IT be terobinces.

The succession of Lord Duncannon to the Peerage has caused a vacancy for Derby: the Honourable Frederick Leveson Gower has come forward on the Liberal interest; and the proximity of the general election renders any opposition unlikely.

There has been a hubbub amongst the electors of the University of Ox- ford. A charge (imputed to the Times) was made against Mr. Round, that he was not a zealous Churchman, but had shown a strong Dissenting ten- dency. The imputation has elicited a statement from Mr. Round's Com- mittee, denying the accusation, and declaring that Mr. Round regularly attends St. Michael's Church, Pimlico. The only thing supposed to give colour to the "calumny" is, that once in 1845 and thrice in 1846, he at- tended the Tuesday evening service at the chapel in John Street, Bedford Row, where Mr. Harrington Evans officiates: this Mr. Evans had once resigned an office in the Church, on the score of scruples respecting baptism; but he still belongs to the Church of England; its dignitaries at- tend his chapel, and he occasionally preaches in churches of the Establish- ment.

Mr. Disraeli has issued an address to the electors of Buckinghamshire, intimating his intention of standing for that county. Mr. Disraeli recalls the time, many years ago, when he upheld in the County Hall the cause of "the territorial constitution" of England; and during the ten years that he has been in Parliament he has opposed "every attempt which had a tendency to diminish the numbers and influence of those classes which are directly dependent on the land." Under the influence of this principle, he opposed the recent innovations on the Protective system-

" The temporary high price that is stimulated by famine is not the agricultural prosperity which I wish to witness; while, in the full play of unrestricted impor- tation, I already recognize a disturbing cause, which may shake our monetary system to its centre, and which nothing but the happy accident of our domestic enterprise has prevented, I believe, from exercising a very injurious effect on the condition of the working classes of Great Britain. "Notwithstanding this opinion, I am not, however, one of those who would Counsel, or who would abet, any attempt factiously and forcibly to repeal the mea- sures of 1846. The legislative sanction which they have obtained requires that they should receive an ample experiment; and I am persuaded, that this test alone can satisfy the nation either of their expediency or their want of fitness. If, however, as I hold, the result of this great change must be a reconstruction of

oar financial system, it will behove the various classes connected with the culti- vation of the soil to be vigilant, that their interests may be adequately represented and fitly enforced at a crisis when their more compactly organized rivals will not be oblivious of their claims or over scrupulous in urging them. • • • "A domestic affliction precluded me from being present during the recent de- bates on the subject of National Education. It is but fair, therefore, that I should state, that had I been in my place, I should have supported the measure of the Government. I should have clone so upon two grounds —firstly that it was a considerable advance in a right direction; and, secondly, because the tendency of that measure is, not by investing them with any exclusive privileges, but by se- curing them a feir occasion for their exertions, mainly to place the education of the people in the hands of the clergy, whom I have ever wished to see in the van of civilization, and occupying their legitimate posts as guides and instructors of the people."

Mr. Disraeli will at all times maintain the alliance between Church and State; and for proof he refers to his vote against the Maynooth grant, ob- serving, however, that it is quite consistent with an earnest desire for the civil and political equality of the Roman Catholics. Alluding to the Poor- law, he observes-

" In the great struggle between popular principles and liberal opinions, which is the characteristic of our age, I hope ever to be found on the side of the people, and of the institutions of England. It is our institutions that have made us free, and can alone keep us so, by the bulwark which they offer to the insidious en- croachments of a convenient yet enervating system of centralization' which if left unchecked will prove fatal to the national character. Therefore, I have ever en- deavoured to cherish our happy habit of self-government, as sustained by a pin- dent distribution of local authority. For these reasons, I am of opinion that the right of supreme control, necessary to the due administration of the Pour-law, should be exercised by the chief depositary of power in every county, and that the supervision of our parishes should not be intrusted to strangers.' • In conclusion—

"Amid the universal crash of parties I advance to claim your confidence with none of the commonplaces of faction. I am not the organ of any section, or the nominee of any individual. All that I can offer you is the devotion of such ener- gies as I possess: all that I aspire to is to serve you as becomes the representative of a great, undivided, and historic county, that has achieved vas' results for our popular liberty, our Parliamentary reputation, and our national gesitness."

Mr. John Bowes has signified his intention not again to seek the suf- frages of the South Durham electors.

The struggle has commenced at Bath with considerable vigour. Lord Ashley's appearance in the field has put the Liberal party on their mettle: he is felt to be a formidable opponent. Lord Duncan and Mr. Roebuck are clubbing resources, and have issued a joint address calling on the elec- tors to support them.

