NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE session has been full of anomalies and irregularities ; the Reform Bill seems to have already produced a revolution among the rules of Parliament, whatever it may ultimately do among the institutions of the country. We have, ere now, had the spec- tacle of the House of Lords discussing a tax before it had even been submitted in the form of a resolution to the House of Com- mons; and this week showed the same House debating a bill which might never reach them, and debating it not in principle, but in detail. So much the better. The discussion afforded a favourable specimen of the oratory of the Upper House. The speech of Lord Vi HARNCLIFFE against the Bill had qualities of good sense and candour about it, of which the Commoners who opposed the measure showed no one symptom : his Lordship concedes the whole principle of the Bill, for he shows, that without a real and satisfying Reform, no Government can exist in England. Lords DURHAM, BROUGHAM, PLUNKETT, and GREY, had of course little difficulty to encounter in defending the Ministerial plan. The Duke of WELLINGTON was consistent to his former declaration, and is prepared to die in the last ditch— he opposes all Reform, for the very intelligible, and to us highly recommendatory reason, that it will occasion a great change in the mode of conducting the nation's business.

The debate in the Lords has been the principal feature of the week; the other business has been of a very miscellaneous charac- ter. Mr. FRANICLAND LEWIS has introduced his measure for regu- lating the sale of Coals ; a measure which we have often recom- mended, and for which the Ministers merit the warm thanks of every one in the metropolis that owns a hearth. The Navy and various other Estimates have been considered. The Civil List is settled, or nearly so. The report of the Salaries Committee lies on the table. The Annual Indemnity Bill progresses. If a dissolution be called for—and who doubts it ?—Ministers are ready.

Reform petitions have been numerous in both Houses, and have led to much conversation. On Monday, the Marquis CAMDEN gave Lord WINCHILSEA a lecture on the impropriety of appearing at the Kent meeling,—forgetting that he had himself figured at a Kent meeting only a couple of years ago, along with Lord WiNciinsini. Sir William HEATHCOTE has discovered, by the way of " private and under seal," that the wealth and respectability of Hampshire are opposed to Reform ; and has been complimented by Sir CHARLES WETHERELL, as has Sir RICHARD VYVYAN, for voting against his constituents,—that being, according to Sir CHARLES, the unerring index of an honest and patriotic county member. The Cam- bridge petition drew forth, on Wednesday, some notable speeches. Mr. WILLIAM BANKES made the House echo with laughter at his wit touching the slowness of its journey to town ; Mr. GROVE PRICE declared his intention (and was believed) of not sitting in a Reformed Parliament ; Mr. PRAED declined standing for the University against Lord PALMERSTON in case of a dissolution ; and Mr. ATTWOOD discussed the conduct of Sir THOMAS DENMAN at the Queen's trial, in terms that CORBETT might have envied for their coarseness.

On Wednesday, Lord FARNHAM made an astounding announce- ment respecting the Irish Union. It seems, if the Reform Bill pass, the Protestants will be in great danger ; the Catholics will return 40 members, and the Protestants only 65. To prevent this consequence, Lord FARNHAM says, they will join the Catholics to repeal the Union, and thus get rid of all their power together,— wisely jumping into the sea to avoid the risk of being drowned.

The right of the King to issue or omit issuing writs to boroughs was talked at on Tuesday, and the discussion revived on Wed- nesday: it seems to have excited great alarm in the breast of Sir

RICHARD VYVYAN.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer has brought forward his measure for ameliorating the distresses of Ireland, by advances of money on loan, for the purpose of carrying on public works;

and the Archbishop of Canterbury promises a bill for restrictino. .pluralities, as well as his bill, in a very improved form, for effect- ing compositions of tithes.

Amongst the minor improvements announced during the week, is the extension of the General Post-office in London to all places within three miles of the head office.

Among the departures from Parliament during the week, tempo- rary and permanent, are three not unworthy of notice here. Sir HENRY PARNELL returns to his constituents of the Queen's County, as Secretary at War,—a wise and politic appointment. Lord Advocate JEFFREY goes to be legally elected at Mallon. Both these members have quitted the House with prayers for their speedy return—with admiration for their principles and talents. The other departure—a slow and sullen one—is that of Sir JAMES SCARLETT, a Whig in theory despised by Whigs, a Tory in prac- tice distrusted by Tories. Sir JAMES retires to the obscurity of the King's Bench. " No man bid God save him," when he left the House.

The West India question has been postponed until the 14th; the Reform question being also postponed from the 14th to the 18th.

The Commons adjourned on Wednesday night until the 12th. The indefatigable Lord BaonoliAm continues to fag on till Tues- day next, in order to " free his soul" by the reduction of the ,arrear of appeals which still remains : the public business of the Upper House ceased on Wednesday.

I. TUE REFORU 13n.ts. On Monday, Lord Witmixetarve made Ms motion for returns connected with the population of England and Wales, which motion formed the text of a long disquisition on the Ministerial plan of Reform. He avowed his possession of borough influence ; it arose out of the possessions in land belongite, to his family, and had been enjoyed by them for more than a hundred years. He was neither ashamed of the influence itself, nor of the manner in which it had been exercised ; with one exception only, it had been employed to return to Parliament members of the family to whom it belonged. In opposing the measures of Ministers, he was wholly uninfluenced by any paltry per- sonal wish for its preservation ; if those measures could be sllown to be beneficial to the people of England, none would more freely give up his private interests than he would for the purpose of promoting them. The public good, however, must be clearly made out. If some boroughs were to be swept away and some to be reserved, he would wish that his should be numbered in the former rather than in the latter class ; for it had never advantaged his family farther than he had stated. The rank which he held he owed to no borough influence, but solely to the personal fa- vour of the late King.

The cause of Reform, his Lordship observed, had made great pro- gress in consequence of what had passed within the walls of Parliament. He would be the last to deny that there was a strong, or rather an irre- sistible feeling in its favour all over the country. An Administration formed on the principle of resisting all Reform, could not stand lOr an hour. It would be left in minorities every night. Reform was no longer the watchword of a faction, who took occasion of accidental dis- tress to raise a clamour against the institutions of the country ; it was everywhere recorded in resolutions and petitions passed at public meet- ings without an opposing voice. He bad always been ready to fight against Reform, while there was a party out of doors to back him ; he had fought while there was a chance of success ; but it was useless any longer to prosecute a hopeless warfare. If much had been done to strengthen the demand for Reform by Parliament generally, their Lordships had their own peculiar share of that blame. , The House of Commons had attempted to do their duty. When a borough was proved delinquent, they had passed a bill at once to punish it, and to gratify those who complained of it. When Grampound was found unworthy of the franchise it had abused, the Commons passed a bill to transfer its forfeited rights to Leeds. What did the House of Lords ? They dis- franchised Grampound, but instead of giving the franchise to a large town, they gave it to a large county—they passed by Leeds to give two more mf:mbers to Yorkshire. When Pern•yn, whose representatives the Heuse of Commons had wished to transfer to Manchester, came under consideration, such was the strictness of evidence that their Lord- ships saw fit to inquire, that no disfranchisement took place and no transfer was effected. Then came the case of East Retford, whose members the Commons desired to confer on Birmingham; and this, the third town to which had been held out the prospect of direct representa- tion,. was destined to be disappointed equally with the rest—the fran- chise of East Retford was extended to the hundred of Bassetlaw • and thus, in point of fact, a little county was created in the midst of the county of Nottingham. From that moment, the country felt convinced that all attempts at Reform in that way were utterly futile—that the promises made them were only meant to deceive ; and from that moment the people had begun to look on the two Houses of Parliament with • jealousy and suspicion. In 1871, Lord John Russell introduced a bill to effect directly what the three disfranchisements alluded to would have effected indirectly,—a bill for conferring the right of returning, two members each on Leeds, Manchester, and Birmingham. There voted • for the bill 140, against it only 188: but the very intelligible hint which this large minority conveyed was thrown away, and the hint con- veyed by the division on another motion of the same noble Lord was

equally unheeded. Yet it was obvious, that in both of these cases his propositions fell far short of what the people demanded. What was the complexion of the last general election ? There were many persons sent to Parliament who did not pledge themselves to any specific plan of Reform, ..it wee true ; but was there one instance in which a member had come forward and boldly declared himself against all Reform ? Then came the meeting of Parliament, and the celebrated declaration of the Duke of Wellington, still farther to excite the feelings of the people ; and lastly, the introduction to power of a Ministry formed on the express pledge of carrying that measure to which their predeces-

sors had declared their unqualified opposition. Under such a combina- tion of circumstances, it was morally impossible to continue opposed to Reform. He, and those who like him had ever endeavoured to stave off the question, must perforce turn Reformers. He believed that the present House of Commons was one of the most upright and intelligent assem- blies ever formed ; but what mattered his or their opinion on such a subject, if the people did not concur in it ? What then remained, but to do as little as possible more than absolute necessity required. They had been promised by the present M inistry a moderate and an efficient Re- form. He had, indeed, understood Lord Grey to say that time had mo- derated his feelings on the subject of Reform — Earl GU E\- said, he had mentioned such a moderation of Reform as was consistent with efficiency. Lord WIIARNCLIFFE so understood the Noble Earl. They had got an offer of a Reform which might be efficient, but which was so far from moderate, that he believed it would put in danger the best institu- tions of the country. Even the plan of Reform propounded by Lord Brougham, in his triumphant round, previous to his election for York. shire, was nothing to that which he now supported. To find such a plan of large Reform supported by the friends and admirers of the late Mr. Canning, was, strange as had been the events that he had witnessed, what, without seeing it, he could never have believed. He had not expected from the present Ministry any paltry measure ; but such a measure as they had produced—(he would not call it revolutionary, as that word was unpopular)--filled him with astonishment. His principal objcction was not, however, drawn from the probable consequences of the bill, but from the circumstance of its being wholly unnecessary. What (lid it do ? It disfranchised sixty boroughs wholly, and deprived forty-six of one member each, and in all boroughs extended the franchise to householders of 10/. a year. It was called a returning to old principles, but when did such principles prevail ? The right of voting was given to some of these boroughs as far back as Edward III.; many of them dated from Edward VI. and Elizabeth. It was doubtful if even at their creation they were snore considerable than they now were : certainly the original right of returning members conferred on them by the Crown had no reference to their population or wealth.

The danger of equalizing the franchise, and the value of close bo- roughs as the means of introducing men of talent into Parliament, had been described by a very competent authority-Lord John Russell him- self. In his Essay on the History of the English Government, published in 1823, Lord John, speaking of the former evil, had said— is not to lie denied that a body of ten thousand farmers or tradesmen will choose no man who is not known to them either by his station in the country, or by a course of popular harangues. If, then, you make none but elections by large bodies, you either shut out the aristocracy of talent from your assembly, and con- stitute them into a body hostile to your institutions, or else you oblige them to be- come demagogues by profession."

And he added, in allusion to the latter-

.. Enlightened men of every class find their way into the English House of Com- mons. Those who have property in land are candidates for their respective coun- ties - —those who have made their fortunes by commerce or manufactures, may easily establish an interest in cities with which they have some connexion, or in towns (there are many such), where, without bribery, the inhabitants require a man of fortune to support their public institutions, and give them his custom in laying out his income. There remains the aristocracy of talent, who arrive at the House of Commons by means of close boroughs, where they are nominated by peers or com- moners who have the property of these boroughs in their hands. In this manner, the greater part of our distinguished statesmen have entered Parliament ; and some of them, perhaps, would never have found admittunce by any other way. The use of such members to the House itself, and to the country, is incalculable. Their knowledge and talent give a weight to the deliberations, and inspire a respect for Parliamentary discussion, which in these times it is difficult for any assembly to Obtain. The speeches, too, of able snd eloquent men produce an effect in the coun- try which is reflected back again on Parliament, and thus the speech of one mem- ber for a close borough is often of more benefit to the cause of truth and justice than the votes of twenty silent senators. Some danger as well as anxiety, it may be thought, arises from the power of nomination to a seat in a representative body. Theoretically, it would be better if the members sent by single persons were elected by a body of such Constituents; but in practice it is not found that the borough pro- prietors combine together to sell their influence; on the contrary, they are firm to their several party connexions, and oftentimes they preserve to the House a great orator, whom the clamour of the day or a fortuitous circumstance has thrown out."

Lord Wharncliffe expressed his perfect concurrence in these senti- ments; and instanced, as examples, the case of Fox among the dead, and among the living, Lord Brougham, Earl Grey, Lord Holland, Lord Goderich, who had sat for a rotten borough.

Lord GODERICH—" A corporation." Lord WHARNCLIFFE—"A corporation, then." Lord Melbourne had also sat for a close borough. Lord Brougham—and who, he said it sin- cerely, better deserved to be the choice of a populous constituency ?- Sat for a close borough up almost to the moment of his being raised to the woolsack. He tried Liverpool, and failed ; he tried a county twice— Lord BROUGHAM— "Thrice."

Lord WHARNCLIFFE.--," A large county—" Lord BROUGHAM=" No; a small county." Lord WHARNCLIFFE-.." Be it a small county." He failed, and at every failure fell back on a close borough. Looking to all these facts, Ministers seemed most ungrateful to the close boroughs. What Lord John Russell said was true—abolish the close boroughs, and young men must become demagogues to get into Parliament.

Surprised as he had been at the introduction of the bill, he was still more so at the unanimity—he regretted while he admitted the fact— with which it had been received. That it was well drawn, he admitted; but it was most delusive notwithstanding. The landed interest were allured with thalait of fifty-five additional members, to be chosen from within bounds which an emanation from the Privy Council was to tie- in every one of the counties which were to return these hers, there were large manufacturing districts, and it was ItAownAltat in all such cases the landed interest had but very little • tension of the franchise also would tend directly to weaken

the landed interest: though only householders of 10/. a year voted in boroughs., many of less property would vote in counties. Copyholds did

not consist of farms, but for the most part of houses ; leases of twenty. one years were rare, unless of the same description of property. The addition promised by the bill would be an addition not of agricultural, but of commercial members. Not only would the towns in a great de- gree regulate the county representation, but the constituency of the towns themselves would be enlarged beyond all bounds of moderation.

