SARRANS'S MEMOIRS OF LAFAYETTE.

THE history of LAFAYETTE, during the last two or three eventful years, by a competent authority, cannot but prove an important work. .M. SARRANS was the editor of a newspaper at the epoch of

the-Three Days ; and had been previously known to, and favoured by, the subject of these Memoirs. At the moment when every

citizen became a soldier, M. SARRANS entered the National Guard ; and was selected by General LAFAYETTE, then appointed its Corn- mander-in-chief, to the honourable post of his Aid-de-camp and

Secretary,—an office he retained till the resignation of the General.

Though his work is not written either in concert with or under the eye of the illustrious person he served, it necessarily bears an authentic

character ; and, as the author has felt himself at liberty to make use of the correspondence which passed through his hands as the Gene- ral's Secretary, it might be expected that we are admitted to a nearer view of many important transactions than is to be obtained by a mere reader of the journals, or a Mere spectator of public events. Disclosure is not, however, the characteristic of the

work. LAFAYETTE is not a man of mystery : he detests intrigue;

he lives and thinks openly, and in the face of mankind; he has no motives to conceal, no actions to throw into the shade, mask, or

misrepresent : if he i5 ever silent, it is from delicacy, or during the

operation of a .measure which must be completed before it is ex- plained: hence at the proper time he itt always ready with his ex- planation—nay, his exposition. The biography of' such a man is not, therefore, a subject of curious disclosure, the development of mystery, or the clearing up of doubt,—unless, indeed, he has been

personally injured. Of personal injuries such a man never speaks. LAFAYETTE never defends himself against the allegations of others, unless the public liberty is likely to suffer by the charge's; and in such circumstances, he never recriminates. In this ease only a 'biographer may make disclosures : lie can show the wrongs of the individual,—wrongs that L AFAYETTE either does not feel or will not own. His principle is total self-denegation, and as a rule to decide against self in all personal considerations. A disclosure Of Wrongs is the last thing in the world to come from him ; neither is he likely to look with inneh satisfaction on one who shall do him that office, unless, indeed, it can be shown that the public weal demands the statement.

These Memoirs are a party work : every French political writ- ing, of the present day must be so. There is not a Frenchman of education who is not compelled to take up some one view of pub- lic affairs at the present moment : the .views are not many, but great according to the occasion ; the results, according as each view is acted upon, are of immense national, nay, European im- portance: it is impossible, therefore, not only to be of a party, but to enter into it with warmth—nay, With a zeal that may be mis- taken for passion. The view here taken is that of LAFAYETTE himself. It was the intention of the General, in consenting to the enthronement of Louts PHILIP, to establish a republic with a King for its head—a perpetual and hereditary President..., It was thought that the Duke of ORLEANS was the very man for this purpose : he had been an officer in the Republican army, he had gained his livelihood, by his own exertions, he had lived in America, he was a man of simple habits and tastes, his family were of a domestic turn, and he himself appeared to rejoice in the title of a Citizen King. These were his qualifications in the eyes of LA- FAYETTE and his party. For the satisfaction of others, he was a Bourbon, and less likely to call down the hostility of the Holy Alliance. Under his auspices it was supposed the French would be permitted in quiet to work out their Revolution,—to Surround the monarchy, as they expressed it, with republican institutions. By republican institutions was meant a true Representative Go- vernment, under which the Nation should in fact be the real sovereign. The elective franchise was to be extended on the American scale ; the liberty of the press to be in all respects un- shackled, except by law ; and .universal toleration in religion, ni its widest sense, to be gradually established. There is no doubt that it was in this sense that Louis PHILIP 'accepted the crown. All the world is aware in what sense he has worn it. It is not too much to say; that had CHARLES the Tenth been. per- mitted to remain when he offered to withdraw the 'fatal Ordma.n- ces of July, and appoint••PERIER his Minister, that the popular in- terests would have been more considered and favoured than they have been under the Citizen King. The theory of Louis Pima P'S Government has been in accord- ance with a memorable sentence of the Doctrinaire GU1ZOT, who, while a...Minister, explained the characteristic of.the Revolution of 100 -to. be "a change of dynasty ; but that it was necessary to confine this change within the narrowest limits—to interfere as little as possible with established institutions; that it was desirable to accept the past, and to deal gently with it; to respect all acts executed, and to make a compromise with all interests." This is, in pointof fact, to continue the Restoration,—a thing certainly not worth fighting for, and to obtain whfch no glory. The Revolution of 1830 must, if this is to be the result, cease to be called glorious, and consent to be reckoned as a bloody struggle between a mob and. the military—a sanguinary riot, in which numbers prevailed. One old man was expelled, and a middle-ap„-ed gentleman seated in his place. The spirit of the Revolution did not, in filet, survive the Three Days a month: the Citizen King quickly surrounded himself with persons who have always been afraid of the People, or have betrayed them,—men who sought their own interests in pretending those of the Nation, and who much preferred the luxury and corruption of a quasi-legithnate Court to the hard ser- vice of the People. A quasi-legitimate Monarch, whose only anxiety was to fix his throne by servility abroad and severity at home, must necessarily have found a very inconvenient friend in LAFAYETTE. The " Man of the People" was too powerful to be dis- missed; he was therefore worked upon by an intrigue—his delicacy was hurt; and while the courtiers and Ministers were almost prostrate before him, they contrived to disgust and dismiss him. From that time there has been going on a struggle between the new principles which the Monarch conceives necessary to the stability of his throne, and the principles which the People expected to see acted upon as the fruit of their victory.

