WARSAW.
Two Emperors and a King are about to meet at Warsaw, and Germany is perturbed. In the ancient capital of Poland, the re- presentatives of her spoilers will assemble, and honest men as well as political speculators are asking the blunt questions—Why, -and for What ? There is no Polish question on the cords, at least, none at present. Russia is threatened by no one. Prussia is threatened by no one ; there are contingencies which might in- volve her in trouble, but they are remote in imae°ination. Austria is not menaced, except by her natural enemies the Italians, and by her own flagrant misdeeds and terrible blunders. Why, then, will the spoliators of Poland assemble in Warsaw ? and for what will they gather there ? A wide and sober view of international relations, of interna- tional public opinion, and of the relations of each sovereign to his subjects, must dispose of the idea, hinted at in France and Germany, that they meet to resuscitate the Holy Alliance. It is one thing to take the name of the Holy Trinity in vain when you are in robust health, and crowned with wreaths of victory, with states and nations at your feet; it is another thing to do so when you are sick unto death, or at best but convalescent. Russia is not strong enough in men or money to venture her political future upon a east of the dive, while other and more energetic Powers can throw sixes by uplifting the flag of na- tionality simultaneously in so many quarters. Austria, it is true is in so sorry a plight, that she would perhaps willingly risk everything upon even an unpromising speculation ; yet even Aus- tria might find that the races under her sway would not back her in a struggle to put them completely under her feet. And as to Prussia, whose only alien element is the small Posen province, imagine the cautious and stolid statesmen who do bureau business in Berlin, who sometimes talk in subdued tones of German union under Prussian leadership, rushing into a war with the vital energies now disturbing obsolete arrangements. No ; it cannot be to establish afresh that Holy alliance which Canning and Wellington, and the English Liberals, laid in its grave so many years ago, that the sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia are about to come face to face in Warsaw.
We can well imagine that some events have occurred which may make it seem desirable for these gentlemen to have conver- sations, assisted by their chief Ministers, who will form a sort of diplomatic club for the discussion of recent phases of European politics. Two names will certainly be heard in the Palaces of Warsaw—Napoleon III. and Garibaldi. It is con- ceivable that none of the potent trio has looked with an eye of af- fection upon the aggrandizement of Piedmont, by the annexation of Tuscany and the _Emilia, and still less upon the unlooked-for enecesses of Garibaldi in Sicily and Naples. Neither can they be charmed with the annexation of Savoy and Nice, nor the mode of accomplishing that object. Upon all these topics, painful, and on some indignant remarks will be made. But that these remarks should result in any plan for the accomplishment of the objects described by the Courrier du Din-Inch, it is utterly impossible to believe. Open hostility to the revolution, reciprocal guaran- tees, against external and internal enemies, the reestablishmeut of deposed Italian princes, and so on, these are objects not to be dreamed of by Prussia who must consult her subjects, by Austria whose subjects insist on being consulted, by Russia, whose plans are inconsistent with a mighty war for the profit of others.
We west remember that Russia is the host at this regal fes- tival. She it is who has sent out cards of invitation. She, it is,
who has made it up with Prussia for the grave offence of emanci- pating herself from the fetters of a party slavishly subservient to the behests of St. Petersburg, and guilty of ceasing to pack her representative chamber. Russia it is, who, notwithstanding the immense ingratitude of 1855, holds out her hand to Austria, whose self-complacency on being restored to the good graces of the Northern cabinet is so manifest. If, then, Russia is the host, and the invitation is a diplomatic manoeuvre and not a mere act inspired by disinterested friendship, is it not probable that the object of the Warsaw gathering is less European than Russian ? We have heard of projects of revising the treaty of 1856, and every time a Russian looks upon the Black Sea, either from Odessa, Sebastopol, or the Caucasus, the treaty of 1856 must arise in his mind. Russia has ever profited by tur- moil in Europe. She clings as ever to the project of obtaining an outlet somewhere through her barrier of icy seas. Is it, then, altogether improbable that she has on hand some plan for making an approach towards the realization of her inveterate de- sires, and that she has taken a first step towards it by attempting to terminate at Warsaw the misunderstanding with Prussia and the estrangement from Austria ? At Warsaw she may be able to discover the views of her old allies, and feel her way towards a complete reconciliation as a preliminary to the furtherance of ulterior projects. She may dangle enticing baits before the eyes of both—protection on the Rhine to one, and insurance against revo- lution to another. The natural sympathy of royalty with royalty would be a sufficient reason. If they nibbled the bait, she might work out her own game at leisure. Whatever collateral purposes may be served by the Warsaw Congress, experience tells us that Russian objects are the main motives to Russian invitations, and it will be no surprise to us should it prove that something like what we have ventured to conjecture is transacted next month at Warsaw. But Russia, Austria, and Prussia, must not forget that there are other Powers now extant, and in their conversations at Warsaw they must bear in mind another trio, England, France, and Italy.
Previous page