The tax-paper was a most uncertain guide, for every man wished to keep out of it if he could. When a rent of 10/. conveyed a right to vote, means would soon be found to give the legal value to every house what- ever. From inquiries in the neighbourhood of London, be found that

there was hardly a house below 10/. : his assistant gardener, to whom he paid 14s. a week, rented a house of 121. The borough of Liverpool con- tained at present 8,000 voters—the bill would swell them to 25,000 : how could these be polled in two days ? The expense, to diminish which was one of the objects of the bill, might indeed be lessened by taking the polls in more places than one; but the necessity of canvassing in several places would make up for that advantage. Then if there were a contest for a county expected, must not each party have an agent to accompany the registering barrister on his rounds, to guard against attempts at giving undue advantage by improperly admitting or rejecting voters ? It might be true, that the interests of manufactures and of agriculture were one—at least it had passed into an adage ; but equally true it was that whenever their separate advantages were at issue, they were found to be two. He wtts therefore fully prepared, if a bill which gave such preponderance to manufactures were once passed, that the first conse- quence would be an attempt, and a successful one, to repeal the Corn- Laws. If indeed that repeal were for ever so short a time denied to the people, would they not say, as they now said, " We will have these laws repealed, or we will have another Reform of Parliament ?"

Lord Wharncliffe went on to censure the introduction of the King's name as it had been introduced in the course of the proceedings on the bill. The precedent of its introduction in the case of the Catholic Bill could not be applied—in that case it was not until direct assertions had been made of his Majesty's hostility to the bill that the Duke of Wel- lington. stated that the King had given his entire sanction to it. The thy, at of a dissolution, held out in another place, was equally to be de- precated. If ever a measure required calm deliberation, that which was not so much a reform as a reconstruction of Parliament required it.

To the extent of the measure he had irremovable objections. The disfranchisement of the close boroughs was thrown idly at the feet of the people. No one thought of asking, no one expected to receive such a sacrifice. Whig, Tory, Radical, held up their hands in amaze when it was announced. The plan was rash and inconsiderate ; yet, now that the torrent was excited, it was almost impossible to stop. It was most unnecessary to dissolve Parliament—the House of Commons had al- ready stamped the measure with its approbation. (Cries of" No, no ! '') He believed that to be the fact, and so stated it, whether it made for his argument or not. He feared any attempt to modify the bill in Com- mittee would be vain. It had been stated, that by this bill its authors sought to have h permanent resting-place against popular encroachment; but that was impossible. The Colonies, even if the people at home re- frained, mould next ask a direct interest in the Legislature ; and who could gainsay their demand? Again, how were Ministers, at a period of excitement, to obtain those seats in the Lower House which were essen- tial to the operations of Government ? The Catholic question was not at all analogous to the present : there, we made one concession for good and all—at present it was proposed to give here, to take there, and in respect of a large portion of the community neither to give nor take. What was to become of a measure, on which, perhaps, the salvation of the country depended, but to which the popular voice was averse, in a House of Commons which spoke only the voice of the people? The moment the House resisted the popular will, all the wounds which this bill was intended to close for ever would re-apen.

It was of importance to look to the condition in which their Lordships might eventually be placed by a vote of the Commons, backed by the voice of the people and a powerful press—it might be their duty still to resist the measure, but were they prepared to perform that duty ? Were the present House of Commons to be dissolved, in respect of the Reform Bill, the next House would not be an assembly of legislators, but a con- vention of delegates—no man would be returned but with instructions to support it. If his voice could reach the Throne, he would declare to the ear of its occupant, that to dissolve the Commons at this moment might place the House of Lords in jeopardy—for would not they be in jeopardy, when, instead of a calm and deliberate consideration of the measure, no alternative was offered them but open resistance to the will of the people, or instant and unconditional compliance with it ? Lord Wharncliffe concluded— /Ye had now gone through the different arguments whichhebad intended toemploy against this bilL He hoped that his noble friends would give him credit for the sin- cerity of his belief, when he stated that be considered it to be a measure which, if passed, would be fatal to the Crown, would prevent the due and proper action of the different branches of the State, and which tended, if not to destroy the monarchy, to base it on a government of republican institutions. (Hear, hear!) He had been born under a monarchy, he had lived under a monarchy, and he wished to see that monarchy last as a protection not only to his children, butte his children's children, and their still more remote descendants ; and with these feelings he must say, that to such a bill as this he never could bring his reason to consent. (Hear, hear !) Lord Denuau and Lord SMMOUTH rose at the same moment, but on the latter expressing his intention to speak to order, Lord Durham gave way.

Lord SIDMOUTH deprecated any further discussion. He had heard the first notice of Lord Wharncliffe with pain—his withdrawal of it with satisfaction. He trusted their Lordships would not persist in arguing on a bill which was not before them, and which, for aught they knew, never might be. Lord Sidmouth was proceeding to transgress his own rule, when he was in turn called to order by Lord Wharncliffe. Earl GREY said, Lord Wharncliffe, when he gave notice of his inten- tion to move for the returns, had fairly stated his intention to bring the question with which they were indirectly connected, before the House. Their LOrdships would decide how far the discussion he had commenced should proceed. After having listened to Lord Wharncliffe's elaborate address, he rather thought they could not properly stop at that stage.

Lord ELDON concurred with Lord Sidmouth. The course of Lord

possible, to a disenssion which must be attended with serious inconve- nience. He therefore hoped it would not be perastell in.

end to the irregularity of the discussion, but not until h h e eti sat listen-

ell Reform. It was thought incapable of managing the affairs of the a:insert. had. moreover, been made to the French Revolittion—not to that Which

COnntry after that decleration. No factious opposition was ever made

forty year, ago; and certainly such parallels, if speciously suggested, were weld to it. It was allowed, cheerfully allowed, to carry off the honours of calculated to terrify the weak- minded and timid ; yet why was it that that revole- Catholic Emancipation, even at theeleventh hour, which the slightest Oen had ever happened ? The peoplehad massacred their superiors, it was tree, stand for the forty-shilling freeholders would have wrested &omit. The hut for what canse ? Not in conseqnenee of their just clainiS havhi:t been granted, but because they were wrongfully denied and pertinaciously withheld. (Hear!) importanee of Reform might be well judged from the instant and total The populace were hurried into crithinal enormities, uut in the exultation of VIC' Vrithdrawal of confidenee from such a Ministry(so supported and so cess, but in a paroxysm of despair. opposed, on the declaration of its leader against that question. They In conclusion, Lord Durham said— had been charged with rashness—where was it displayed ? They found Goverinnent was certainly entitled to the approbation of the country, be the resuR. of the.* discussions what it might. They were not illtillVlleed by a wish to change the country distiirbed—six agricultural districts almost in insurrection, the institutions ()lithe col:airy, but proposed to enable their Lordships to exercise the workmen in the manufacturing Counties ripe for combination, civil their privileges entNiStently with the legitimate rights of the people. and the real power without energy, magistrates afraid to act, the peaceable besieged interests orthe state. They would not tictract from the lustre of the tavels in the in their houses, the lower classes openly opposed, the middle classes diadem of the Monarch, but would secure him in the enjoyment or his tii:imity, sui-

disincline d to the Govm

latter by their pledges; they had suppressed. the violence of the former the representation which was to decide upon whatever affected their rights and pro by their firmness ; tranquillity was restored, justice was vindicated; perties, and all that was most dear to them. (Cheers.) and then came the introduction of that great measure without which The Duke of RICHMOND said, he had protested against the disfranchise- none of these things could have been effected. It was efficient, for ment of 130,000 Irish freeholders, because, whateVer was their pre. otherwisethe people would have been justly dissatisfied ; its basis was vious character, the bill which disfranchised thorn was brought in at the broad, for otlierwise it ctellil have had no principle of permanence in it—it very moment when they had vindicated their independence by choosing gave the franchise to all Irlio were capable of its independent exercise— Mr. O'Connell in the face of t]ie. influence of those lanulloads by Whonut it yielded to no extravagant claim—it satisfied every just demand. Had they had been previously held in thrall. They Were condemned lunar,. not all classes, main:factoring and agricultural, received it with glad- cased, undefended—were the rotten boroughs in that 'mettle:talent ?,,- nest ? Was not that a proof that it must be permanent ? Look to the were they not accused by the universal voice of the country ? totinty meetings, to the numberless petitions—above all others, look to Vas there not on one side a Ministry which had floated into Office on the tide of public opinion ; and tvas there not on e other a Miniatry,which had laid dowtt the declaration of the London merchants--listen to the unanimous office in defending the system so universztithly complained of ? Wai there not at this acclaim of the people sounding through its great organ—and then say if moment an ex-Secretary of State fighting as if for life and death for his share in MP Government had not met the just expectations of the country. (Loud borough of Tan:worth ? It was not likay indeed that either the right hononrable 'cheers.) Look to the ready acceptance Which it met from those who gentleman or ane one else would forget IVe,thury. (lime!) Then, holt, ably had the interests of 1§oroughbridge been defended by the facetious d rollery and legal as- were supposed to entertain ulterior views—to the frank spirit with tuteness of the ex-Attorney-General, its celebrated representative !

which speculative opinions were dropped in its favour—and then say it

did not promise permanence. such a tharge be urged against the Duke of Wellington because he, far - Lopping off the rotten boroughs was described as a revolution in the

constitution of Parliament—how could Parliament be reformed without such a measure? These boroughs were so monstrous an abuse, that it would be a waste of words to demonstrate it. who proposed to draught off superannuated Gatton and %vont out Olik Did not the House know that persons of every sect or religion nominated to seats

in the other House of Parliament ? Had they forgotten that the threat of a noble Sarum, and to substitute the you:bail energies of Manchester, and the borouehmoneer (Lord Camelford), that he would put his black servant ill Par- full-grown manhood of Birmingham. aiament as a representative of the people of England, was not fulfilled from want The Marquis of Lolenotant.: alto did not think that the Duke of of power on the part of the proprietor, but from his Individttaldiscretion ? esenta-

Lord

Durham had himself heard the fact of nOmineeship—that libel on the repr tion of a free people—distinctly avowed not long-since in the other House of Perlis- the Eldon memorial, could clear himself of inconsistency in now ass°. ment ; and in common with, he was sure, most who heard him, he had heard of ciating with Whigs and Reformers sales of seats in the other House being a matter of daily occurrence ;—that, for ex- The Marquis of CLANRICARDE anticipated for the hill, when it ample, 1,200/. a year was sometimes paid to some borough-broking attorney for the representation of some rotten borough, Which he perhaps had never heard of he- reached their Lordships, a very larae majority. Though the House had fore, and which he perhaps would never visit. With such notoriety of abuse, how been specially summoned on the oecasion, not a solitary voice had heel could these blots in the representation be permitted to remain ? lifted up against Reform. Its rejeetion would, were it possible, be the Ministers had fixed on a population of 2,000 as the minimum, be- Most dangerous determination ever eanctiened by the House. cause, within that number, by no extension of the franchise could a Every one who heard him was aware of the fact, that Whatever was -uttered with.: borough be rendered pure—the line was chosen from no attachment to in those walls went forth to the world. whether contrary to privilege or not; and theory, but solely from a view to general and practical good. It had they must also be aware, that they were thus put in possession of an extensive itin. been said that he had shown an interested regard for the county of D fluenee on the pu nd: but it -ham, with which he was intimately connected; but what was the fact ? .hinty. Durham contained 62,900 inhabitants more than the number fixed on as Lord PLUNKETT observed, that every one now acknowledged that Re- that which should entitle a county to two additional members; and if it form of some kind must be conceded.. had been excluded, then Cumberland, Leicester, Northampton, North- It was a fair creditor' whose claim wa: to be attended to upon demand, and thp --timberland, Nottingham, Salop, Worcester, and the East and North only difference was as to the quantum of that demand. Some acknowledged the in- convenience of prompt payment, and would rather pay by instarments. rhose tyke Ridings of York, must also have been excluded. With two of the quarrelled with Reform now, quarrelled with it only on account of the extent to towns in Durham county, to which the franchise had been extended, he which the Bill would carry it. had not the slightest connexion; and with the third the Marquis of Deprived of support among the living. Anti-Reform had recourse to the Londonderry was more intimately corenectedthan he was. He had stated, dead. Mr. Canning had been invoked to the aid of the opponents of the that below the line of 2,000 the case of a borough was looked on by bill. Lord Plunkett believed, if that great man nasre alive, that he .Government as irremediable; above that line it would be remedied by would, under totally changed ciremnstances, find it prudent to recast-- such an inclusion of the surrounding districts as should,,. in every ease, sider his opinions on the subject of Reform; but it was unjust to quote confer on it at least 300 voters. The boroughs Were thus fairly divided for the guidance of living men, the sentiments . of those 4,110 were u-la into incurable, curable, and whole: the first were disfranchised, the longer capable of explaining or madifying them. They were not tole second would be enlarged, the rest would be left as they were. Lord diverted from the realities around them " by their fear of the shadosec Wharncliffe had read an extract as against the measure from a work Of that fell from dead men's tombs." The late Ministry was driven outatt the noble person who aduced the bill—Lord Durham would give one the question of Reform, -the present Ministry came in upon that qua-

Wharneliffe was directly opposed to Parliamentory tisage ; and he took in favour of it from an authority which (he meant no disrespect) Was much saarne to himself for not having sooner risen to put an end, if entitled to even greater weight.

