MODERN RESULTS OF PARTY GOVERNMENT.
PROFESSOR GOLD WIN SMITH has very recently attempted to show that as the settlement of once press- ing questions gradually obliterates old party watchwords, Party itself must disappear at no distant date, since "in normal times the occupations of Governments and legislatures will be matters of current administration." This is a very remarkable echo of opinions that were expressed almost everywhere a few years ago. When the General Election of 1874 had transferred power from Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Disraeli, even Liberals widely avowed the opinion that it did not much signify. The main part of the work had been done, they said, at least for a time ; —there was little to do but "carry on the Government," and
this would be done much as before. Since such expectations have done much mischief, and had in particularlar much to do with what had then actually taken place, it is worth while to show that they neither could be nor were actually realised. A moment's reflection will convince any one that the question of Government is one mainly of a proper balance of powers in re- lation to the people governed. No Liberal will deny that many despotisms have done much for the human race ; and Mr. Bright himself would scarcely make a sudden grant of Parliamentary institutions to the ryots of India, even though he could per- sonally ensure that they were of the very best Manchester pattern, At some future time we may, perhaps, attain to something like a Philosophy of Government, according to which despotic, monarchical, and republican forms shall all be seen to be only modes of one general law ; meantime, however, we can only certainly say that those fitted to rule will rule, and that as the mass of a nation developes the qualities which in olden days made single man kings, they will not only rule inferior races, but insist on something like equal rights among themselves, as European monarchs call each other " cousins." Hence, as a nation developes socially, there will be a constant struggle for new adjustments between the two opposing principles of Right and of Authority, the result of which is but a manifestation of the "survival of the fittest;" and which can never end, unless and until society becomes perfectly adjusted, and remains permanently in that state. Some—for reasons Mr. Galion recently expounded at Plymouth —will seek to claim rights too soon, while others will seek to maintain too late authority 'which has lost its power. In this never ceasing struggle neither principle contains the whole or absolute truth, and if we are wise we shall recognise both ; but so far from " current administration" being independent of that everlasting party question which is over seeking for solu- tion, we should rather expect to find therein some of the strongest traces of it. If it be granted that Party divisions represent in the main —as we believe they do—the two opposing principles of Right and of Rule; and if Party struggles turn mainly in practice—as we also believe they do—upon the precise time and degree of change which is itself inevitable wherever social progress and development are found, then an important con- sequence follows. It is freely admitted that Conservatism, or resistance to changes which some will certainly demand too soon, is as necessary to change being made at the right time as that there should be those who demand change at all. But since change must come, as those who were once governed by Authority claim and obtain the right to govern themselves, it is inevitable that one party shall in the long-run appear always to carry its measures and be on the winning,side ; while the other always appears to lose, or to be too late in all its conces- sions to popular demands. This fact tends to produce a con- stant feeling of defeat and irritation, which works actively in two opposite directions.
One very curious effect of what we may venture to call the permanently " losing " character of Conservatism is the policy, invented and mainly practised by Mr. Disraeli in his more lively days, which has been euphoniously termed "dishing the Whigs." In disgust at being uniformly forestalled by Liberals,
that astute leader has been known—witness his Reform Bill—
to astound his followers by granting more than even the Liberals ventured to do ; and his principal organ, even now, points to the possibility of Lord Beaconsfield adopting the same course with the County Franchise, and justifies it on the extraordinary plea that "the country gentlemen have the matter in their
own hands, and could always ensure the loyalty of the peasankii
if they had the slightest reason to suppose they were in danger of losing it." This early attempt at "educating" the party deserves notice, but no one has ever ventured to say much for this kind of policy, since people on the whole like con.sistency. At the very time referred to, many of the Premier's own party termed the " dishing" process disgraceful ; and it will not often be repeated,—not for this reason, but because experience con- vinced those who adopted it that it is also dangerous. We have only felt concerned to point out why, under certain circumstances, it is very natural. But the more ordinary effect of this constant sense of defeat is a desire to positively undo in small details what in
principle