The history of the intrigue by which LAFAYETTE was ousted from the command of the National Guard, is an interesting por- tion of the work, and a fair specimen of the spirit in which the whole is written.

Those who opposed the continuance of Lafayette in the post of Commander- ia-chief, bad long resolved to avail themselves, as the first step towards his re- moval, of the presentation of the law for the final organization of the National Guards. But the discussion of the project haying commenced in Committee, prior to the trial of Ministers, care was taken not to allow a design to transpire in public which might have produced fearful disasters. It was accordingly de- cided, in the first Committee appointed by the Government, and at which the Duke de Choiseul presided, that Lafayette should continue Commander-in-chief of the National Guards, but that he should be the last appointed to that post. This article was afterwards read, in the presence of the General, at a meeting of the Committee, and several of the Ministers and Generals, specially convoked at the house of M. Guizot, then Minister of the Interior. However, when the 1..): • 611. Cul...26,km sna carric.1 to the King'a Council, a pretence was made of discussing it seriously, and even of opposing it. Three members of the King's Cabinet objected to it, because the interdiction of the power of appointing a new Commander-in-chief, after the death of Lafayette, was an interference with the exercise of the Royal prerogative. But in spite of this pretence, it was determined at an after meeting—composed of two Ministers, the Commander-in-chief, and the Inspector-General, deputed by the King's Council to arrange the respective functions of the General, and of the Ministers of War and the Interior; in all that concerned the National Guards—that M. de Montalivet should attend the Committee of the Chamber of Deputies, and de- clare that the King's Government considered the continuance of Lafayette as Commander-in-chief of the National Army, as a measure of absolute necessity. Lafayette, who attached no importance to these personal considerations, and who, besides, had expressly reserved to himself the power of resigning, as soon as he could do so without danger to the Revolution, concurred in an arrange- ment which seemed favourable to the principles of July, already menaced on all sides. But this was only a base manceuvre. The arrangement agreed on be- tween the Ministers and Lafayettewas not carried into effect ; and the President of the Council, in proposing to the Chamber the absolute suppression of the generalship, adhered, in the name of the Government, to a measure, to oppose which a pledge had been given, when it was suggested in the Committee. I shall merely observe, that the Ministry of the 3d of November consented to the dismissal of Lafayette; for if the proposition which it then made, of conferring on that distinguished patriot the nominal title of Honorary Commandant, had been reflected on, it must have been considered an absolute insult.