" 'rhino of this world (said Loeke, in the Thir!eenth Chapter of his Second Book on Civil Government) are in s., coostant a dux, tam. nothing remains long in the same state. Thus people, riches, trade, p.:wer, change their stations ; flourishing Lord BROUGOA'r cantioned the House aeettinst yielding. to this sugges- mighty cities come to ruin, and prove in time neglected desolate corners, whilst tion. Lord Eldon tw)k shame to himself for not rising to put an other unfrequented places grow into populous countries filled with wealth and in- habitillits. 1: thim,s not ali ...... changing coully, sod private inter eh often keep- ing up customs and pi:vile:es, when the reasons or them have ceased. it often comes ing for two whole litana to a skilful and able speech, emlnelying every to paAA that III governments, where part of the legislature consists of thing dint dint could, and rnany things that could not, fairly he urged against oyes chosen by the peopio, in tract or dine this repre,entation becomes very iii. the bill. Was it to go forel to the world, that the Hinise cculd listen equal and disproportionate to the reasons it WZN first estatilished upon,"

&Irina, all thtut time to a speech against Reform, and had not a minute's Lord Wharneliffe spoke of a Wain., • who would, tinder the new bill, patienee to bestow on a speech in its Owner ? possess the right of stuff:Tee—and, if in other respects eligible, who

Lord DURHAM would Ileve bowed, on a yiestion of °vier, to one of should not a labourer exereise that right ? The littinlair of electors much lees eaperienee Coin Lord Sidmonth, had he not eve:gilt his re- under theproposal law IlaZ11;Cell greatly t.xao.gerated. Ily the tax returns, commendation—that the House., after hearing and applaudidg a si:eoch. thore were but 378.711G ton-poind liottse:lolders in England and 1,Valet., against a bill not U' RV before it, should pass from the subject, and refuse of cs hied' only 1 Iii,000 rented houses from 101. to 15/. ; in Scotland there to hear a word in favour of the bill—a much greater irreeniarity than the mire 3fi.709., of 11.1.1;1.11 I 7.9a0 only were ef the lowest class. Lotel one which he wished t..) pea en end to. Lord AVitarneliffe spoke of the WIviriteliffe had spoatat M. 25,i)()) eleclo..s in Liverpool—thero were only' violence with 1.vhiCd tIte puldic press had advocated the principles of the 19,00; inhabited houses in the whole borough and parish ! It was said measure; hitt whet dil that violenee hid irate, except that the people, the people were disaffeeted—if they were, was it not the more necessary of whose opinions the ereou was no inure than the cello, vere unanimous to conciliate them ? But they were not. The lower classes were }m- ill favtum of it ? All flat .journals that were respect:tale for extent of nestle and ardently attached to the present form of goverimlent ; they cireitlation or character, zita-orated the necessity, not merely of a general asketi only to recover under it the rights of which time and events had mensltre of IZeform. but of the Ministerial measure; and how could they gradoally deprived them. Tile attempt lied been mode, by the oppo- be infilleneed to this ceintalinity of sentiment, tiniest by the force of Items of the bill, to excite a feeling in the lower classes aieainat it ; but that public feeling in its ferour of which they were the exponents ? It they scorned all sympathy witit the Amanefortners. The powers to was said the King's name had been unfairly introduced into the discus- be exercised by the Privy Council had been sarcasticallyddludied to hy sions on the Bill. Was it not another proof of the power of the public Lord NVharricliffe—to what body in the state could they be better cam- voice, that the King was induced to approve of a Cabinet that took office mitted, than ono which contained so large a number of' eminent and On the empress pledge of bringing all the power of Government to bear honourable men, in no way connected with the existing Administration, on the cause of metier Reform ? It was in this spirit that the name of and whose conduct was open to no insinuation of interested motives? the King had been hartiauced, and not as makeweight, either there The measure hatl been called revolutionary—its effect, it was said, or elsewhere. How (1:l t!it'i present Ministry take power ? Not because would be a revolution : whence this sudden terror of a name that had beers of the defeat of the lete !ilinistry on the Civil List, hut because of their si often mentioned with reverenee and respect by the opponents of the hostility to that very P. eftirm now offered to the country. The Ministry of bill, when diecussing the Catholic Bill, which worked much more im- the Dttke of Wellington fell because of the declaration of its head against portroit changes ? ell Reform. It was thought incapable of managing the affairs of the a:insert. had. moreover, been made to the French Revolittion—not to that Which had recently occurred, but to the first French ,Revolntion, which had taken place forty year, ago; and certainly such parallels, if speciously suggested, were weld to it. It was allowed, cheerfully allowed, to carry off the honours of calculated to terrify the weak- minded and timid ; yet why was it that that revole- Catholic Emancipation, even at theeleventh hour, which the slightest Oen had ever happened ? The peoplehad massacred their superiors, it was tree, stand for the forty-shilling freeholders would have wrested &omit. The hut for what canse ? Not in conseqnenee of their just clainiS havhi:t been granted, but because they were wrongfully denied and pertinaciously withheld. (Hear!) importanee of Reform might be well judged from the instant and total The populace were hurried into crithinal enormities, uut in the exultation of VIC' Vrithdrawal of confidenee from such a Ministry(so supported and so cess, but in a paroxysm of despair.

had been charged with rashness—where was it displayed ? They found Goverinnent was certainly entitled to the approbation of the country, be the resuR. of the.* discussions what it might. They were not illtillVlleed by a wish to change the country distiirbed—six agricultural districts almost in insurrection, the institutions ()lithe col:airy, but proposed to enable their Lordships to exercise the workmen in the manufacturing Counties ripe for combination, civil their privileges entNiStently with the legitimate rights of the people. and the real power without energy, magistrates afraid to act, the peaceable besieged interests orthe state. They would not tictract from the lustre of the tavels in the in their houses, the lower classes openly opposed, the middle classes diadem of the Monarch, but would secure him in the enjoyment or his tii:imity, sui- t:tined and cherished by an affectionate people ; and they would confer t ernent of the country. They had won back the on he great body of the nation the noblest blessing which freeMen could experience,—u vnice Dta and then came the introduction of that great measure without which The Duke of RICHMOND said, he had protested against the disfranchise- none of these things could have been effected. It was efficient, for ment of 130,000 Irish freeholders, because, whateVer was their pre. otherwisethe people would have been justly dissatisfied ; its basis was vious character, the bill which disfranchised thorn was brought in at the broad, for otlierwise it ctellil have had no principle of permanence in it—it very moment when they had vindicated their independence by choosing gave the franchise to all Irlio were capable of its independent exercise— Mr. O'Connell in the face of t]ie. influence of those lanulloads by Whonut it yielded to no extravagant claim—it satisfied every just demand. Had they had been previously held in thrall. They Were condemned lunar,. not all classes, main:factoring and agricultural, received it with glad- cased, undefended—were the rotten boroughs in that 'mettle:talent ?,,- nest ? Was not that a proof that it must be permanent ? Look to the were they not accused by the universal voice of the country ?

The Ministers were accused of revolutionary projects.—As well might the maintenance of the discipline of the army, introduced new re-

gulations in various departments, or supplied new men ef superior energies for such as had become debilitated or decayed, as against those

Richmond, who was once a Church and State man, and a subscriber to blic mi fihe to takU care that that in Dar- fluenee .should be salutary, and not WaS n' t ir Lordships such us 'to make them fearful of their respon- si- fion ; yet they were now to be pressed to the utterance to resign because stir/ had honestly taken it up ! What middle party could succeed Item ?. Hid they who resisted Reform offer any plan or project of their Wine, which the country was to accept instead of that now presented to ce The Ministers were accused of exciting the discontent of the people —were its causes, then, a secret ? Under what circumstances did Earl firey zostune the post he now maintained ? Thestorin was growing, the surges lashing, the vessel was heavy laden and la- bitsringfn the troubled raters and the helm had been abandoned by those who had httrn 'phicett at it. Ili; noble friend it was who kid seized upon the helm, and srho with mature experience had said, " I will undertake what they won't undertake; r.e.et the danger which they won't meet ; aml with a firm hand I will point out er, Fon the haven to which your course ought to be steered." Every honest man it, the country was bound to assist in this great effort. Ills noble friend was call. iug upem them not to proceed Outwit nncxl,1oreil latitudes, and to enter on devious Kriarses, but to steer cautiously, but boldly, to the only port that was capable of af- Emxiiing the maim' prune: flan and safety. The Bill was first called revolutionary, and when that charge was :abandoned, they were then told that the changes it meditated were a:eao.it as dangerous. Ltd any :whit! Lord who heard hire, awl who was in the least acquainted with the ItiFaie/ry of his country, believe that er;ett po11tietl changes were either unusual, un- wen -tit edonal, or bad > Did they not owe, and was not every stage of society in- F,. I Air all they possessed to some ;treat change of what had been preced,ent ? birthright of freodom—the undisturbed enjoyment of his property ---af2 consent of the people to the imposition of a tax or the framing of s tee—these were the great principles on which the constitution of Eng- fund imd turned for the last thousand years, and on ultich the constitu- XEsm: any free government must ever turn. It never had been the eastern of Englishmen to sulanit principles to rules, but to make rules hand to principles. NiThat did their Lordships say of the Reformation ? Was that no change ? M'hat to the origilial fixing of the forty-shilling fre.nchise—the Scotch Union—the Irish Union—the Emancipation Act ? these were great and rapid changes ; but in what terms should he speak of the newer 'Odell had been vested in the Crown of England, from time to time, of isauieg new writs, and calling upon new places to send representatives intu the Comm ons House of Parliament ? This was, in fact, a great permanent machinery tar we :king a series of perpetual changes. Thq Anti-Reformers studied history as antiquarians, not as statesmen; tiey groped for specimens ill dark and neglected corners ; and they priud them, when found, not for the value of the metal or of the impress, but for the rust with which tine had obscured their beauties. The xr6iving intelligence of the people had been viewed with alarm— why Whether it were dangerous or not, it was irrepressible. It :cashed onwards, and no force could stay it. If they purified the institu- 2ittcts of the country, they needed no safety-lamp. It had been said that the English constitution was the admiration of the world— Every civilized nation admired in the English constitution the Bill of Eights, the Iustitution of the Jury, the Habeas Corpus Act, the impartial administration of the WITS' by Judges who were independent of tile influence of the Crown, and lastly, the• theory of the Representative Legislature. Having acknowledged all this, Ile stsanid now only beg leave to ask, who among these foreign admirers of the British emiStitution over fell in love with the corporation of Old Sarum, or was enamoured attic free representation of Gatton? laugh.)

It was said that the plague-spots of the constitution neutralized one another's virulence—part of them were arranged on this side and part nathat. Was the constitution to be for ever the creature of accident ?

The physical system of the human body presented a beautiful economy of nature, zed worked welt; and if any accident occurred, such as an injury to a blood-vessel, mature accommodated herself to the change, and some substitute of organ or of et371Cii011 was produced. But when nature resumed her power, she dispelled all imbatitutes. The well.working of the political constitution or England was the vowth of happy accidents and lucky chances 3 but these would be dispelled when and and enlarged principles were resumed.

Tim LORD CuaNexti.cat said, that hardly a day had passed or a peti- eau been presented during the session, that they had not had some little LI:regular incidental discussion on one topic or another ; and not a dis. cosiion had taken place without a deprecation of its irregularity. The ...larte.tant complaint of the opponents of Ministers was, that the argu. Anent s against their measures were thus improperly and needlessly frittered &nett—their constant cry, "Wait until an opportunity is given for a regular debate upon the bill,—wait till tlf.e enement comes for which we pant,—stay the wishful course of your proceedings, tee.e advent of which we gladly hail, and then we will be no longer restrained by the eritidious feelings which now check our genius and depress our ardour for debate ; bar we shall rush down into the arena, and meet you with. gladness." however, notwithstanding the strong wish thus expressed to keep tile feast till the feast-day, the same process went on, till at length a no- Cie was given, and it was agreed to have the grand debate with alHts irregularities. The present discussion was entirely of their own seek. ill0; and if ever such a discussion was defensible on precedent, it was. They had discussed the timber-duties, they had discussed the taxes. It was true—and the hair of Viscount Sidmouth might well stand on end tcs hear it—the- Lords had discussed the merits of a tax before the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer had introduced it to the consideration of the Commons. At length, then, the day came, big with the fate of Lord Wharncliffe's important speech, and what followed ? Mier all this promise and preparation, they saw the noide Lord moving off en egreten, although he had just been entrenched behind the Commander-in-Chief. The sobte Lord declined the combat, and moved off, aided by the light squadrons from the cross benches. until he had nearly emptied the House. Ministers thus found theinseli,es in a situation in which it was not very usual for Ministers to be placed. They were actually looking out for antagonists. Their eyes wandered over the fiouse in all quarters to search for opponents; here and there they saw a bush, ittLich led them to think that if the bush were well beaten, game might be sprung ; the bushes were well beaten, and still no game took wing. Under such circumstances, a lengthened or detailed defence of the bill was not called for. The most pointed argument formerly used against the Reformers—it was that which Mr. Canning wielded with singular &ice and dexterity—was, • g We, the Anti-Reformers, follow a plaits, straightforward, and direct course—our way is uniform and unqualified; but as for you, the advocates of Reform, there is no grappling with you ; what one man amongst you will maintain, another gives up —what one clings to, another attacks—what one describes as the very foundation rend' corner-stone of the measure, another of you will tell us would be the ruin and fatal destruction of the constitution. There are as many plans amongst us as there are adroeates for Reform ; and you are all violent in the praise of your own theo- sits, and in the condemnation of those put forward by your fellow Reformers. Now, however, the tables were fairly turned. He and his colleagues nAost cordially agreed in respect of the bills all the people had adopted it as their chosen child ;. minor differences were forgotten, disagreements ea* osed, dissensions appeased,—all men, and with one voice, demanded the bill, and only the hill : but how stood matters in the camp of the enemy? Lord Wharncliffe, so long the steady and uncompromising op- went of Reform, now frankly admitted that Reform was necessary, and must be.granted,not nominal, but real, effectual Reform. The Duke of Wellington again, after so many had changed their views and opli, nions_, declared that his were unchanged. All who had formerly stood by him had become backsliders, victims of expediency; but he stoci fixed, resolute, and alone. Lord Wbarncliffe, then' differed not so much from the supporters of the bill as he did from the Duke, with whom he was now leagued to oppose it. He differed from the former only in degree— he was at issue with the latter on principle. The Reformers might now hurl back on their adversaries the weapons formerly launched at them. selves. And this was the peculiar feature of the present struggle, be- cause, though in respect of a positive measure, like that introduced by Government, the greatest variety of opinion might naturally be antici- pated, it was difficult to see why those who had merely to negative what others assert, should so differ among themselves. Next, certainly, to the differences of its enemies, was the unanimity of its friends.

There was no admission, which he had ever heard made upon any great popular question, that came up to the acknowledgment which had been made by Lord wharactitre as to the unanimous acceptance of this great measure by all classes, all ranks, and all descriptions of persons iii this country. Men ()revery sect, party, and class who might hitherto have entertained a difference of opinion on ae ques- tion of ieform had, with a miraculous unanimity, abandoned an their differences, and had cordially united in favour of the present phut. lint that' was net t/te most extraordinary fact connected wills the present measure. They who woulu be in- jured by it—they whose franchise would be virtually taken from them, with but a few miserable exceptions—the majority of that class who would be virtue/1y dis- franchised by this measure—johied the country and yielded to the torrent of opinion which had become quite irresistible, in favour of the measure.