is felt to be irrevocable. Things have been successfully claimed as of right ; but a conscientious Tory, alike with one who is mainly guided by mere class interests and sympathies, must and will endeavour, so far as he can, to proceed in detail in the old way. The instinct of authority and the sympathy with it, which are as strong in him as ever, must still come out, not only in what he says, but in what he does. Hence it is that such feelings and their results are termed Reactionary ; hence it is that a change in government must be felt in the most ordinary legislation and throughout "current adminis- tration ;" hence it is that those who supposed things were to go on under Mr. Disraeli's Cabinet almost as if under a Liberal Government were profoundly mistaken. A very brief recapitu- lation of what has happened since 1874 will show how profoundly mistaken they were. In the first Session of the Parliament there was less oppor- tunity than usual for a reactionary policy, Government coming into office so suddenly that they had to adopt even the esti- mates of their predecessors. The celebrated speech affirming that the-British Fleet was but a "phantom," followed by remedies to the extent of a bare £100,000, and the somewhat similar remedy of half-an-hour's grace to public-homes for the great evils which had been loudly charged against Lord Aberdare's Licensing Bill, simply showed the desire to find fault and undo, but do not greatly touch our subject. The Scotch Patronage Bill, however, which surrendered any control over the Estab- lishment, while maintaining its privileges, was a measure of another sort, and produced effects of which we have not yet seen the last. But far the most reactionary measure of the Session was the Endowed Schools Bill, which, as brought in by Lord Sandon, disqualified Nonconformists from being trustees of a great number of grammar-schools, retained restrictions to holy orders which were felt to be behind the age, and took away the right of Dissenters to compete for scholarships and exhibitions. Under the terrific storm of public feeling which followed, Government shrank before even a minority in the House, and the obnoxious clauses were given up; but the reluctance with which this was done is shown by the fact that the emasculated measure found no mention in the Queen's Speech. It is also remarkable that although no more striking example can be found in which a minority, by the force of debate and the sheer justice of their cause, altered a measure for the better, charges of " factious " oppo- sition were brought against the Liberal party by the 'whole Conservative Press of that day, with a vehemence which has had no parallel since until the last few months. In foreign policy, the year 1874 is noticeable for the marked disinclina- tion to recognise the Spanish Republican Government, which was visited with emphatic censure by such a thoroughly aristo- cratic journal as the Morning Post, and which stands in marked contrast with the treatment accorded to the monarchy since established. It will be seen, then, that even the brief record of 1874 is significant enough ; so much so, that the Press generally referred with emphasis to what one journal termed "the adoption by Government of the Continental practice of making a clean sweep " of the work of its predecessors. But such preliminary skirmishes by no means satisfied the party in power, and the Standard of that date, in reviewing the work of the Session, expressly found fault -with the excessive moderation that had. prevailed, and wrote of the Ministers, "If they are not in office as the accredited represen- tatives of constitutional principles, they had better have stayed in opposition." We shall accordingly expect to find far more pronounced signs of the "principles" referred to in the year following.
As an actually beneficial instance of the new spirit in foreign affairs, we may note the purchase by Government of nearly ono-half the Suez Canal, which was undoubtedly an exercise of sheer executive authority, but was as undoubtedly considered by the public as conducing to the national welfare. For the extraordinary mission of Mr. Cave so much cannot be said. That mission, as understood by Mr. Disraeli, appears not only to have been neither understood nor desired by the Khedive, but to have actually injured him, and must be classed as a blinder distinctly traceable to Tory forms of thought. But what upon the whole far more affected the public was the Slave Circu- lar, which not only shocked national feeling by surrendering slaves who had come on board British men-of-war on the high seas, but appeared to admit that such vessels were subject to foreign jurisdiction. A more conspicuous proof of the sym- pathy of those in office for Authority as against individual Rights could scarcely be found, and the storm of indignation which followed it will never be forgotten. A minor instance of the same feeling was afforded in the ' Vanguard ' Court- martial and subsequent proceedings. The court-martial had censured the captain of that vessel for want of judgment and duty before the accident, and want of resource after it, and his inferior officers for faults of the same kind ; but also blamed the Admiral by implication for too high a speed, and the officers of the 'Iron Duke' for the graver faults of steering out of line, increasing speed, and giving no signals. But a Minute of the Board of Admiralty reversed these conclusions. While it dismissed the lieutenant of the Iron Duke' from his ship, it exonerated her captain and even the admiral, though it expressly admitted that the latter was under "an erroneous impression" respecting the duty of his captains, and made a very " injudicious " signal. When the Minute appeared, the Admiral was the Board's Superintendent of Naval Reserves, and the public keenly felt the different measure meted out to him and to the poor lieutenant. This was all the more noticeable as being in marked contrast with the course taken by a Liberal Government when the Agincourtistranded on the Pearl Rock in 1871 ; when the Rear-Admiral of the Fleet and both Flag- Captains wore superseded, the Vice-Admiral directed to strike his flag, and the Staff Commander placed upon half-pay. In legislation, this year witnessed Purchase in the Army partially restored under colour of exchanges ; Mr, Hardy's Bill legal- ising more than the actual expenses of such arrangements, and throwing over them official sanction, thus partly undoing what it had cost the nation so much to do. This was undoubtedly done under strong professional pressure, and it shows the strong sympathy that always exists between Tory and "class" interests, that many professed Liberals voted for it, as they did later for the Appellate Jurisdiction of the House of Lords. It is equally worthy of note that while time could be found to push through such a measure, time could not be found to protect sailors, until Mr. Plimsoll's extraordinary outburst so roused the country that a Bill of some sort became a sheer necessity.