In this sitting of the 24th of December, the Government and the Chamber presented to the world an example of the blackest ingratitude towards the man who, some hours earlier, had compromised fifty years of popularity to save both the one and the other. A more scandalous scene was never performed in the national tribune. The fiftieth article of the Government project says— "In those communes or cantons where the National Guards may form several legions, the King shall have power to appoint a superior Commandant; but he cannot appoint him superior Commandant of the National Guards of a whole department, or even of an arrondissement of a Sub-Prefecture."

This formula virtually implied the dismissal of Lafayette. In vain were five amendments proposed to extenuate the atrocity of such conduct. These amend- ments—which were proposed by M. M. de Vaucelles, Jules de Larochetbucauld, Eusebe Salverte, and Pelet de la Lozere, and which had for their object the ex- ceptional continuance of Lafayette as Commander-in-chief of the National Guards--were successively rejected, after being opposed by M. Charles Dupin,who i

closed a very long speech n these remarkable words„ "General Lafayette can- not remain all his life the living law, at least unless the political law be defunct." These few words were the expression of the feelings of the Court. The Ministry, Which Otis to be hoped felt itself disgraced by the part it had 'flayed on this oc- casion, sought to palliate its misconduct by proposing that the honorary com- mand of the National Guards should be conferred by a new ordinance on the Creator of the Civic Militia. The Chamber, however, pronounced the final and total abolition of the post of Commander-in-chief, or, in other words, the dismissal of Lafayette. This deliberation took place on the evening of the 24th December, in the absence of the General-in-chief, whom the precarious state of public tranquillity detained at his head-quarters. I know not whether this in- voluntary absence entered into the calculations of his adversaries; but it is cer- tain that the press, and honest men of all parties, were of opinion that the hurry of the Chamber to decide this great question without the participation of the individual most interested, was a want of decorum and respect which excited the highest degree of public indignation. On the following slay, Lafayette wrote to Louis Philippe the subjoined letter ; which a feeling of .delicacy towards the King, whose Ministers had just conspired to bring about his dismissal, prevented him at the time from making public.

"Sire—The resolution yesterday adopted by the Chamber.of Deputies, with

the Concurrence of the Ministers of the King, for the suppression of the com- mand-in-chief of the National Guards, occurring in coincidence with the law about to be voted, sufficiently expresses the sentiments of two of the branches of the legislative power ; and above all, that of which I have the honour to be a member. I should conceive myself wanting in respect to the King, if I awaited any other formality before tendering, as now do, my resignation of the powers wbich his ordinance had conferred -upon me. Your Majesty knows, and the correspondence of the Staff will prove, if necessary, that the exercise of these powers has not, up to the present time, been of so illusory a description as stated at the Tribune. The patriotic solicitude of the King will enable him to see the importance of removing, by ordinances which the law leaves at his disposal, the alarm which has been produced by the division of the rural battalions, and the dread of seeing- that very useful corps the Civic Artillery reduced to serve in the garrison of fortresses or sea -ports. " The President of the Council has kindly proposed to confer on me the title of Honorary Commandant. Ile himself will feel, and your Majesty will also be of opinion, that such nominal decorations are neither suitable to the institutions of a free nation nor to me.

" In restoring, with respect and gratitude, to the hands of the King the only ordinance which gives me authority over the National Guards, I have adopted precautions for prevent hig any derangement of the duty. General Dumas will receive the orders oi the Minister of the Interior ; General Carbone] rill super- intend the duties of the capital until such time as your Majesty shall be pleased to supersede him in any way you please. "I pray your 31ajesty to accept the very cordial homage of my attachment and respect. (Signed) " LAFAYETTE."

Will it be believed—on time 25th, at mid-day, Louis Philippe knew nothing of the discussions of the previous evening in the Chamber of Deputies, on a question which; for two months, had fixed the attention of the Court and of the capital. Be this as it may, the following was time King's reply.

"My dear General—I have this moment reeeived your letter, and am as much grieved as surprised at the resolution you have taken. I have not yet load time to read the journals. The Council of Ministers assembles at UM o'clock. After that, I shall he at leisure—that is to say, between four and five. I hope to sec you thae, and to prevail on you to retract your determination. " Accept, my dear General, $.4e. " Louis PHILIPPE."