A qtiestion had been put, from that quarter eminent for its sagacity—. the Cross Benches—respecting the dotes of the petitions that were pour- ing in upon both Houses of Parliament. The inference to which the

answer to that question was meant to lead, was, that the grievances could not be great of which the complaints were so recent. But it was most false to charge the people with coming forward now to complain of evils long endured. In 1791, the tables of Parliament were covered with petitions ; they were again covered in 1817 ; and now again; without concert, without arrangement, petitions poured in by thou- sands.

" But thus it ever is with injustice—it ever moves quicker than the complaints of

its effects or the desire for redress.

Inja,ti cc, swift, erect, and unconfined, Sweeps the wide earth, and tramples o'er manicind,

While prayers to heal her wrongs move slow behind.'

But though prayers be slow, they are not less sure ; and if injustice tramples o'er mankind, and sweeps the wide earth, and it' prayers la.; behind, it is as sure as that it is in the power ot Heaven to grant redress, that injustice always leads to coin- plaint—that the denial of r/glit engenders the sense of wrong; and were the I /overt'. merit even insensible to the sinus of the times, and to all the other examples which it has before it, it would, in my opinion be perfect madness on its part to resist the unanimous appeal of it suffering people. (Low/ eheers.) I give you not counsel, my Lords, to yield to menace or to bend to fear. I only give you that counsel which I have before addressed to the other House of Parliament ; I but give you that counsel which has been often 'given to you before by those noble persons. who have been mast forward in promoting the success of this great and healing measure of Reform. They honestly and manfully performed their duty in these times at the risk of the anbnativersions which it might draw down upon them. 'they laughed at the ridiculous charge of yielding to vain fears ; but if they did fear a discontented people, I tell you plainly, my Lords, that I share in that fear with them. I own that I fear the discontent of an unanimous people, and that I should tremble at the thought of going on further without endeavouring to appease it, feeling as I do that they ask only for their right; and that right, if withheld, and wrong, if unredressed, might rouse their slumbering strength to fury. That appears to me a reason which fairly calls upon us to yield to the just demands of the people."

The disfranchisement portion of . the Bill had been the subject of most frequent attack—it was considered to be most open to it ; but there he was most prepared to meet Lord "Wharncliffe, or any opponent of the Ministerial plan of Reform. Mr. Canning objected to all change. When you pointed to Manchester, he replied, that it was represented by Liverpool ; when questioned touching Scotland, where all was virtual representation—where there was • nothing popular at all, he answered that a change in the representation of Scotland would be only a portion of Parliamentary Reform ; when a delinquent burgh was put down, he would justify the case by the necessity of it. But now they were told that the putting down of a borough was a revolutionary Foject,— as if their number had always been fixed, or were always to renmin so. Had not many of these boroughs been altered and abrogated even in comparatively recent times ? From a statement made by Mr. Pitt, it would appear that about the period of the Revolution not fewer than seventy disfranchisements and thirty-one enfranchisements took place. Was that practice revolutionary, which, up to the seventeenth century, had been possessed and constantly exercised by the Crown ? Mr. Can. ning hind been repeatedly alluded to in these debates ; but there was another and a greater than Mr. Canning,—he of v.drom Mr. Canning was the follower and pupil, Mr. Pitt,—Mr. Pitt was for a long time a strenuous Reformer : in ofiice he voted for it ; he introduced a measure of Reform, and divided the House upon it ; and he never attempted to conceal his mortification at the disappointment of his Reform plan. What was it ? To add one hundred members to the Lower House,—a more revolutionary measure than the one now proposed, which only aimed at reducing the nmnber nearer to what it was before 1800. The opponents of the bill called for " mode:ate" Reform ; but he felt assured, that if Ministers had introduced a "moderate" measure, they would have met with quite as much opposition as they now did.

Suppose half the rotten boroughs had been disfranchised, or that all of them had been mutilated of half their members, would it not have been said to them—" Why do you stop there ? had you not better lop off all ? for, if you had, you could not have committed a greater violation of the principle of the constitution?' f" Hear, hear!" front Lord Wharne(iffe.) He perceived that his noble friend appreciated the force of his reasoning. (Laughter,oad cries of "No, no !" from Lord Wharatilife.) Yes, his noble friend did, only his noble friend was surprised to find that the argu- ment should have struck them in the same way. (Laughter.) His noble friend, and those who held the same language, would have said to them, "Why do you stop here 1 the argument which will justify the taking away one borough, will jus- tify the taking away another ; then why should you be both rapacious and incon- sistent ? (Laughter.) Why this half measure—do you think the people wili like it Oh, no ; you may gratify your foolish partialities; you may retain your cherished Gatton, your beloved Boroughbridge, and your favourite Sarum ; but do you think the people will like you as well for this as if you had put them all in your cauidron together 1 You are doing all you can to protect your plan from the assaults of ene- mies within doors, but you are not doing that which the people expect from you?" (Hear, hem'!) It was admitted that the people were earnest for Reform—would any plan of Reform that did not involve the principle of disfranchisement satisfy them ? Disfranchise, then, they must—how would they -do so ? Would they disfranchise all the boroughs on one side only ? That would he such an apparent job, that it would not be tolerated for a moment. They must take some from one side attd,some from another,—spoliating, as they called it, first a friend and then a foe,—thus converting former friends into foes, but not making any friends among former foes ; and thus they might be compelled to sacrifice, unICali pity for a recent purchase withheld their band, even Gatton itself. (Laugh(er.) But no matter In what way they disfranchised ; disfranchise they must ; and then, what would become of their principle—what of the arguments that were founded on spoliation, the invasion of property, and the violation of the spirit of the constitu- tion ? (Hear, hear 1)

The rotten boroughs, then, were gone irretrievably, under any system of Reform. But were they to take no steps for purifying the open bo- roughs, where scenes were often exhibited which were much more offen- sive than any that the close boroughs offered ? Must they not remedy such abuses as that of Liverpool, the stench of whose iniquity had gone forth over the whole of the nation ? Must they not, then, regulate the franchise, as well as cut off the close boroughs ? And if they regulated the franchise, could they avoid cutting off that grand source of corrup- tion and contamination, the out-voter ? Could any possible result of the preseat Bill be worse than the results of the present system ? What would be thought of a man who, to get rid ofliis creditors, bought a seat for a couple of nuoiths ? What would they think of such a case as this ?—

• " A man boughts borough for 40,000/. or 50,000/— I say bought a borough, because that is the phrase; and your Lordships know. that what is really bought is the power of deciding upon peace and war, upon all affairs of commerce, upon Parliamentary Reform, upon the amount of taxation—in a word, upon all the great and vital ques- tions on which the prosperity, perhaps the existente, of the empire depends. This, any Loris, is the meaning of buying a borough. (Cheers and laughter.) Well, in the case of which I am speaking, all the money was not to be paid down at once—per- haps it was not convenient ; and it being agreed that the prompt should be at six months, there .was to be discount, of course; and what do your Lordships suppose the discount was ? Money, perhaps. Oh no, my Lords ; the simple men out of doors, a. .d particularic those on the Stock Exchange, would have answered, simple- tons as they are, " money ;" but in this case, the discount was not money, but a man. (Cheers and laughter.) Yes, it was said to the purchaser, You shall go out for a time. and another shall go in ; and so the affair shall go on, and the discount be taken until the time for the prompt comes.' (Much laughter.) Your Lordships think this a very laughable matter. But why is it so ? It is laughable only on account of the gross and flagrant incongruity of it; and the incongruity consists in a man hay- tog been the representative of five per cent. on 40,0001. or 50,60121. for a few months, instead of being., what he ought to have been, a representative of the people." (Cheers and much lawgiter.)

But the extension of the franchise was what was most to be noticed in the Bill. It was no longer just, expedient, or even safe, that the great mass of the people should remain unrepresented—their knowledge, intel- ligence, industry, forbade their Lordships, if they valued the welfare of the state, to continue to overlook this one only point regarding the peo- ple, their right to be represented in Parliament.

If the three kingdoms had not been united, the Crown must have issued writs to the large towns, and he believed that the Crown must also have discontinued the Issue of writs to the boroughs. All, therefore, which they were called upon now to do, was to do that regularly and legally, which but for the Union must have been done irregularly ; and that, but for the Union, that would have been done by the Crown la ich they were now called upon to do by Act of Parliament, he had no more doubt than he bad of the ultimate success of this great, this important, this healing measure of Reform. (Cheers.)

The Duke of WEammarox said, in his opinion the state of the re- presentation ought not to be altered. He could see no better right that Parliament had disfranchise a close borough, than to deprive him of his honours or his estate. Necessity might induce them to dispensewith strict law, but in the present instance no necessity was proved. Much had beim said of the voters and of the expediency of increasing their slum-

ber—but the present question was, not what the voters, but what the re- presentatives were to !ye. It was, what was to be the constitution of the House of Commons, that Government was bound to look to in fram- ing such a measure as the present Bill. The present House of Cominons he that ight as complete and as eflicien t as any that could be formed. and one which since the peace had done its ditty as honestly and well. It conti- nued to act so up to the close of last session, and hut for the introduc- tion of the Reform question, it would have done so through the present session. The inference attempted to be drawn from the Catholic Bill, was not correct. He conceded Emancipation, to avoid the civil war with which the country was threatened. It was true that the French Revo- lution had occasioned a strong sensation here, and a stronger desire had been excited liy the speeches upon it for Parliamentary Reform, than the people had felt or displayed for some time before ; but the desire was by no means irresistible. If Parliament decided against Reform, the country would submit without a murmur. The fashion which was caught 1.10:11 the Belgians and French, had now subsided, mill the people saw that the necessary consequences of revolutions were distress and ruin : if, therefore, Parliament determined that no Reform ought to be granted, its determination would be cheerfully concurred in. In re- spect to the Civil List question, he did not say there was any combina- tion against him ; still it was extraordinary that those who seldom agreed on any question, should agree to oppose Government on that. But his resignation the day after had not the sligh'.st connexion with his opi- nions on Parliamentary Reform,—although he was free to admit, that he went out next day rather than that his quitting of office should be deemed the result of the division on the question of Parliamentary Referm, which was then expected to come on immediately after. He did not, by resigning, r; ice up the question of Reform, but he thought it quite possible that the same majority which divided against him on Monday, on the Civil List, might divide against him on Tuesday, on the Re- form question.

The present Ministry took office under three pledges,—Peace, which he hoped they would be able to maintain ; Retrenchment, where they could do little; and Reform where they proposed to do much. Some Of the more general results of the new measure had been stated by Lord Wharncliffe : he would only state what woule be its working in his own county, Hampshire.

He was convinced that there were not less than 4,000 or 5,000 inhabitants of towns in Hampshire, who would have votes for the county as well as the freeholders. Now, of whom did this class of electors consist? They were shopkeepers—respectable shopkeepers—in the towns. Were they fit persons to be the only electors to return county members to a Parliament which was to govern the affairs of this great nation, consisting of one hundred millions of subjects, and so many various rela- tions, foreign, domestic, colonial, commercial, and manufacturing? Men of the description he had mentioned, with their prejudices and peculiar interests, however respectable as a nody, could not be fit to be the only electors of members of the House of Cr mmons ?

So confidently was the influence of these additional voters reckoned on, that already was an association formed in London for the purpose of in- structing them in the choice of candidates. Associations of such a kind had been found effectual to Pitt down the strongest Government. What security existed even for the seats of their Lordships, if a com- mittee were sitting in London to guide, under a Reformed Parlia- ment, the whole of the elections of the country ? Look to the results of such a society in France, nstwithstanhingthe repeated at tempts at meet- ing it by alterations in the qualification. The Duke went on to say. fir*, alluding to France, he must denv having ever corresponded with Vrirce Polignac; of whose proceedings he knew as little, perhaps less, tlitt.tims Lord Chancellor knew of them. (A laugh.) He was no apologistofalsat minister, but situated as he was, a revolution was impossible. And V421111 he saw an attempt to establish a similar uniformity of suffrage. in .dlie country, he must say, that we were going far to incur similar dangen. France offered us a warning, not a model. How was Government •so carry any plan, however wise, into execution? How was the Choncelies to carry forward those judicial improvements which he had so elmetentiee and ably recommended ? How was the Church establishment—xes establishment guaranteed by the Coronation Oath and by the Union Treaties of Scotland and lreland—to be preserved, with a Parham:cm': modelled as they proposed ? The King might still last—he might .031 have the power of the Army and Navy ; but the Constitution woull arolonger be the same constitution' the country would not go on as it 'Lard done, England would be England no longer. (Hear, hear !) Lord BliOUGHAU--." I assure the noble Duke that I never had .any concern with Polignac or Charles the Tenth ; and with respect to there opponents, I merely, in conjunction with the Liberal party in flis country, recommended them to take the side of mercy." Earl GREY believed that there was not one voice in the House, anal but very few in the country, that accorded with that of the Doke na

Wellington in declaring that no Reform was required. In his &clam- don against Reform, the Duke was choir and decided enough ; ba.se'n assigninga cause for quitting office, he was not so intelligible. He ti-wrield that it was at all connected with that question, yet lie in the same Irma*. stated that he resigned to prevent Government from being beaten on it.