Lord Duncan and Mr. Roebuck attended a meeting of their constituents on Saturday. The chair was occupied by Mr. Alderman Hunt. Both the Members addressed the meeting, declaring their fixed determination to stand or fall together. Mr. Roebuck referred to the period of his connexion with the city, and declared himself unchanged. He criticized the inter- loper, Lord Ashley; whom he characterized as a subservient politician. The Reverend Mr. Murch brought a long bill of indictment against Mr. Roebuck; amounting in substance to a charge that he had been negligent of his duties in Parliament, and that his personal demeanour in the House of Commons was such as to destroy his usefulness there. The accusations he illustrated at considerable length, going through the different sessions in chronological order. Quo offence was Mr. Roebuck's treatment of Mr. Cobden, "hitting him when he was down," on the memorable occasion of Sir Robert Peel's " aseassination " charge. Mr. Murch also condemned Mr. Roebuck's obvious ill-feeling towards Mr. O'Connell and the Irish landlords. It was the accuser's intention to remain neutral in the forth- coming contest. To these charges Mr. Roebuck replied specifically and fully. As to his absence from the House, he claimed the pri- vilege accorded to lawyers: he had made no secret, before his election, that he was a poor man, and was obliged to earn his living in the courts; he was also forced to go on the circuit. III health had inter- fered with his attendance; as was well known in the House. Passing to his "temper," Mr. Roebuck assured the electors that it was not ungovernable—he had it entirely under control: but it is necessary in the House to speak out firmly and fully, and to "drive home." It was not his fault if honourable gentlemen felt sore on such occasions. It had been said that be did not use language fit for the House of Commons; but it was a curl ous fact that he had never in all his life been called to order by the Speaker. As to the allegation about Mr. Cobden, it so happened that he and Mr. Cobden were just then upon terms of most intimate friendship: true, he had thought Mr. Cobden wrong in speaking of Lord Brougham as having a "maniacal mind "; and, knowing Lord Brougham's honest intentions, he had, in a moment of annoyance, spoken strongly. Those were times of great excitement, and warmth of discussion was inevitable. Mr. Cobden's most particular friend, Mr. Bright, had offered to assist him should he be "in danger at Bath." Towards the close of his speech, Mr. Roebuck again referred to the perfect understanding between himself and his colleague- " What is the course to be adopted at the coming election If I stand, and no other Liberal be in the field, the constituency will have to decide between Lord Ashley and myself. If, on the other hand, the constituency be really of opinion with Mr. Murch, I will not divide them. But I might if I chose play a dangerous game. I have many friends, and I think it right that I should not forsake them; therefore, unless the constituency express themselves otherwise, I shall stand as a candidate at the next election. Then, if there be three Liberal candidates in the field and Lord Ashley, the return will be for Lord Ashley and one Liberal. If however, by any mode the opinion of the Liberal portion of the constituency of Bath, a majority of them, can be expressed to me as desiring that I should not stand, I will go out of the town at once. Doing that, my noble friend then comes in and says he does not choose to represent a divided party. We shall then leave the field clear; and it will be for you to find representatives more in unison with your own views." Lord Duncan, in a second speech, confirmed all that Mr. Roebuck had said in his own vindication; and expressed a sense of gratitude to Mr. Roebuck for generous treatment and good advice in his Parliamentary no- viciate. To the electors who asked him he would speak thus—

"1 shall have no objection to fight the battle of Liberalism with you, but it must be with joined forces. One section may be more favourable to me, and another section to my colleague; but the question is not whether you will elect

me or him, but will you prefer the two to any Tory candidate that may be brought forward. It would be a disgrace to me and my order could I give room for it to be said that I covertly consented to the removal of Mr. Roebuck. I am willing to fight still the battle of a united party, but cannot consent to be the leederooufat divided one. Let me beg of you, therefore, to consider your position with_

delay; because there may be constituencies more united, and it would not be fair to me or my learned colleague to bring us with our opinions into the field with a divided party."

A resolution pledging the meeting to support Lord Duncan and Mr. Roebuck was carried all but unanimously; the chief dissentient being Mr. Norman, who offered a few words in explanation, to set himself right with his fellow citizens—

He desired it to be understood that he was not acting in concert with any other persons, and it was not his intention to vote for any other person. If all Members went into the House of Commons like Mr. Roebuck, he did not see how the Go- vernment could be carried on. He feared that he should never see the time again when the Liberal party would occupy the high position they held at the passing of the Reform Bill. If the Liberals had chosen to use the Whigs as a wedge they might have obtained more and greater measures of reform than they had succeeded in obtaining by opposition. But instead of doing so, Mr. Roebuck at- tacked them on one side and the Tories on the other; and the consequence was, as might be supposed, that they fell. He could not therefore support that gentle- man at the coming election.

