TOPICS OF THE DAY.
ARE THE TWENTY-FOUR ARTICLES NOW BINDING ON BELGIUM?
Tar Conference of London, it seems, has been, or is about to be called together, upon the interminable Belgian question. The differences between Holland and Belgium, which_sthave now sub- ',bled about eight years, appear fully fir distant as r ant from any prospect of settlement, as they were when the Great Powers fan- cied they had set them at rest for ever by the Treaty of the Teenty-four Articles, dated 15th November 1831. Against that treaty the King of Holland solemnly proteste,I. and has continued to protest, for more than six years; when, lo I in the seventh year the Dutch King announces his wish to accede to the same treaty, d demands of the Conference its rigid execution. The turn of events has rendered it the present interest of Holland to effect the terms which it so long persisted in refusing. On the other hand, Belgium, which in 1831 accepted the treaty, now declares that it is no longer binding upon her ; that intervening circumstances have released her from adherence to it ; and that she will not now be a party to an arrangement which towards her is essentially unjust and oppressive. The tables being thus turned, the Con- ference will have to consider, whether Belgium can be now fairly required to comply with the existing articles; or, if not, what are the equitable modifications thereof? The question is, in some respects, intricate, and too long to treat fully in our columns: but its direct importance to Belgium, as well as, collaterally, to the peace of Europe, induces us to notice one or two points involved
in t.
The objections of Belgium to the Twenty-four Articles are principally against the territorial division which assigns to Hol- land certain parts of the provinces of Luxembourg and Limbourg, although those districts, in common with the rest of Belgium, have thrown oft' the Dutch yoke; and against the charge upon Belgium of an undue portion of the Dutch Debt. Several pamphlets have lately appeared in Brussels, (particularly by M. DrEoRTIER, the Representative for Tourney, and Count FELix DE MERODEJ which attack very forcibly the injustice of the treaty in these respects. About three hundred thousand Belgians, who concurred in effecting the independence of the country by the Revolution of 1830, and who inhabit districts which have been united with the Belgic Provinces ever since the Pragmatic Sanction of the Emperor CHARLES the Fifth, were arbitrarily transferred to WILLIAM of Holland,—but transferred in name only, for Belgians these people are, and Belgians they have de- clared they will remain. King LEOpOLD accepted the crown of Belgium under guarantees, contained in the Eighteen Articles dated 26th June 1831, that his territory should not be thus dis- membered; and although LEOPOLD was compelled by the force of thee existing circumstances to become a party to the Twenty- (cur Articles of the November following, he did so in considera- tion of engagements made to him, which have never been ful- filled, and contrary, in fact, to the wishes and feelings of his people. Then, again, the Belgians contend that the annual pay- meta of 8,400,000 florins, saddled upon them by the Conference as their share of the joint debt, was awarded according to erro- reous statements furnished by the Dutch Plenipotentiaries, al- though under a solemn guarantee of their accuracy. M. DUHOR- TIER shows that the annual interest payable by Belgium ought ME to exceed 2,607,191 forms; and at all events, it is manifest that there are serious errors in the calculations,—because, for in- stance, the Conference took the amount of debt contracted during the Union at 10,000,000 florins. whereas the official report of the Netherlands Government, presented to the States-General in 1830, does not exceed 3,841,724 florins for this very item. There are also other good grounds for revising the apportionment of the debt, for which the reader is referred to M. DUMORT1EICS and other pamphlets. It was undoubtedly the intention of the Conference that Bel- gion should participate in the credits, (benefices) as well as in the debts, of the late kingdom of the Netherlands; and this principle is expressly recognized by the Treaty of London, But Belgium has nevertheless obtained no share of or allouance for the Colonies acquired during the Union at the common charge. For instance, in 1824, Great Britain ceded to the United Nether- lands her possessions in Sumatra and the adjacent islands, in ex- change for Malacca and Singapore ; and the common purse of the Netherlands paid 100,0001. sterling to make up the deficiency of value in the possessions ceded to England. Again, New Guinea and the adjacent islands were also annexed to the Netherlands during the Union, and actually under a Belgian Governor. Yet in neither case has Belgium obtained any compensation for her interest in these colonies, which have remained under the domi- nion of Holland. Nor has she been awarded any equivalent for her share in the fleet, consisting partly of ships left at Antwerp by the Allies in 1815, and partly of those built during the Union at the common cost--an item of no inconsiderable importance in settling the balance of accounts. Several of the Twenty-four Articles have by the lap,e of time become inapplicable to the present state of' things. Such is Ar- ticle 9th, relating to the intermediate waters between the Scheldt and the Rhine ; the utility of which ill be superseded by the rail- way already constructed from Antwerp to Liege, and which is to be extended to Cologne at no distant day. Such also are the 8th and 10th Articles, relating likewise to internal navigation and railways, and the 13th Article, providing for the distribution of the assets of the Syndicate or sinking-fund.