The Duke of WELLINGTON—" I resigned because, after the divisiat of Monday, I felt that I did not enjoy the confidence of the Home if

Commons. I might have remained in office on Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday—possibly longer ; but I wished to save the King the eribar- rassment of the Ministry's being beaten on the Reform question.' Earl GREY—It appeared, then, that the noble Duke, having-deter- mined to resign on the Civil List question, hurried that resignation lee, he should be beaten on the Reform question. It was granted that these existed a strong desire in the country for Reform, and the declaration of the Duke went to admit that there was also a strong party favonrae to it in Parliament. The Duke of Wellington made his famous decla- ration, to which he had now declared his inflexible adherence, on fisefiret day of Parliament : it was indeed elicited by the contrary declaration made by himself: if, then, the Duke claimed to be consistent, had sa.M. he as strong reasons to be so ? And how, if he regarded his consistency, with that recent declaration of sentiments which he had cherished throughout his whole life, could he take office but on the terms on

he had taken it ? He came into office pledged, as the Duke stated, to three things : to Peace, on which bead the Duke had said he would put no yams tiomand had anybeen put, it would have been his dutynot to answer Eta to Retrenchment, where certainly he had not effected all that he wished, and looking to the state of the country when he took the reins of power, it was not wonderful that his efforts that way should not have been so successful as he expected,—yet he had prospectively reduced the Pension List from 149,0001. per annum to 75,0001. ; of principal offices forty fifty, of subordinate sixty or seventy had been abolished. The bill by which the third pledge of Ministers was sought to he redeemed, mac now under their discussion. A complaint had been urged of tie use made of his :Majesty's name in reference to that Bill. For the purport; of influencing the votes of Parliamey■t, nothing could be more irregular than the introduction of his Majesty's name ; but nothing was rnorf commons than to inform either House that the King was personally seg•-• nizant of what his Ministers were about to introduce. Snell a prooainar was adopted in the case of the Emancipation Bill, and no one blamed. it. The Government had also been acetlun if employing, threats: on thzeY subject he could only repeat what he had before stated— He thonht the measure of Reform Low recommended by the Ministers of thtt Crown was of the great sot importance to the wellbeing of tile country; to the measure he was committed heart and soul ; and he would not hrink from cir:rir, v advice to his Maje,ty to adopt every constitutional means to carry it into any Duke said, if the bill were passed, Government could net he carried on ; but he forgot to give a reason why. So he said, that insuela a case no question of finance, or of colonial interest, or of any great:ice terest could be discussed. The plain meaning of this objection was, foul. on great interests Government would not have power to dictate•to the House of Commons. Then they were to have their fears roused on ates subject of tithes. Da the people of England were attached to the Church ; and a purer representation, while it would pave the way to a reform of Church abuses, would only tend to strengthen that atmen meat. It was said that thin present Reform would afford no restiM- place—that if they conceded to the penile what they now demanded, the concession would only stimulate further and more extravagant de- mands. The universal satisfaction with which the Bill had been hailed., did not seem to indicate any such result. But were it as certainos was improbable, how would the determination to oppose demands *Melt were acknowledged to be irresistible prevent it ? Whatever Government- should assume power in future, must be a Reforming Governmeasts; whatever Reform was granted, must be an efficient one. If there-sem an efficient Reform short of what the present Government had propose*, let it be produced, that Government might judge of it. But short a ks no measure could be satisfactory. When he first mentioned the sub- ject, the very day he entered on office, he stated that the plan of Re- form he meant to propose would be a moderate one, but he said also, it would be effective. He was not, in bringing it forowid, "to keep the word of promise to the ear, and break it to the hope." Elie first inclination,he admitted, was to confine the measure within narrower limits ; but, after discussing it with his colleagues in office, he felt con- vinced that nothing narrower would satisfy the people of England, and give the Government security or respect. It had gone forth, and imme- diate peace and harmony *as the consequence. It fell like oil miens troubled waters; and if passed into a law, he had every expeotativea that there would ensue a season of peace and tranquillity, of impreve- ment in the wealth, of additions to the prosperity of the country, sedb• as England had not witnessed for many bygone years. On the Catholic question, a calculation had been made of the feelings of the country— there were, of counties, 19 for and 17 against that measure; of priocre towns, 2ti for aud 19 against it. On the present question, there were 27 counties for and 9 against ; 37 principal towns for and 8 against. Earl Grey concluded— The noble Duke has said, that if Parliament should reject the measure, he is satiefied the conntry would submit without a murmur. I admit that, if the mea- fnue were rejected, there might be no opposition to the authority of the law, no throwing off attachment and allegiance to the Government. I trust and hope such would he the result ; but that there would not be a murmur—let not the noble 1)uke "lay that flattering unction to his soul." That there would be a general attempt by every legal and constitutional means to urge on Parliament the adoption of the measure—that there would be discontent and agitation throughout the country, which would keep it in alarm and irritation—and that the consequence would be a state of things similar to that which preceded Catholic Emancipation in Ireland—I have not a doubt. The very persons who now reject the measure would lied themselves obliged to agree to it. Wee e For my own part, I maintained my opinions Oil that cptestien for more than thirty years, through good report and evil report ; I was driven from office by anendeavonr to make a slight step towards it ; audit was a sacrifice I willingly made for that object. In all the eiscussions that I heard on that question, it was contended that Catholic Emancipation must produce the sub. version of the constitution, and the separation of the two countries. No man argued more strongly against that measure than the noble Duke. I well remember the noble Dube saying that it was not Catholic Emancipation that Ireland wanted; adding—and the words sank deep into my ear—that Ireland had never been more than half conquered. Such opinions were uttered us confidently by the persons who opposed Catholic Emancipation as they now are by the same persons respect- ing this measure. At the enl of a few years they found the error they labo,qed under in resisting the Catholic claims ; and the meaeure of Emancipation was prb- posed by the very num who had so long with,tood it. Had the discovery Iseen made sooner, the evils whirls now oppress Ireland would perhaps by this than have dis- appeared. The measure of Reform may now be cars led ; but if it be put otr tin it is forced upon the House by a voice of thunder from the people, who shall say what will be the consequence when that which can now be granted as ass act of favour is forced upon the Legislature, and when the same effects have occurred from delay in this case that occurred from the delay of Catholic Etnancir alien I am firmly convinced, that it 's a measure tvhich will satisfy the country, and that without it the 1)en:Q:11111:2 f:t CannIlt know security.

2. EFFECT oe Tee R IN IRELAND. On Wednesday, Lard Dux-

eels, ill presenting it petition frtan Dundee, expressed himself strongly Sit favour of the Mieinterial plan of Refocus, as a most excellent measure, at once Wilde:It mid safe : in Scotland, it was hailed, not with :Ipprehation merely, but enthusiasns—with public rejoicings and illuminations.

Lord FAIINIIAH took that occasion to pronounce, a strong desdaratiou legaiust the measure. It disfranchised boroughs on whicis the franchise had been conferred by :lenses the First for the support of the Protestant interest in Ireland ; its tenet would be the return of forty or lifty Ca- tholic members, the nominees of agitators ; mid the ultimate result -would be the attainment of that ohject at whirls the agitators haul long aimed—the disselution of the Union, the destruction of the Protestant Church, and the establishment of Catholic ascendency. If the Protestants a Ireland once saw that their interests were deserted, they would unite heart and hand with the Catholics for the repeal of the Union. It was use- less in such a case for Government to talk of force,—Ireland would laugh at the threat. The whole force of England would not put down is brave, mated, and determined people. No man could more deprecate au& dresult, but sure he was that the Bill, if passed into a law, would infallibly lead to it.

Lend BROCHHABI regretted the course taken by Lord Farnham, and the observations in which he had indulged. How would similar lan- gene in support of the Bill have been characterized by its opponents ? Suppose that he had said, iu promotion of the Bill—" Beware how you reject the prayers of the people ; beware bow you unite Tories and Whigs, Radical and Jaeobins,for they will be a brave and united and determined people; beware howyou smitethe people by refusing to pass this measure, from one end of the empire to the ether, ter if you do, you will raise a flame which will defy the whole force of Go- vernment to extinguish it." (Hear, hear !) Had he said but a tenth part of this, he would have been told that it was altogether unjustitiable to threaten the House with physical force.

Lord Femenoeu—" I did not threaten; I only said ilepoopIe of /and would laugh at the menaces of England."

Lord B HOC GHAIR—The noble Lord said, if the measure passel, the Catholics and Protestants would join for the repeal of the Union ; and 50 joinvd, England could not put them down, for they would be a united, brave, and determined peisple.

What had laughjng. to du with the matter ? Did men unite in order to laugh? Was it nec,..ssary that men should be brava before they could laugh ? Was it essen- tial that isms should 1 e determined for the purpose of rtuhiiuig ? hew!) Lord Felten a 31 thought the measure would overthrow Protestanisin ts Irelaud : the present dread of the Repeal would pass away—those wins stow opposed it would it with those who sought it, and no Go- veritment could resist thus wishes of boils.

Earl G u eV thought the speech of Lord Farnham of most pernicious eendency—i as speeds was ever spoken more calculated to predate the result it professed to deprecate. No doubt, Lord Farnham was it friend to the Union, for he had declared that he was ; but ifhe were its bitterest enemy, he could not, in the present discouteeted state of Ireland, hold language having a more direct tendency to inflame and irritate the minds of those who yet retained their loyalty—more calculated to procure that dissolution of the Union which he firmly believed must be followed by a dissolution of all connexion between the two kingdoms. Lord Grey hoped better things from Ireland, better things from its Protestants. To discuss any part of the Reform Bill on such an occasion as the pre- sent, was extremely inconvenient. There was one remark, however, he must notice : Lord Farnham spoke of the close boroughs as part of the constitution—Lord Grey denied this.

He contended that the boroughs were 1101 only not a part of the constitution, but that they were derogatory front the principles of the constitution,—nay, contrary to theprineiples of the constitution. The constitution was founded upon representa- tion, not on nomination. (Cheers.)

Lord Farnham said these boroughs were originally created to protect the Protestant interest : but if they were regularly sold to the highest bidder, whatever might be his religion, politics, or feelings, in the name of common sense what became of the Protestant interest ? He sincerely wished the Protestant Churchill Ireland to prosper—he believed it would prosper by the measure in question ; but assuredly, if there were danger from concession, there was certain destruction in the refusal of it.

Still, however, if that Church should fall,—and God avert such a misfortune,—he repeated that he did not see why the two countries should not continue united. When he looked to Scotland, and saw there a Church differing almost as much from the Anglican Establishment as the Romish Church differed from it, —when he knew that in Canada the Catholic was the prevalent religion,—when be saw that in the most despotic countries in the world there were distinct churches established, and yet all went on together in good-will .towards the general support of the Govern- ment,—he could not, he confessed, tell why, if that, which he admitted would be a very great misfortune, were to happen in Ireland, the Union between the two coun- tries, upon which the prosperity of both alike depended, should be dissolved. Warr, bean)

bursmehs. Ile was not aware, it seems, other tIouse.

tie dis not know that great advantages hail bee!. , had been eulo,:ined as the is Oct independent inode •.: —that it had been urged as an argument against t prohibited, it would stop up a constitutiowd tecaliar interests Ii %Ix 115)5,;e: t,f Cwamon.,. N.ry

:;yrized as one it the mest valuable atirii ides e!' cherished every hied of prejudice in ft .o When the ['act was me:abused in the Hee - before, Mr. A Idiots, the Speaker, said the see their fathers SVOI ii I have made them start sr guege was ridiculed at the time, as a tigurs after all, if not the Speeker's own sentim guage or th,., con,tituti(m? His ehble friend e v1 ;.atly entertained the game f did not think :twee ; ten Imrettelis •

loov great an abu fral err,m from their it except by that total ey.ch4en which was pro,„ros,;1.

3. C.17,111RIDGE UNI PETITION. r N on Wed.

siesdaY presented the petition of Cambridge 1, entity 'o; the house of Commons on the Reform Bill. He' observed, that whatever opinions members on one side or the other entertained, a petition Si) temeerately worded reommen:Ipil itself to their deliberate acceptance.

Mr. W. BAN IIES congratulated Lord Palmerston on his happy deEvery, after so extended a gestation.

It was now nine days (not months) since the petition had been voted in the Senate-house. For the delay that had taken place in it presentation, it might at first sight appear difficult to account. How did it haopea that the petitions had taken so lonA a time to travel to town ? ' Even if it had been sent from Cambridge by the slowest wa3.4on, it ought to have arrived sooner. With the present improved methods of communication, a petition need not have beeis longer ill coming front Padua, Pavia, or Gottingen. He would not undertake to account for the delay, con- tenting himself with observing, that if it were the case of a petition, with it different prayer, from tlte neighbouriug university.of Gower Street, no doubtthey would have had it by the swiftest omnibus. (Laughter.)

Mr. WARE.URTON said, the petition doubtless represented truly the sentiments of the resident members of the University. No opportunity

was afforded to the non-residents of voting on the subject— On Saturdi,y evening, at six o'clock, notice was given of a grace to be brought be- fore the Semite oil the Monday, with a view to this petition ; its promoters know- ing full well tist the contempliitions of the members tui. tise university wonie not be disturbed by the pa:;sing of the ordinary vehicles of col:, SJeclay.: Mr. Pastes said, is copy of the bill did not tile University until the previous Wetinosniziv. There was not a longer melee than

had been given. In lime it was at first intehe a way a private pe- tition should he sent to Perliament ; but sesits .Irs rhjected to sign such a document. It was not custom :icy residents to go down

on such au oetinsioa. If they had incline: was there rot a mail

on Saturday nigla ? Were there not post-hr ,• Mr. Lesmes said, the petition was not mese: swu until the coaches were gone.

.Mr. said, the petition neither sip: ,1 Reform generally,

nor the lbsOseu introduced by Ministers ; it ess: sihjected to certain de.

mils of the Bill.

Lord Joue nesse:A. said, the delay its press dig the petition was un-

fitirly complained of. Every member was tr'as s of the difileulty of pre- senting petitions where there were so many. He decidedly denied that it was a petition against Reform. It called on the lionse to proceed cautiously; and in so doing, the petitioners only did their fluty as men intrusted with the interests of the Church and with the care of many of the institutions of the country. Mr. Goueutiels said, no men were better qualified to offer an opinion on the subject of the Bill than the petitioners. If any persons could be, they might he supposed partial to its enactments, for the Universities were the only corporations that it left unassailed.

The ATToesme-Ges: SLUT. said, the facts stated respecting the petition, that it was first announced on Saturday night, after the coaches had left the town, were not attempted to be denied. Allusion had been . made to the University in Gower Street—he thought they had done themselves honour in abstaining, as Oxford had done, from mixing in the question. The notions respecting the causes of the fall of the House in public opinion were various ; and perhaps the roost curious was that of the member for Boroughbridge, who attributed it to the change in the currency. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL cited Paley as an instance that the Uni- versities could produce eminent practical men. The Bill was an attack on the State, and involved the security of the Church; and on those grounds the petitioners were well entitled to state their fears.

Lord W a FORD defended Lord Farnham from the charge of having used Lugs/age of intimidation. It would be well that the supporters were as sparing of intimidation as its opponents were. /lad they not been repeatedly told that anarchy and ruin would be the consequence of: refusing it ?