Mr. Roebuck—" I think you only voted for me once?"

Mr. Norman assented. That was in 1841; and he should not have voted for him then, had he not received an intimation from the Whig Government desiring him to support Mr. Roebuck, as it would materially damage their interest to have two votes against them instead of two in their favour from the city of Bath. lit consequence of that request, he did support Mr. Roebuck; who was returned and voted for the Whig Government; but soon afterwards he began to attack them, and had repeated his opposition several times subsequently, so that he could not give him his support again.

Next day, Lord Ashley's supporters congregated in the Assembly-rooms for the purpose of meeting their candidate. Mr. William Sutcliffe, in the chair, enlarged upon the necessity of a change in the representation: Mr. Roebuck was objectionable from his extreme opinions and his unconcilia- ting manner of expressing them; and Lord Duncan was not a sufficient counterpoise. Lord Ashley did not make speeches in praise of liberty; but he had broken the chains of the oppressed.

Lord Ashley, in a speech that was rather discursive, glanced at his own position in reference to public affairs. After resigning his seat for Dorset- shire, he had almost determined to retire from public life and its distracting avocations-

" The immense consumption of time, the constant demand on the physical and moral energies, the prodigious efforts required to attain the smallestgood, and the abuse or misunderstanding that dogs it when attained, all these things, when seen and felt, diminish the attractions of Parliamentary honours. Add to these, the state of public parties, the uncertainty of principles and opinions in your ordinary political friends, and the total impassibility of a liberal confidence in public men; and there will be little or nothing left., by way of counterpoise, to inspire an inor- dinate love of senatorial privileges."

But matters were yet incomplete; vast social questions demanded prompt attention; and he cheerfully obeyed the invitation of the electors of Bath. He avowed himself the supporter of the great principles of our constitution in Church and State. Be would say "the great principles," because a bi- goted adherence to mere details—perhaps only external—at no time wise, is actually impossible in the present day. Lord Ashley spoke emphatically on the preservation of peace, and the necessity for attacking the physical and moral evils of the age. He referred to the ages of misgovernment under which Ireland had groaned, and spoke with approval of the bold but wise experiment of a poor-law. He could not, however, encourage the Roman Catholic religion-

" There are few of you, I suspect, who will not take large exceptions to plans for encouraging the Roman Catholic religion, fostering its colleges, and endowing its priesthood. Such measures as these involve great concessions of principle, without any compensation or proportional benefit: those who argue them on the highest ground declare them to be sinful; those who assume the lower maintain that they are useless in one respect and perilous in another. That they are useless as a means of conciliation, is manifest from the events of the last twenty years, and especially in the late legislation for the College of Maynooth. The fact is, our statesmen lie under a grievous mistake; they seek to govern the people through the priests, whereas they should endeavour to control the priests through the people. Depend upon it, the difficulty is not in the Irish nation, which is panting for spiritual emancipation; but in the sacerdotal and monkish orders, who, reversing the piety of Aaron, stood between the living and the dead—the living word of God and the dead congregation. Only protect life and limb, free discussion and Irish Bibles, and you will soon cease to be perplexed with inquiries how Ireland is to be governed—

Great, glorious, and free, Bright flower of the earth and first gem of the sea."

He defended his course in respect to the Corn-laws, as inevitable; ap- plauded encouragement of education, but insisted that it is a far wider thing than the lessons of the school-room. He touched upon the sanatory ques- tion: physical and moral evils, through crowded dwellings and neglect, de- grade the population. "Here," he said, "are the normal schools for the future parents of the generation to come; here they learn, and here they practise, the lessons of filth and violence." Henceforward, statesmen must "search out these things, and nip them in the bud "—

" Whether we have such Ministers at the present day, rulers of such a spirit and wisdom, remains to be seen. I confess I am greatly disposed to place much confidence in Lord John Russell, and one or two of his colleagues. He has a fine understanding, an honest, generous and patriotic heart; and if he fail, it will be not because he is tricky or self-seeking, but because he has misapprehended the sentiments of the country." In the aspect of the times there is much that is dark; and "the present distress has deeply and perilously afflicted the realm "—

