain this distinguished victory," says Cabrera's despatch, " we made a fourteen-hours march."

UNITED STATES.—The result of the Presidential election has been in favour of General Taylor by an unexpectedly large majority. The returns were not quite complete when the Hibernia left Boston on the 15th No- vember, but at that time the numbers were—for Taylor, 163; Cass, 127; the number necessary to win being 146. The elections have given the Congress a very decidedly Whig (Conservative) cast.

" It must be remembered, however, that the new Congress will not meet until the first Monday of December 1849. The session of Congress that will commence on the first Monday of December next will be the last session, called the short session,' of the old or present Senate and House of Representatives; which session must terminate on the 4th of March next, when General Taylor will be inaugu- rated as the new President. There will, therefore, be no change in the United States tariff until the long session' of 1849-50."

The Washington Union (official) announces that the Governments of the United States and Great Britain have agreed on " a basis" for the adjust- ment of the postal difficulties between the two countries. The chief points are—entire reciprocity in the transmission and delivering of letters from each country; and uniformity of postage, on the basis of a single postage of Is. prepaid here to America, and of 25 cents prepaid there on letters to this country.