The Duke of Bucereetrem observed, that from the langnage used by the supporters of the measure, it might be supposed that some one had stood up for the sale of seats in the other House of Parliament ; he would gladly learn who had done so. Haul any one in that House, or in the other House of Parliament, ventured to defend that profligate trrullIe 1 Certainly not; :tint Coq:. of his objections to the Bill was, th it although the preamble of it compleieed et' certain abwe:,—among which abuse: this sale of seats was the gresteuit,—i s a :11ail'ordoci no provision against this abuse.

He believed that the effect it was calculated to produee iii 'Ireland had not beets overrated. He spoke of it xis it was et present ; in wliich form he could not, as an honest man, approve of it. Still, Ise would decide upon it, when it came up, according to the time and csrsemistaneese the merits of the measure, and the feelings aad slim:doe of the country. (Hear, hear !) Lord Go:Aileen said, when the noble Duke promised that the feeling& and situation of the country :should weigh wits him in judging cm this question, he reuld not help hop: eg tisat he s: ,1,1 obtain his vote. lug G race said no is Ile had been profligate tee- t:s Tnn:1 I hI sale of

es: in the esst it .,eat

:ere- a rho

:ears d .ys of , The lats. ese 5 but he 'nit The Speaker hoped that Mr. Attwood was about to say something to soften down the words with which he had commenced his sentence.

Mr. A T'f WOOD said, he would drop the word libel ; but certainly the Attorney-General had always been in the habit of using very strong language, and of applying it against every body of the highest dignity in the country. It could not be forgotten that the honourable and learned Gentleman, in one me- morable speech, had applied the strongest language against the late and the present King; and, since that time, against an individual of the highest office, he had made use of expressions which had been reported in the newspapers. ((Ines of" Order, order, order!")

Mr. G. PRICE expressed his satisfaction at the course pursued by the University. He denied that the bar was so favourable to the bill as was supposed : of forty-two barristers of the Home Circuit, only thirteen signed the petition in its favour.

Lord PALMERSTON explained, as Lord John Russell had done, the causes of his delay in presenting the petition (want of opportunity, at the proper time); which, however, he said he could scarcely regret. Had it not occurred, members would have been deprived of the pleasure they had received from the elaborate pleasantry of the member for Marlborough, who had favoured them with so many facetious impromptus that he had employed seven days in concocting. (Laughter.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, he had a right to complain of certain allusions which had been made to his conduct at a former period of his public life.

Personalities, it was true, had been uttered; but his most painful duty to his un- fortunate and much-Not-1Ni client rendered such personalities unavoidable. And since this unhappy subject had now been invidiously obtruded on the notice of the House, he would not shrink from declitritr,;, that an Illustrious individual, wham it would be unparliamentary more particularly to allude to, had, in his person, given a more signal example of generous magnanimity titan history had ever recorded of an,.■ sovereign since the time of Henry the Fifth, when that high-minded and chiva;rous monarch presented the sword and balance to the Chief' Justice who had personally offended him. (Chars.) After a few more words from Mr. Arrw000, Sir JOHN SE/IRV:HT having alluded to the probability of a dissolution, Mr. G. Pince said he would not wish to sit ii Parliament after the passing of the Bill.

Sir Rrcueun VYVYAN repeated his charge against Lord Althorp, of having last session voted that the distress of the country was general, and of haying this session voted against a committee to inquire into it.

Lord ALTHORP said, the proposed Committee was intended to inves- tigate the currency question, and the agitation of that question would have tended to inrrease public suffering instead of diminishing it. .

Mr. Dewsae thought the threat of a dissolution a most offensive attempt to intimidate Members.

If any honourable gentleman, who declared that a certain class of honourable members were interested persons, and unfit to vote in that House, would only bring that charge against any individual of the body to which he alluded, he might perhaps receive an answer for which he was not prepared.

Sir JOHN SEBRIGIIr said, borough nominees could no more give a dis- interested vote on the Bill than he could if it went to disfranchise Hertford.

Among the memorable sayings in this prolonged conversation, Mr. Bero.ow Hey, an opponent of the Bill, complained that it would disfran- chise his Majesty King William the Fourth, as an out-voter of South- ampton. Finally, the petition was ordered to be printed ; as was also a petition from the Bachelor Graduates of Cambridge, approving of the Bill in all its parts.

4. DUTIES OF COUNTY MEMBERS. Sir THOMAS RARING presented on • Tuesday the Hampshire county petition. Sir Thomas said it was agreed to by one of the most numerous and respectable meetings he had ever been present at ; there were but two hands held up against it, and these were the hands of the county members. Sir RICHARD VYVYAN said, if he had heard aright, one of the causes which called forth this petition was the refusal of the House to inquire into the distresses of the people. The petitioners ought to recollect, that the present advocates for Reform were they who had refused that in- quiry, and that those who deprecated Reform were the very persons who urged inquiry on the House. He was glad, front the statement of Sir Thomas Baring, that there were persons in the House who hail the cou- rage to stand up and tell their constituents that they would not give their votes but as they thought best for their country. He was, in re- spect of Cornwall, in the same predicament as the members for Hamp- shire were hi respect of that county. An individual had come forward to oppose him for Cornwall, who under other circumstances would never have presented himself. He would not, however, fear to face his con- stituents ; and he would give his vote twenty times over on the same side, rather than truckle to the base clamour now set up in the country.

Mr. SPRING RICE said, when a motion was made for an inquiry into the distresses of the country, the present Chancellor of the Exchequer—

Sir RICHARD VYVYAN—"' Voted against it."

Mr. S. RICE—" No such thing, he voted for it." Sir R. ITYVYAN--" No."

Mr. S. Rice said, that the amendment moved by the member for Kent affirmed that the country was distressed, and for that amendment Lord Althorp voted. The late Administration, who now opposed the Reform Bill, on that occasion admitted that there was partial, but denied that there was general distress.

Sir RICHARD VYVYAN alluded to the motion of Mr. Edward Daven- port, not to the amendment of Sir Edward Knatchbull. The petition stated, as a reason for calling for Reform, that the House had refused to inquire into the distress of the country: on that point the present Ad- ministration was as culpable as the last. Sir THOMAS BARING must interrupt the current of Sir Richard's declamation—there was no such complaint, in the petition, as he was arguing from.

Mr. DUNCOMBE, member for York, said Sir Richard Vyvyan was perfectly correct. Lord Althorp opposed Mr. Davenport's motion on the ground that it would lead to a useless inquiry into the state of the nation—a paltry, pitiful, and insignificant ground of opposition. Sir JAMES GRAIIAM thought It would be difficult to point out any part of his noble friend's conduct to which the epithets palty, pitiful, and insignificant, could be justly applied. (Cheers.)

An honourable member opposite had said that since be had voted for Mr. Daven- port's motion, he bad had an opportunity of facing his constituents ; but so also had his noble friend; and if they should all have a similar opportunity again at no distant period, the respective constituents of the member for York and of his noble friend would have an opportunity of showing to the conduct of which of them—if to the conduct of either—they considered the epithets paltry, pitiful, and insignificant, as most applicable. (('heers.)

Sir CHARLES Wwrnsum.r. was sure the epithets were applied not to the noble Lord, but to his arguments. Certainly the failure of Mr. Davenport's motion was chiefly attributable to Lord Althorp's speech against it. With respect to the petition, it had been said that only two hands had been held up against it ; but whose were they ? The hands of the two illustrious county members !

God forbid that the time should ever arrive in which county members would come into that House as mere machines, acting merely as their constituents directed them, and not as men exercising their own judgment and their own intellect ! This was the true character of a county member; and whenever the character of the re- presentatives was inverted,. he believed that the representatives would be ruined, and that with them the people also would be ruined.

He wished every county member would follow their great example. His honourable friend, Sir Richard Vyvyan, kept up the character of the House, by differing from his constituents. Mr. DUNCOMUE denied any personal application of the epithets he had used to the Chancellor of the Exchequer—he spoke only of the excuse for opposing Mr. Davenport's motion. Sir JAMES GRAHAM was glad he had mistaken Mr. Dancombe. Mr. ATTWOOD entered into a discussion on the currency, which the House seemed indisposed to hear, and which the reporters have passed over.

Alderman "WOOD ridiculed the notion that the people were to be set against the Reform Bill, or its supporters, because Lord Althorp had voted against some motion of one Mr. Davenport. (Laughter.) Sir WILLitm HEATucoTE, who had just entered the House, ad- mitted that the sentiments of the Hampshire meeting were decidedly opposed to his own ; but, from communications since received, be rather thought that the wealth and respectability of the county were with him.

Mr. Hucams Ilimms thought the language of the petition, through strong, quite excusable. The Isle of Wight sent six members to Par- liament, which it scarcely ever saw ; and two of these had insulted, not only their constituents, but the House and the country, by stating that no Iteform was necessary, and that none was asked. The SPEAKER said, Mr. Hughos had allowed language to escape from him which, he was sure, he would IC anxions to explain. Nothing that was said in the House could j■Istirc the language of any petition, nor was it regular to say that members had insulted their constituents or the House.

Mr. Hecines liveries said that he really did not see what he had to explain. ( Hear, hear !)

It must have been quite obvious, he thought, to every hardy, that he had not meant any thing personal to the two honourable members for Newport ; that he had merely spoken of them as public men acting in their public capacity, and of the effect which it was natural that the language of those honourable members should pr.nluce in the minds of men circumstanced as the inhabitants of Hampshire wer.e. He said, too, that he thought that that langaage might justify the petitioners in ex- pressing themselves strongly, and he must say that he still thought so; for although it was irregular to allude in a petition to any thing that ;vas said in that House, yet it was quite impossible to prevent language used in that House having the effect which the same language used out of doors would have. (Hear, Rear!)

5. Oyu, Lisr. On the second reading, on Monday, of the resolution for granting to his Majesty 510,000/. to defray the expense of the Civil List, Lord ALTHORP stated, that in adopting the resolution, the House must not understand him as pledged to any reduction : he did not mean to affirm that no reduction would be made, but he came under no pledge to that effect. When the Bill came before the House, the ques- tion of the reduction could be best gone into. Colonel DAVIES would not stultify the conclusions of the Committee, by voting salaries to the great officers of state which had been declared Ii) be too large. (hie word on the Pension List—he thought with Mr. Philpotts, that a smn should be assigned to the King, to be employed

in pensioning such of his servants as he deemed deserving, arid that the whole of the present pensions shorild be transferred to the Consolidated Fund. By the existing arrangement, the King had the unpopularity of large pension fund, over which, ia reality, he exercised no control, but which was altogether managed by the 31-inister of the day. Sir Gzonciz NVAannsintit thought the Civil List rather too small than too grett.

Sir HENRY HATIDINGE said he would support Oa-eminent.

Lord Denseetrrox declared for the Connuiti:m's recommendation.

Mr. Butscoz did not think the recommemiatioa at all interlzred with the conffort of the King or the dignity of the Crown. Mr. CunTE is thought Ministers were bound to seize every fair opportunity of saviiig the public money. Mr. W LKES considered the resolution to be voted as contingent upon the necessity of other charges tmprovided fur. In that point of view, he would support it. Mr. Hume theught a large reduction might be made in the salaries of the great officers of the Crown,—although, considering the many claims on his Majesty's bounty, he did not think the personal allowance to the King ought to be reduced. Mr. CALCRAFT said, members were for ever talking about the grati- tude due to the King, and yet they were still haggling about small - items in the Civil List nine months after he had ascended the throne. They might reduce the salaries of the great officers, but they ought to leave the saving for such contingencies as could hardly fail to occur. The want of an outfit for the Queen was contrary to all precedent. The reduction of the Pension List imperatively called for it. Could they not contrive, out of the prospective saving of 74,000/. a year, to spare

50,000/. in order to put her Majesty on the some footing as other Queens ? The fact was, they put a barren sceptre in the King's hands. " If," said Mr. Calcraft, " he were at this moment inclined to give me a pension of 40/., he could not, unless some one were obliging enough to the and leave a vacancy for me."

Sir Tnon.ts FREMANTLE expressed his concurrence in the opinions of Mr. Calcraft. . Mr. ROBINSON dissented from them. He suggested, as a means of further reducing the Civil List, to take off all such pensions as should never have been granted. . Mr. Barucas—" I wish to put two questions to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. If the Committee had agreed to the sum of 510,000L, would Lord Althorp have come down with a vote for any additional sum ? - Did he give any intimation to the Committee that he should move for,a larger sum than they were disposed to grant ?"

Lord ALTHORP said, he had no intention of asking for a larger sum, nor ditthe make any intimation on the subject. Mr. O'CoNNELL thought the Pension List greatly required revision. A pension had been paid to Mr. Mamally for eighteen years, though almost all that time he was employed as counsel for persons accused of crimes against the Government. Then, there were pensions to the editors of the Patriot and Correspondent, which enjoyed only a nominal existence ; and to Hooper and Mentin, in consideration of the delayed payment of a loan. Mr. SPRING RICE—" That has been bought up."

Mr. O'Cosisiem.—" It is well: the country has paid 10 per cent. on it for 125 years." The only persons on the Irish list that received pensions for services performed, were the relations of Lord Rawdon.

, After some further conversation, in the course of which Mr. Hume stated his intention to bring under the consideration of the House the pensions and allowances to junior members of the Royal Family, the resolution was read a second time, and the bill ordered to be brought in.

G. ROYAL YACHT AND MERCHANT SEAMEN. In the Committee of Supply on Monday, a vote of 21,211/. and another of 534,1241. having been taken, Sir JAMES GRAHAM moved for 810,000/. for the purchase of timber. The largeness of the vote he defended on the ground that timber was at present cheap.

Mr. Hume thought it bad economy to buy an article, because it was • cheap, unless it were also wanted. It might become useless before it could be worked up, and what then availed its cheapness ? He would like to know, while on this subject, whether Government meant to keep up the same establishment of yachts in future—what, for instance, was the use of Lord Anglesey's ?

Sir JAMES Gresusst said, there were but five yachts in all, and they were not fully manned. They were kept up for no purpose of patronage, but to provide for a few post-captains of distinguished merit, who thus enjoyed full pay. The Marquis of Anglesey was fond of sailing in sum- mer weather ; and as all previous Viceroys had had a yacht, it would be bard to take it away I'rom one who was so much disposed to enjoy it.