" Amidst all this darkness we may discern indications of better things; we ma7 perceive the dawn of a wiser spirit, which acts on every relation of public and pri- vate life. Aggressive war is denounced, and commerce is fostered, not only as a means of making wealth, but as a happy and legitimate method for the civiliza- tion of nations, and the revival of brotherly intercourse among the families of the earth. We have begun to attach a loftier value to man, be he noble or plebeian, collectively and individually, as a mortal and as an immortal being; whether he be Black or White, we have resolved 'to undo the heavy burdens, and let the op- pressed go free. These are indeed times of progress. Nothing is stationary, and the invention of today is antiquated tomorrow. The astounding powers of loco- motion and intercourse, railways and electrical telegraphs—the rapid growth of a very few years—the many running to and fro, and the multiplication of know- ledge, are manifestly tending to some great and unseen issue. Evil, no doubt, will be mixed with the good; and, like all other faculties given to man, many will pervert them to the vilest purposes: but it is for us, who recognize whence they come and for what end they were bestowed, to labour and pray with all our hearts that they may accomplish the true and blessed objects of their mission—' Glory to God in the-highest, on earth peace, good-will towards men.'"

There is a split among the Liberals of Huddersfield: the general body support the reelection of Mr. William Stansfield; the Anti-Educationists have resolved to bring forward Mr. George Wilson, late Chairman of the Anti-Corn-law League.

Mr. Hardy retires from the representation of Bradford. The causes as- signed in his address to the electors are his age and the state of his health. Colonel Thompson proposes to stand, if assured of a fair prospect of success.

Neither Sir Walter James nor Sir John Hanmer will stand again for Hull. The reason assigned by the latter is that he has been induced to offer his services to mother constituency.

The reports from Lincoln city are remarkable for the number of can- didates mentioned. They are—Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. William Ricketts Collett, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, Mr. C. Seeley, Mr. Weston CracroR, Mr. H. W. Jones, a London Alderman, Mr. Beckett Denison, Mr. Henry Vincent, and Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey—ten in all

The retirement of Mr. Henry Moreland from the representation of Stockport has been formally announced; and Mr. James Heald has issued an address to the electors offering himself as a candidate. Mr. Heald is a stanch Tory, and a Methodist.

Sir Thomas Tronbridge has notified his retirement from the representa- tion of Sandwich. Two Liberal electors have appeared to claim the vacant seat—Lord Clarence Paget, R.N., private secretary to the Master-General of the Ordnance; and Charles William Grenfell, son of Mr. Pasco GrenfeR, the eminent London merchant- Fever prevails to an alarming extent at Ashton-under-Lyne, chiefly among the poor. Two of the officials engaged in administering relief have perished of typhus; another is suffering from the disease. The Guardians dare not meet in the Workhouse Board-room, but assemble at the Town- hall.

The poor people of Berwick are also suffering from fever and other dis- eases originating in want of the necessaries of life.

The Monmouthshire Merlin states that the Eighty-seventh Regiment has been attacked by fever: five men died in one week, and the sick are very numerous.

Distress in Manchester is rapidly increasing. From 16,000 to 20,000 persons are at present receiving weekly relief, at a cost of nearly 1,0001. A large proportion consists of Irish paupers.

We are gratified to learn, that in several instances the wages of the labourers have been increased in proportion to the increased price of bread and potatoes. We have heard of an instance in the neighbourhood of Sand- wich where 20s. per week is given, and another in the same district 18s., and also near St. Stephen Canterbury.—Kent Herald.

A strike for increased wages took place among the slaters and plasterers of Berwick last week, owing, we believe, to the present high price of pro- visions. Their wages, when in regular employment, were 17s. per week; but from the nature of their occupation—their work being frequently stopped for weeks at a time from variations of the weather—their earnings did not average on the whole year more than 13s. 6d. per week. A meet- ing of the masters was held; when it was agreed to assent to their demand for 20s. weekly, and to charge the public 4s. per day, instead of 3s. 6d. as formerly.—Berwick Warder.

The labourers in Portsmouth Dockyard having petitioned for an increase of wages on account of the high price of provisions, the Lords of tip Adr miralty have acceded to their request; and until August next, the 'men's stipends are to be raised from 12s., the previous rate, to 148. per week.