Amongst the noticeable events of 1876 are that Royal Titles Bill, respecting which Mr. Disraeli made the extra- ordinary statement that it would operate as a cheek to Russian aggression in Central Asia. The same Session saw Appellate Jurisdiction restored in effigy to the House of Lords, while the Burials Bill was still steadfastly opposed, though it was known that the usual hostile majority would be reduced oven in the Tory House by one-half. It also witnessed Lord Sandon'a error in accepting Mr. Pelrs amendment to the Education Bill, providing for the abolition by vote of unpopular School Boards. While this was done, Mr. Butt's Bills for altering the Irish borough franchise, and replacing errand juries by elected County Boards were rejected by majorities much smaller than the regular party majority, and an opportunity thus lost of affording some legitimate satisfaction to Ireland. As regards foreign and colonial policy, the year saw Lord Carnarvon, in quite the old- fashioned way, proposing to exchange territory with France on the coast of Africa ; while India was startled by a high- handed despatch from Lord Salisbury, censuring the Viceroy in Council for removing certain internal taxes before taking off the duty on cotton goods, and requiring that in future all legislative and financial measures should be laid before the Home Government for approval, before being submitted to the Council. This policy was warmly opposed by Lord Halifax, the Duke of Argyll, and Lord Lawrence, but was finally maintained.
It need hardly be said that the past year shows the same tendency. The division in the Lords clearly showed that a good Burials Bill could be passed with certainty and ease, but this was declined ; while on the other hand, the Army Pro- motion Bill (the third measure drawn up in the interests of the officers rather than of the Army), was forced through at the last moment, the chief Tory journal openly remarking that the question. was "not one upon which the opinion or advice of the House of Commons can be practically use- ful." On the other hand, the Prisons Bill, though adding to central authority, was both useful and popular. But the most characteristic sign of the feeling which domi- nates the party in power is undoubtedly the pro-Turkish policy of the Government. Tradition, and other more com- plex motives, doubtless helped to shape this ; but it is also beyond doubt that the Tories regarded the insurgents as rebels, and consequently bided with those who to them repre- sented legitimate authority. Very lately, indeed, the leading Tory organ frankly said that " ono sufficient reason why English Conservatives no longer see in Russia a Conservative Power, is to be found in the fact that Russia now employs against her enemies revolutionary means ;" and the same reasoning is clearly traceable in many quarters. Hence it is that we find a bias constant and invariable ; hence it is that while any charges against Russians are given as facts, the most terribly substantiated charges against Turks are cautiously
styled "alleged ;" hence it is we have at this very moment a British Ambassador sending home documents, too evidently "drawn up for publication," arguing the most extreme views before even the facts are known, and setting aside with his unsupported word the calm and official report drawn up on the spot by Mr. Baring.
Such is a very brief outline of what has taken place since the change of Government. Were the object of the statement merely partisan, much more might have been said ; but enough has been cited to show how the guiding principle of a Party must come out in oven the details of its administration, and that the difference between Liberal and Tory government must in any ease be very great. It has not been pretended that such difference is invariably in favour of Liberal govern- ment. It has been admitted that the Tory ideas of authority, and consequent respect for all existing authorities, have their place in any complete philosophy of government; and the purchase of the Suez Canal and the Prisons Bill were expressly cited as examples of benefit from the application of those ideas. Any intelligent Liberal can well afford to acknowledge all this, and more. But with all this, the general truth remains that the whole course of affairs has been profoundly affected by the party which has been in office, and that a vast mass of what has been done in foreign policy, domestic policy, and administration, has been the direct contrary of what would have been done had the Liberal party remained. in power. With some details a Liberal may and ought, when party feeling has cooled, to feel content, but with regard to the principal part he cannot so console himself. He must rather feel that not only has a magnificent surplus been wasted, which might have accomplished so much good, but that according to all his opinions and beliefs, his country has so far retrograded. Our own sympathies are not, of course, disguised, but the general truth we have expressed is inde- pendent of Party views, and would apply quite as well to Tory complaints of Liberal administration. An important practical conclusion follows. Any one who duly considers such facts cannot possibly feel that indifference to what Party is in power which was so generally expressed four years ago. So far from demanding some "great ques- tion" before he can heartily desire change in an adverse administration, he will find abundant cause for his highest solicitude in those every-day affairs respecting which Party has been so thoughtlessly affirmed to make no difference. To the thoughtful man, such a careless verdict will indeed seem the very extreme of ignorance, and such practical indifference as resulted in the reaction of 1874 almost positively criminal. He will indeed cheerfully recognise, that there are place and function for a different political principle to that which sways himself ; and he will seek to credit those who are governed by it with a sense of duty and patriotism equal to his own ; but he must be faithful to the truth which he knows, and labour and strive earnestly, always and everywhere, for the political faith which is in him. Some may still tell him, that for a few years the triumph or the defeat of what he believes to be true can matter little to him or to others ; he will see that the effects of such an event are felt in even the "current Administration" of every day, and matter a great deal indeed.
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