Mr. O'CoNsies.t. said, an excuse would never be wanting for spending public money. The Marquis of Anglesey had a vessel of his own, and would not make use of such a thing as a Royal yacht. When he came over, indeed, for ceremony, he set sail in it ; but as soon as he was out of the bay, he put himself on board a steam-boat.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, his impression, when he entered the Admiralty, was against these vessels ; but he had since found they had existed since the time of William the Third, and had always been used as a means of rewarding meritorious services in naval officers.

Mr. HUMS—" I don't care any thing about King William." (A laugh.)

Re objected to the expense of these yachts the more, that Government bad refused to fit up an additional hospital-ship on theRiver, because of the expense.

Sir JOSIIPH Vomits: agreed, if the Navy were abridged at all, the yachts might be best spared.

Sir BYAM Maserisi—" To talk of the expense is ridiculous ; it amounted last year to only about 4001."

Sir Geonoe Quit thought the Sovereign ought always to have the means of going to sea in a manner befitting his dignity. •

Mr. Wanntuirron said, if the King wished to go to sea, it would more befit his dignity to go in one of our noble ships of war than in a painted gingerbread thing like one of these yachts.

Sir James GRAHAM said, the additional hospital.ship would have 'cost 1,6001. A second miplication was at present under consideration.

Mr. HUME—" The merchant-seamen pay 24,000/. a year to Greenwich Hospital, from which they receive no benefit 1,600/. is but a small re- turn to them."

Mr. ROBINSON concnrred in Mr. flume's remark.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, it had been calculated by Admiral Keats, that one half of the merchant sailors passed through the Navy, and thus became entitled to Greenwich. Ile would add, that he had at present a draught of a bill, which he would submit to the House after the recess, granting to merchant-seamen under certain circumstances a concurrent claim on the national hospital.

Mr. Wanatutroe said, the contribution was in reality paid by the owners ; but under such a bill, they would pay it most cheerfully.

In the conversation that ensued on the other votes for the Navy Es- timates, moved for by Sir JAMES GRAHAM, he stated, that the estimate of the works at the Bermudas, entered on by the former Government, could not be ascertained, but a confidential person had been sent out for that purpose. The correct estimate would be laid before the House next session. The vote now asked was merely for carrying on the works al- ready ordered. In answer to Mr. Hume, Sir JAMES stated, that the Go- vernment contract with three of the packets included in the vote for the line of packets, would expire this year, and it was not intended to renew it.

On the vote for building ships at Bombay—the last for that purpose— Sir CHARLES FORBES deprecated its discontinuance. Under the Reform Bill, India would have no representatives. In voting the half-pay allowances, Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, the rule of one promotion in three vacancies had been strictly acted on ; and the consequence was, a diminution of two or three thousands a year in the half-pay. Sir James also, in explanation of the reduction of the naval victualling estimates from 32s. to 29s. per man, stated that it arose from discontinuing, unless under peculiar circumstances, the allowance of beer.

The other items were agreed to,—after some remarks from Mr. HUME, on the expediency of procuring all descriptions of necessaries by • contract; and some observations from the same gentleman on the extrava- gance of the Irish packet system, and from Mr. G. DAWSON in de- fence of it.

7. CIVIL CONTINGENCIES. The Civil Contingencies were moved by Mr. SPRING Rica when the discussion of the Naval Estimates had finished. The whole sum is 80,000/.

. Mr. Hume admitted that .large reductions' had been made, but con- tended that still larger might be made. He went on to specify nineteen particulars, each of which he considered objectionable. One of them was the vote of 3,6001. in part purchase of Mr. Babbage's calculating- machine—the automaton Hume. Mr. S. RICE thought this item of all others ought not to be objected to by the Member for Middlesex, looking to the immense saving of la. hour it would effect in his future attempts to reduce the estimates.

Mr. WARBURTON spoke of the machine in the highest terms of praise.

Mr. LENNARD postponed his notice respecting diplomatic salaries, in Consequence of the reductions effectedby Government. Lord PALMERSTON noticed the reduction of the charge for the Ger- man Embassies,—which was in 1827, 63,000/., and in 1830 only 40,0001. and from which he hoped to take off 14,000/. in the course of 1831.

8. SaLanras TO Pum.ic Oemesas.—When the report of the Commit- tee on these salaries was brought up by Mr. BARING on Wednesday, Mr. Goumontr: complained that the Committee had gone out of their way to take notice of a subject which they were not called on to notice—he meant the, superannuations and allowances on retirement; from office. They had not only considered these allowances, but bad advised that in future they should be eubmitted to the direction of Parliament. This was, he conceived, an invasion of the constitution, and an inroad on the prerogatives of the Crown. Mr. BARING complained of the irregularity of 'discussing a report which was not yet before the House.

The Committee never meant to interfere with the prerogative of the Crown. All • they sald was, that grants of this kind, emanating as they all would from the Crown, should be submitted to that }louse, as indeed he thought all grants of money ought

• to be. •

Lord ALTrione said, the only part of the recommendation of the Com- mittee to which he stood pledged, was the reduction of the salaries of the Ministers of State.

A conversation ensued, in which Sir HENRY HARDING; Mr. KENNEDY, Sir GEORGE WARRENDER, and others took part, on the propriety of an- other recommendation of the Committee, to continue their half-pay to Naval Lords of the Admiralty. The report was ordered to be printed.

9. WEST Nola QUESTION. On Tuesday, a Member requested Lord Althorp to allow another hour for presenting some more of those peti- tions on the subject of Slavery which were held by various persons in the House. Lord ALTHORP expressed his readiness, but wished in the first place to try the effect of an application to Mr. Buxton, whether he might not be induced to postpone his motion, and thus render the presentation of petitions at that moment at least, in a great degree, unnecessary. Lord Althorp justified the application on the ground that his Majesty's Government had been so much engaged with the great question of Re- form, that they had not had time sufficiently to consider what course it was best to pursue respecting that of Slavery. Lord How:ex, Mr. CALCRAFT, and Sir JAMES Kamm:Tom supported the application of Lord Althorp. Mr. SYKES thought the question as ripe for discussion thenas it would be after the holidays. Mr. BUXTON said, he had great reluctance in consenting to the post- ponement required of him ; and he did consent on the sole understand- ing that no cause should prompt the Chancellor of the Exchequer to request, as none would prevail on him to grant, any postponement in future. The question must be settled this session. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, the Committee on the Reform Bill was fixed for the 14th; but as there were several returns moved for, and some

presented, that required consideration, he would suggest to defer the Committee until the 18th, in which case Mr. Buxton's motion could be taken on the 14th. The suggestion was agreed to.

10. COAT. DUTIES. On Monday, Mr. FRANKLAND LEWIS introduced Ms Bill for regulating the Sale of Coal. He attributed the extraordinary difference of price in Dublin, where the chaldron of ordinary coals costs from 21s. to 23$., and in London, where it costs 44s.—in a great measure to the numerous, complicated, and expensi.-e machinery by which the sale was cumbered on pretence of being regulated. Mr. Lewis, after a compliment to the readiness with which his inquiries had been assisted by the London corporate authorities, proceeded to state, that by the Bill he wished to- introduce, the whole system of metage would be done away, and coals would be sold by weight instead of measure. The Orphans' Fund dues were mortgaged for the completion of London Bridge. In these, therefore, Government could effect no reduction, but they had effected a conversion. The dues amounted to 10d. per chaldron, averaging twenty- four cwt.: they will be fixed by the Bill at 8d. per ton or twenty cwt. The 4d. duty per chaldron, and all the other dues claimed by the City, are to be compromised in future for 4d. per toil; whirls, with the mar- ket penny, would leave the whole future impost at 13d. per ton. " While I propose this arrangement," said Mr. Lewis, "I cannot, however, avoid saying—although I do not wish to inlerfere with the arrangements of the Govern- ment—that I think it would be infinitely better to do away with the Orphans' Fuad altogether, and to raise a sum in lieu of it by a small per centage on al/ the custom- duties paid in the port of London ; a charge which, I think, would be infinitely fairer than that which is now imposed solely on coals." In respect of the amount of tons of coals brought into the port of London, the Bill proposes that it shall be ascertained directly in the ports from which the shipments are made, and thus the expense of an office in London for the purpose will be spared. And it also proposes, taking for elements of the calculation the tonnage thus ascertained and the num- ber of voyages performed, to allow owners of vessels to compound for the ditties by the year. The next great point of economy is, to allow the masters of colliers, like the masters of every other description of vessels, to employ whatever persons they please to unload their vessels, and thus to get rid of the whole class of whippers—persons who have added im- mensely to the cost of delivering vessels, without even the small good of securing high wages to themselves ; it being notorious that these privi- leged workmen are cheated as much in the shape of lodging and beer- money as they gain in extra pay. In future the whippers may work as they see fit, and for whom they see fit, and captains of vessels may

bargain for their assistance as they find it convenient. . The introduction of weight instead ot measure in the Wept" coal, Mr.

Lewis said, would beattended with othereffects than merely simplifying the sale—it would bring to market a large quantity of coals which was at pre- sent allowed to waste for miles round the pits of the North—the small coal. Under the measuring system, none but great coal would suit the merchant, because every process of reduction in size added to the quan- tity to be measured out. They were broken in the vessel, broken at the wharf, broken by the retailer; and at every breaking the measure was increased. When coa:s were weighed, and when, consequently, no ad- vantage was derivable from the great more than the small, the latter,

which could be procured in the North at a much cheaper rate, would be readily brought to market. The remeasurement of a waggon of coals of suspected quantity, was at present a work of much time and considerable expense-there weighing would be easy,and it would be no expense at all. At every considerable wharf there would be a weighing..machine, where the cart would be weighed first, the sacks would then be placed in it, and the whole weighed, and thus the quantity ascertained at a single process. The Bill provided that proper allowances should be made to the per- sons whom it would deprive Of office : these a.lowances would amount to 11,000/. This, however, weuld impose no additional duty-it would be de- frayed by the City of London, out of the marset-penny and other duties .already noticed. Mr. Lewis said, he had no doubt, that under the regu- lations provided by the Bill, the sale of coal would be rendered as free and open as the sale of corn in Mark Lane. Of the practicability of the regulations there could be no doubt, for no alteration had been proposed -that was not amply supported by the evidence taken by the Committee that sat on the subject.

Mr. Alderman WAITIIMAN agreed in respect to the value and import- ance of the Bill : he could riot, however, avoid adverting to a fact that had recently come to light. It appeared that small coal sold at the pit- mouth was charged, if for the Irish market, only 5s. per ton ; if for the London market 14s. This had recently been proved in a court of justice, in an action against a person who had purchased, as for the Irish market, coals which he brought to London, and where damages to the amount of the difference-9s. per ton-were recovered. 'While regu- lating the sale of coal in London, it was but right to provide some regu- lation for the sale of coal at Newcastle.

Alderman Tuomesos: did not object to the principle of the Bill, but he had some doubts of its details. He did not think the public would be safe if the meters were done away with. There were other parts of the working of which he had considerable doubts. While getting rid of re-

strictions here it was absolutely necessary to get rid of combinations which made the price at the pit-mouth six or seven shillings more than it ought to be. Perhaps the introduction of Scotch coal would do this most effectually. It was in evidence before the Committee, that ships had been detained three weeks at Newcastle, because $he proprietors Lad already delivered a mouth's coals, and would not, in consequence, deliver any more.

Mr. BELL denied that the price of small coal was different for the Dublin and London markets-it was for both Gs. Gd. at that moment. If there were combination among the coal-owners, it must be a very loose one, for coals had fallen 7s. at the pit-mouth within a very short time.

Mr. Alderman THOMPSON again referred the House to the acticrn on which the observation of Alderman Waithmati was founded. -

Mr. Alderman Woceci approved of the bill. With respect to the re. duction of duty, the public were now, and would continue in future, to receive the fullest benefit of it from the competition to which it hadgiven rise.

Mr. VVARBURTON thought some remedy shouldhe sought for the griev- ance noticed by Alderman Thompson of vessels being obliged to wait because the usual monthly supply had been already delivered out.

Sir M. W. RIDLEY denied that there was any limitation of supply: the regulation went merely to provide that each vessel must be supplied in its turn, and this was essential to the preservation of due order. The'

supposition that the owner of the coal could or would deprive the public of the advantage of the reduction of duty, was most unfounded. If they were so deprived, it would be by the intermediate dealers, not the coal- owner. It was a curious fact, that of 1G0/. paid to the London merchant, only about 401. went to the coal-owner.

After some further conversation, leave was given to bring in the bill. It was then read a first time, and ordered to Le read a second time on the 18th of April.

11. RELIEF OF IRELAND. Lord A el' 110Re, on Wednesday, brought forward one of the measures intended for the relief of Ireland. His Lordship moved that Government be enabled to issue Exchequer Bills for the purpose of granting local and temporary relief to the poor of that country. The great evils which the Government, in setting apart a sum for the relief of Ireland,. sought most zealously to guard against, were local, and, more especially, political influence. The money was, accordingly, to be distributed through the medium of a Commission, appointed, not by the Lord Lieutenant, but by the Treasury. It would have the power of disposing of the monies to be voted, and would absorb in itself the powers of the Commissions for Public Works, Inland Navigation, and the Board of Works in Dublin, and would exercise, also, that part of the duties of the Postmaster-General, which enabled him to direct the repair and improvement of roads. The Commis- sioners would be paid salaries, because, without being paid, it was im- possible the Government could exercise a proper control over them. As, however, they would only occupy the place of the Commissioners ad- verted to, no additional expense would _ be thereby incurred. The Commissioners would be in communication with the local Government of Ireland ; but they would also be in direct communication with the Treasury: their reports would be made at stated periods ; and they would not be permitted to commence any new work without the per- mission of Government. Among the applications made to them, the Commissioners would select the most worthy of being entertained for reference to the Treasury ; the grounds of selection being the public benefit of the work, the immediate employment it would give, and the prospective employment it tended to give. They would, above all, see that good security was taken for the advances,-for the money was only to be advanced on loan ; and when the whole of the loans were repaid, the fund would cease. The money would be raised by Exchequer Bills. As the months of-April, May, and June, were those in which it was most important to provide labour,-and as the Bill could hardly pass under any circumstances before the end of May,-the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to place immediately 50,0001. in the bands of the Lord Lieutenant, subject to the saline regulations as those which it was proposed to impose on the Commissioners. After some observations from Mr. WIrsE, Mr. SADLER, Mr. G. DAWSON, and others, in favour of the introduction into Ireland of a modified poor-law instead of such grants, the vote was agreed to, and the report ordered to be brought up on the 12th of April. AND ORDRES OP THE DAY, WHICH NOW STAND TE: ODDER Boos. or TUE HOUSE or DnalliONS. KSDAV, 12th 1831. Notices of Notions-71. Dlr. Wyse-To submit to the House a motion relative to 41ducation in Ireland, with a view to the greater diffusion and the betta ‘r allocation of the funds appropriated for its support. of its advantages, a . Dlr. Guest-Select Committee, et) whom shall be referred the account of all Pen- 2 sions payable out of the Civil List, dzi to the continuance of such Pensions sew

only as shall have been granted for sere, .performed, or for which satisfactory

special grounds shall be stated. 3. Mr. Don. 4uieekeeBsriomtvpnie--e to empower towtehreCinathitoid-

lie Bishops in Ireland to accept Conveyauces, in .