Lafayette accepted the King's invitation, and was received with the most cordial testimonies of affection. Louis Philippe seemed inconsolable for what had passed in the Chamber of Deputies, and especially at the part which his Ministers had acted, " maladroitly" as he said, and without any ill intention. " But," added the King, " the unfortunate article has not yet become law ; and I know well—" " Sire," intei rupted Lafayette, " the distrust of my col- leagues, and my dismissal, which they have pronounced as much as it was in their power to do, make it a point of delicacy with me no longer to retain an authority which is offensive to them, and the principle of which, notwith- standing its transient utility, has been at all times condemned by myself. Be- sides, being bent on promoting to the utmost of my power the abolition of the hereditary Peerage, it would not be consistent in me to await, from the Chamber of Peers, a confirmation, which would place that assembly in a state of hostility to me; or a favourable amendment, which would place me under a sort of obli- gation to the Chamber. Indeed," added he, " I can assure your Majesty that I regard all this not only as a duty to be performed, but also as an oppor- tunity—" " Explain yourself," said the King. " Sire," resumed Lafayette, "your system of government is net what I approve. I feel that the public con- fidence has given me a mission: I will not tell you where it is written,- it is, perhaps, in public opinion—perhaps in the air. But, in truth, the French people and many patriots of all nations, persuade themselves that where I am, there liberty will suffer no injury. I find, however, that liberty is menaced— compromised ; and I do not wish to deceive any one. The policy of your go- vernment, both with respect to its internal and external relations, is not such as I think ,salutary for the interests of liberty ; and I should not be acting with sincerity, if I longer remained like an opaque body between the People and the Government. When I retire from my post, every one will better see on what he has to depend." The question being placed on this footing, the King next endeavoured to overcome what he termed Lafayette's prejudices. But neither the assurances of .boundless friendship, nor the reiterated offer of retracting the unfortunate article, could deceive the General as to the true state of things. He closed the conversation in the following words—" Sire, you offer me per- sonally many concessions, but none for the advantage of the public interest. It is the public interest, and not mine, that is the subject of consideration." The King requested twenty-four hours to deliberate upon the questions which had been agitated between himself and the Commander- in-chief of the National Guards. Lafayette consented to this delay, in the hope that it might lead to more mature reflection and better views. But this hope was vain ! In the in- terval, the President of the Council, the Minister of the Interior, and some of the principal officers of the National Guards, came to him to renew the assurances of the King's friendship, and the offers of reparation which he had received at the Palais Royal ; but not one word was said about the guarantees he had de- manded for the acknowledged principles of the Revolution of July. Lafayette answered them as he had answered the King—" For liberty every thing, for myself nothing." At this juncture of affairs, the prime Minister having requested a mutual friend to sound Lafayette's disposition, with respect to the formation of a new Cabinet, the General replied, that if the patriots he might name, or any other persons of the same opinions should be elevated to power by the removal of the men whose conduct he thouglit contrary to the principles and engagements of July, he should consider such a change as a precursor of better prospects. He even wrote to this effect to M. Lafitte, who laid his letter before the Council; a circumstance which gave great offence to many of its members. Lafayette's demands did not extend far. To set aside all personal considera- tion; to consent to every insignificant reparation, such as adjourning the exe- cution of the article of the law which concerned him ; and finally, to yield to all that was required, in the hope of obtaining, at this difficult conjucture, a better system of governmeut,—such, in spite of all that has been said, were the extravagant views of the man who consented to place the crown on the new King's head. But while he was loaded with compliments and protestations of regard, he found there was to be no retrogression from the disastrous system of the quasi-Restoration; and it became the duty of Lafayette to give the enemies of his influence the satisfaction they deserved, by throwing up a command of which the Chamber and the Government had deprived him five times in one sitting, and to cease to be a cloak for anti-French measures, which his continu- ance at the head of the National Guards might serve to screen from the observ- ance of true patriots.