—the whole of that fund having been since converted by Holland to her own use, in order to support the expenditure of the war. It is not difficult therefore to show, that the Twenty-four Articles were designed for a dif- ferent state of affairs from the present, and could not be inserted, word for word, in a definitive treaty to be now made. The execu- tion of the Articles was to commence on the 1st January 1832; and dates of payment for the year 1832 were actually fixed by it The whole tenor of the Articles was in conformity -.%ith the con- temporaneous declaration of the Great Powers, " that they could not abandon to longer uncertainties questions of which the imme- diate solution had become a primary necessity for Europe." The Great Powers not only pledged themselves to King LEO- POLIO before he left London, to enforce their decisions upon the King of Holland, but, by a note annexed to the Twenty-four Ar- ticles, They solemnly engaged to obtain the adherence of the King of Holland to those Articles, even if he should commence by re- jecting them. That engagenient has not been performed, but, on the contrary, when in 1832 Belgium demanded of the Five Powers the execution of the treaty, they refused; and the Con- ference was dissolved. The 70th Protocol informs us, " that, on the 1st October 1832, the Plenipotentiaries of France and Eng- land, having recognized that there remained a duty for them to fulfil, namely, to procure for Belgium the execution of the treaty concluded with her, proposed to the Conference to employ coercive means to oblige Holland to adhere to the Twenty-four Articles. The Pienipotentiarie3 of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, without contesting this duty, declared they could not associate themselves in it ; which led to the dissolution of the Conference." The Five Powers, therefore, (owing to the sinister views of three of their number,) having distinctly refused to execute the treaty on their part, can it be said that, six years afterwards, they are entitled to require of Belgium the execution of the same treaty on her part ? The Belgian Government has surely reason and justice on its side, in protesting against being bound by a treaty, which, it bas been seen, has not bound the other contracting parties.
The truth is, that Holland has been speculating upon the ad- vantages which might result from delay ; but finding the position of Belgium becoming stronger every year, and much discontent existing among the Dutch people at the protraction of an expen- sive and fruitless war, the Cabinet of the Hague would now wil- lingly close with the terms offered in 1831 ; knowing that, by its misrepresentations at that period, the Great Powers were deceived, and that the same terms could n a now be obtained of the Con- ference. Nor is it in any sense right that Holland should obtain such terms. For Belgium, which in 1831 was struggling as it were for the assent of the Great Powers to her political existence, has in the mean time consolidated and improved her resources— has drawn closer the bonds of alliance with England and France —and has become both de fare anti de facto an independent power, capable or treating and acting for herself in the face of the world. She has at this moment 75,000 men under arms, and has a contingent army of 119,000 liable to be called out in case of emergency. IIer populous towns are connected by railways, which traverse the country in all directions, giving life and energy to her industry and social intercourse. It is now only a few Ileum' jour- ney from Ostend to Liege ; whence, in perhaps less time than two years, the railway to the Rhine will be eismpletei; whilst on the West, it is intended to form a similar communication between Brussels and Paris. It is clearly the interest of Great Britain and France to see justice done to Belgium as regards her relations with Holland. The feeling of the French nation is well known to be very strong on this subject; as witness the debates in the Chamber of Peers on the 29th of July last. The first move of Dutch or Prussian troops upon Belgium will be the signal for a French army to fly to her succour. Unless, therefore, the Confer- ence of London can succeed in effecting a new arrangement based upon principles of substantial j ustice, this question bids fair to inter- rupt the friendly relations of the Great Powers themselves. We are conscientiously convinced, that the case of the Belgians is one of great hardship; and far from blaming them for repudiating the Treaty of the Twenty-four Articles, we are satisfied that they have the best reasons for repelling it altogether. Still, it is in the power of the Conference to prevent the necessity of Belgium tak- ing such a course: and if we might offer a word in Lord PALMERsTON'S ear, it would be this—you may without difficulty adjust the question of the Debt, and even persuade the Belgians to pay to Holland something more than they ought, provided the whole Belgian territory be secured to them inviolate.. The whole Limbourg and of Luxembourg must remain Belgran ; and no compromise upon this point can be safe or permanent. The will of three hundred thousand people must be respected, no less than their race, habits, language, and associations. We repeat, Bel- gium will never surrender her people of Limbourg and Luxetn- bourg. Upon other matters she is ready to treat with moderation, and with a disposition to confide in the good intentions of the Great Powers.
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