-•tiaLer of acres in each parish, their successors, of lands not exceeding a certain n. -al yurposes only. 4. Lord for the building of Catholic Chime::: thereon, or for DI ens •Ieties. 5. Mr. R'ilks- Viseeent A lthorp-Bill for Consolidation of the S hattn seopulitan Pclice on

Return of nutnher el persons employed in and abuto the il e. - distinguishing

each quarterelaiy during the year 1S30, and at tile pre-eitt tinte ; '4. their pay, their respective grades, and specifying the number of u ten ill each emu,. ^f Public and allowances. 6. Dlr. Stanley-Bill for the extension and promo :ion s -stice Works in Ireland. 7, Mr. Crampton-Bill to improve the administration of ' in Ireland. thders of the Day-1. Tobacco Growth Prohibition (Ireland) Bill- Committee. 2. Roman Catholic Charities Bill-Committee. 3. Arbitration Bill- Further consideration of Report. 4. Lunatics Bill-Second reading. 5. Money Payment Acts Repeal Bill-Further consideration of Repine G. Money Payment of Wages 13111-Further consideratiou of Report. 7. Dublin Assessments Bill- Second reading. 8. Privileges (Pecuniary Penalties)-Farther consideration of Res port. 9. Relief of Ireland, Issue of Exchequer Bils-Report thereupon. 10. Civil 1.ist Bill-Committee. 11. Sea Apprentices settlement Bill-Committee. 12. Prioted Cottons Bill-Committee. 13. Deputy Lieutenants' Indemnity (Scotland) Bill-Farther consideration of Report. 14. Dean Forest Butuelaries Bill-Com- mittee. 15. Indemnity Bill-Third reading. 16. Post Office Sale Bill-Second reading. 1311, April. Notice af Motion-Lard Nue ent-Bill to abutislicertain Oaths taken in Customs and Excise. Orders of the Day-1. Canine alatitiess Bill-Committee. 2. Turnpike Itoads (Scotland) Bill-Further consideration of Report. 3. Vestries (1r- laud) Bill-Second reading. 4. Oaths before Lord Steward Bill-Committee. S. Wool- vercot (Oxford) Inclosure Bill-Second reading. O. Emigration Bill-Second reading. 7. Liability of Landlords Bill-Further consideration of Report. S. Heritable In- feftments (Scotland) Bill-Further consideration of Report. 9. Corporate Funds Bill-Committee. 10. Church Building Bill-Secomi reading. 11. Statute of Frauds Amendment Bill-Second reading. 12. Attestation of Instruments Bill- :Second reading. 13. Supply-Committee. 14. Elections (Ireland) Bill-Com- mittee. 15. Ways and Means-Committee.

14th April. Notices of Motions-1. Dlr. Robert Grant-Bill to remove the Civil Disabilities to which British-born Jews are subject. 2. Mr. John Campbell -Bill to amend the Law respecting Inheritance and Descent, and to allow Parents to succeed as Heirs to their Children, mid Collateral Relations to succeed as Heirs to each other, though of the half blood :-Also, Bill to amend time Law respecting Dower and Curtesy :-Also, Bill to abolish Fines and Recoveries. and to substitute other assurances in lieu thereof :-Also, Bill to amend the Law regarding Prescrip- tion and Limitation of Actions respecting Real Property. 3. Dlr. flume-Motion relating to the present Laws and practice of the Tithe System, with a view of effecting a permanent Commutation on fair and elmitable terms. 4. Dlr. Warbur- ton-Resolution, That it is expeilieut that all Elections for Members to serve in Parliament the Votes be takeu by way of Ballet. 5. Mr. Wyse-Motion for the Letter employment of the 1abottring dassee in Ireland. Orders of the Day-1. Charities Bill-Second Reading. 2. Charitable Funds Recovery Bill-Second reading. 15th April. Orders of the Day-1. Register for Deeds Bill-Second reading. Z. Tansies Regulation (Scotland) Bill-Second reading. 3. Tai lei e's Relief (Scotland) Bill-Second reading. 4. Tailzie's Amendment (Scotland) Bill-Second reading,. 5. Cotton Factory Apprentices' Bill-Further consideration of Repsrt. It. Coal Duties Repeal Bill-Committee. 7. India Supreme Courts Bill-Second reading. S. stamp Duties Acts-Committee thereupon. S. Tallow Candle Duties Repeal ailts--Cotnintuce. 10. Ecclesiastical Lands Exchange Bill-Second readies. 11. Vestries Bill-Further consideration of Report. 12. Waterloo Bridge New Street Bill-Further consideration of Report. Notices efalorons-1. Dlr. Powell Buxton -Colonial Slavery. 2. Mr. Charles Buller-lo Cummittee on Stamp Duties Acts to move That the Stamp Duties on Newspapers be reduced to one halfpenny ; and that ;11 printed Papers so stamped be allowed tu be sent free of postage to all parts of the United Kingdom. S. Dlr. Grant-Dlution, That Notice be given to the East India Company, which is required by the Act 5O Geo. III. c. 155, s. 3, as preliminary to the termination of their Charter.

Bitlm April. Orders of rig; Da1j-1. Abjuration Oath Repeal Bill-Further con- sideration of Report. 2. Land Tax Commissioners' Names Bill-Committee. 3. Reform of Parliament (Ireland) Bill-Second reaciing. 4. 'London Curd Bill- Second reading. S. Frauds on Creditors Bill-Second reading. 6. Suits in Com- mon Law Courts Bill-Second reading. 7. Malt Distillation (Ireland) Bill-Coin-. tnittee. S. Reform of Parliamesit (England) Bill-Cuunnittee. 9. Land Tax Double Assessments Bill-Committee. AVires Jlotions-1. Sir Andrew Agnew-To move an Instruction to the Committee on the Reform of Par ['anima (England) Bill, that the Committee du consider the expediency of throwing the smalle r English Boroughs into Districts and of assigning one or more members to each District, as in the Districts of Bueghs in Scot- land, and as in the places sharing in the Election of Burgesses in Wales; and that no Borough whatever should be totally disfratichised. 2. General Guscuyne- Tbat it be an Instruction to the Committee on time Reform of Parliament Bill, that, in any alteration or transfer of the Elective Franchise in the Representatioa of the United Einedom proposed by the Bill, that the Bill should maintain the came relative proportion as to number of Representetives for each distinct part of the United Kingdom as was established ambsettled at the time of the Union between England amid Scotland, and also at the time of the Act of Union betivent Great Britain and Ireland. 3. General Gascoyne-lestruction authorizing the Cotuniit- tee on the Reform of Parliament Bill, that they have power to insert a Clause, nu- then i zing any City. Town, or Borough bevies a Population of not less than 150,000 resident inhebitants and a constittiencv of oot less than 12,000 voters, to send four Representatives to time Reformed Parliament. 4. Dlr. Hodgson (of Newcustle)-In Committee on Reform of Parliament (England) Bill, to move, That every person who shall hereafter be admitted to the Freedom of any Corporation (being entitled thereto by With or servitude), in virtue of which admission he would, by the illW8 and customs now in force, be entitled to vote at the Election of Members of Parlia- ment for any City or Borough, shall exercise sech right, beilig first duly registered; provided every such person shall have resided for six mouths previous to the time of registration, within seven miles of the usual place of registration within such City or Borough. 19th April. Notices of Motions-1. Mr. Robinson-To call the attention of the House tube state of the Wand of Newfoundland. 2. Mr. Robinson-Petition from a body of merchants in Waterford, praying for an inquiry into the state of the Island of Newfoundland. 3. Mr. Sadler-Bill for bettering the condition of the Labouring Poor of England connected with certain improvements in the admieistration of the Poor-Laws. 4. Mr. Lamb-To bring Grand Jury Laws under the consideration of the House. Order of the Day-Coleraine Election Petition-Ballot fug Committee at three.

211th April. Order of The Day-Stage Coaches Bill-Second reading.

21st April. Notices of Motions-1. Mr. More O'Ferrall-Bill to empower landed Proprietors in Ireland to sink, embank, and remove obstructions in Rivers. 2. Mr. Alderman Wood-That a 'eduction be forthwith made in the Salaries of all the Officers of the Government, commensurate with the increase made to them during the War, in consequence of the high prices of provisions and the necessaries of life. 3. Mr. Sibthorp-Return of all Absentees who have received Passports in the United Kingdom to any Foreign Country (except such as have embarked on Diplo-• made Missions) during the years 1826, 1627, 1828, 1859, and 1830 inclusive, sped- lying the period of absence in each country, and petiod of return. Orders of Me Day-1. Knaresborough Election Petition-Ballot for Committee at three. 2. Poor Relief (Ireland) Bill-Second reading. . 22nd April. Orders tithe Day-1. Reform of Parliament (Scotland) Bill-Second reading. 2. Evesham Disfranchisement Bill-Secoed reading; Witnesses toattend. 25th April. Order of the Day-Game-Laws Bill-Second reading. .

26th April. Notices of .illotions-1. Mr. Slaney-Select Committee, to consider the necessity of securing open spaces in the iinmetilate vicinity of large and populous towns, tilted to preserve health, and afford means of exercise to the middling and labouring classes. 2. Mr. Sadler-Bill for improving the administration of the Poor-Laws in the agricultural districts of England. 3. Sir John Newport,-BIli to amend Acts 17 and 18 Car. II., c.7 (Irish Act), for provision of kliaisters in Cities

NOTICES OP MOTIONS.

and Corporate Towns, so far as to limit the time of recovery of Arrea:,.8 to three years.

28th April. Notices of Motions-I. Mr. Cartels-Bill to repeal 2. Sir John Newport-Bill to prohibit Plurality of Livings „ commendwn with Bishoprics. -.ad . -netlily on Malt. Benefices held in / 3rd May. Notices of Motions-1. Mr. Gisborne-Bill

commonly called the Small Note Act; also 9 Geo. IV repeal Act 7 Geo. IV. c. 6,

Scotch and Irish Notes under 51. In England. o . c. 05, to restrain circulation of

from the Master of the Rolls of Ireland, 3. !Sir, Shaw -To present Petition claimed by the Master of the Rolls, Irate ' of r, Shaw-Returns relative to a right for certain Returns connected with of appointing his own Secretary ; also,

a view to the reform of abuses am; ate High Court of Chancery in Ireland, with 4th May. Notice of Mor defects therein existing. Savings Banks. Order o** Frankland Lewis-Resolutions respecting reading. e (AA Day-Settlement by Apprenticeship Bill-Second

9th May. Last •'

10th May. " „dr i.or receiving reports of private bills. sion for the adice of Motion-Mr. O'Brien-Resolutions in favour of a provi-

12th /tomtit' Catholic Clergy in Ireland.

ofav. Notice of Motion-Mr. Wolryche Whitmore-Resolutions respect. t.ne China trade.

retie May. Notice of Motion-Sir Henry Parnell-Resolutions on the manage- altent of the collection and expenditure of the public money.

•

NOTICVS OF 'MOTIONS FOR winces NO PARTICULAR DAYS DAVE BEEN FIXED.

1.. Mr. Spence-To move resolutions, That it is expedient that the records of

all proceedings in the Court of Chancery shoul8 be kept in one certain place ;- That it is expedient to simplify the practice of the Court of Chancery, and to re- duce it to a known and certain system ;-To alter the form and simplify the mode of issuing process in the Court of Chancery ;-To facilitate the taking of answers and pleas, particularly in country causes and the swearing of affidavits ;-To provide for the more effectual taking of evidence in the Court of Chancery ;-To abolish un- necessary recitals in decrees and orders, and to provide for the due anti expeditious drawing up of decrees and orders; -To regulate the mode of proceeding i n the Mas- ters' Offices ; to establish distinct officers for taking accounts ; to abolish the public office; to provide for the Masterssitting in public in certain eases, and to enable them to determine various interlocutory matters ; to abolish proceed; ng by bonrly warrants ; to abolish copy-money ; to abolish unnecessary recitals in reports; to diminish the expense of proceedings in the Masters' Offices, and to increase the dispatch of bu- siness there ;-To appoint distinct officers for taking accounts ;-To enable the suitors in the country to have accounts taken there, and to appoint proper officers for that purpose in each county, and to provide for such officers taking answers and evidence, and doing such other matters as are now performed by commissioners and masters extraordinary t-To enable the Lord Chancellor to appoint a broker of the Court of Chancery, tee' that the salary of the Accountant-general should be fixed ;-To abolish the thine y jut isdietien of the Court of Exchequer, audio con- stitute the Chief Baron a Judge of the Court of Chancery, and to provide for the removal of the officers of the Court of Exchequer to the Court of Chancery, or to assitnilate the practice and proceedings in both courts ;-To and the ditties of all the Judges of the Court of Chancery, and to provide for the dispatch of busi- ness in their different courts;-To constitute from the Judges of the Court of Chan- cery a Court of Appeal fur the Court of Chancery. 2. Mr. Jephson-Motion rela- tive to the representation of counties and ridings of counties in Ireland, contain- ing more than 300,000 inhabitants. 3. Mr. Jephson-llesolution, I eimiring that all members returned to serve in Parliament shall, before they take their seats, make oath that they have not, directly or indirectly, been guilty of bribery at their elec- tion. 4. Sir Matthew Ridley-Consideration of the petition of merchant-seamen, praying to be relieved from the monthly cantribatiou of sixpence to Greenwich Hospital.