Earl Fortescue has addressed a circular, in his capacity of Lord-Lieute- nant of Devon, to the County Magistrates, for the purpose of qualifying the "exaggerated rumours" that have been circulated respecting the recent food riots. "Though attempts have been made," he says "in some of the towns to disturb the public peace and interrupt the free ;raffle of the mar- kets, they have been speedily put down by the civil power, with the aid of special constables, sworn in for the occasion, and without the intervention of any military force." At Exeter, "some tumultuous proceedings, com- menced in the absence of the Mayor, were, on his arrival and through his exertions, promptly suppressed by the Constabulary with the support of A small body of Pensioners." "Savers privations" had been borne by the poor with 'exemplary patience." The contributions in aid of the distress had been munificent; but to keep in check ill-disposed persons, the Magis- trates are enjoined to form efficient bodies of special constables. At Callington and St. Austell the disturbances have not been repeated; though excitement still prevails.

Considerable apprehensions were entertained at Windsor and Eton on Whit Tuesday, the day for the defunct festival of the " Montem," lest there should be any disturbance. Beyond a few broken windows, however, and an ostentatious display of crape assumed by the young gentlemen in, me- mory of the deceased enjoyment, matters went off tranquilly. The authori- ties were on the alert, having a strong reserve of Police at Slough. .

M'Cabe and Reid, the men accused of the triple murder at ?Airfield, were examined before the Magistrates on Saturday. The evidence as yet produced is entirely circumstantial, though of a character to fix strong supicion on the men.

One of the most frightful accidents yet recorded in the annals of English rail. ways occurred on the Chester and Shrewsbury line on Monday evening. On hearing of the calamity, the Liverpool Times despatched a reporter to the spot; and from his narrative the following account is derived. "The scene of the ac- cident is the noble bridge over the river Dee, close to Chester race-course. The river is there crossed by an iron bridge of three spans, each span 100 feet in width; each span is composed of massive iron girders, supported by stone of the most firm and durable construction; there are four of these girders in each span, one on each side of the up and down line of rails; strong wooden beams were fixed across the girders, and alongthese the lines were laid; the girders themselves were formed of two pieces of iron firmly rivetted in the centre, and seemed well adapted to sustain an immense weight. The train which left Chester at a quar- ter past six on Monday evening consisted of one first-class carriage, two second- class carriages, and a luggage-van; but it is stated that there were not more than two dozen passengers. The train was proceeding as natal along the line, had already crossed two of the arches, and was in the act of crossing the third, when, without one moment's warning, all the carriages were precipitated into the river, a depth of about 30 feet; the engine and tender, which had crossed the bridge, pur- suing their course along the line." The tender, however, soon became detached from the locomotive, and was thrown across the line. A shnek of agony burst from the passengers. Most of the sufferers who survive became insensible. One man, however, who found himself in a carriage turned upside down in the river, managed to get through the window, and swam ashore. The crash had spread the alarm far and wide, and plenty of assistance was soon on the spot; the people were taken out of the car- =and conveyed to the Infirmary. "As soon as the agitation consequent upon dreadful occurrence had subsided, attention was directed to the fallen arch; but, strange to say, only one of the girders, that on the outside, had given way, while the other remained perfectly firm and entire. Of course, the weight of the car- riages down the rails and the horizontal beams; which, with the girder, now broken into several pieces, fell into the river. It also tore with it a portion of the stone-work in which it was fixed on the Welsh side of the river. Very fortu- nately, however, nothing seemed to have fallen upon the carriages; and though they were crashed one against the other, they did not appear so completely smashed as would have been the case had the arch been built of stone." Next morning, the following results were ascertained. Killed—John Matthews, driver of a Welsh mail; Knyvett, also a coachman; George Roberts, guard of the train; and the stoker. Roberts was killed by pitching from the top of a car- riage to the bank of the river. Nearly every one else in the carriages WRS hurt; some slightly, but others very severely: Mr. Town, of Wrexham, suffered a con- cussion of the brain, if not a fractured skull; his sister was with him, but escaped with slight hurts; Mrs. Evison, fracture of the hip-bone; Mr. Jones, of Wrex- ham, skull severely fractured; Mrs. Jones, thigh fractured; Ann Evans, fracture of the thigh, fracture of the collar-bone, and internal injuries; Mr. Evans, frac- tured thigh; a boy, and a female, concession of the brain; a man, name unknown, skull fractured. The engine-driver acted with great promptness: he hastened to the first station and gave an alarm; then he returned to Chester, boldly passing with his engine over the bridge, a portion of which had just fallen in. The inquest was opened on Tuesday; but no evidence was received. The Jury viewed the bodies; arrangements were made as to what witnesses connected with the railway should be examined; and an engineer unconnected with the line was appointed to report.