THE NEW SITUATION OF EUROPE.
WE are wholly unable to take the optimist view of the situation on the Continent, which it seems evident, from the tone of the Bourses, that great financiers still accept. The great fly-wheel of the machine has been removed, and if there is not a crash, it will be due to Providence, and not to the engineers. It is not the " signs of the times," as they are called, which move us to alarm, for the most visible sign of the times is a great general dread of war, but the extraordinary change which has taken place in the depositaries of power. As regards inter- national relations, the right of initiative and all power of control have flown back to the Kings, and we seem to -be living two hundred years ago, when monarchs made war and peace at will. Some reverence must still be paid to opinion, as, indeed, it always was paid, for when opinion was definitively hostile to war, soldiers were scarce and treasure unattainable ; but, outside France, there is not a Parliament on the Continent which even pretends that it controls foreign affairs ; while four Kings move four- fifths of the effective soldiers of Europe, and decide on policy exactly as they please, as unrestrained by great Ministers as by representatives of the people. The Emperor of Russia is, of course, avowedly his own Government, and he not only has no great counsellor, but no second-rate one, the principal agent of his will in regard to the world. abroad being M. de Giers, a statesman with some skill in negotiation, but repeatedly beaten in his enterprises, and declared. in Russia to be, as against his master, incapable even of thinking for himself. In Austria, the Emperor Francis Joseph has always been more orless his own Foreign Minister, settling great affairs, like the occupation of Bosnia, by private notes ; and he lost only a few days ago the one Minister, M. Tisza, who was personally dear to him, and who, by speaking in the name of Hungary, could, as it were, compel him to attend to criticism. Count Kalnoky is the Emperor's servant, and though.no doubt a confidential servant, he has, if rumour may be trusted, so little confidence in his position that he -has resolved upon retiring. The King of Italy is supreme in all matters military or diplomatic ; and although his Minister, signor Crispi, is a strong man, he controls' him easily, for Signor Crispi's enemies are so numerous and so varied, that without favour at the Palace he would have no true foothold. As to the German Emperor, Mr. Tenniel, in his really wonderful cartoon of this week, a picture which revives memories of the best days of Punch, depicts the situation exactly,—the captain parting with the weather-wise old pilot, whose step, as he descends the side-ladder, you see, heavy and firm as it is, is made lingering by some inner apprehension. The young German Emperor, master of the most perfect instru- ment of war as yet in existence, is as lonely in the department of which we write as if he had sur- vived every agent and contemporary. His Parliament cannot, partly from its long desuetude of the habit, partly from want of the necessary men, so much as discuss foreign affairs with effect, and the new Chancellor does not as yet understand them. There is literally no one in all his broad dominion who could. compel the Emperor to discuss, and therefore to reconsider, a despatch on foreign affairs, although it might involve the future of Europe for half- a-century. Charles V. never was more independent ; Philip II., sitting in his cabinet in Madrid writing his interminable letters of instruction, never was more utterly alone. The Kings may, and to a certain extent probably do, control and counsel each other ; but the destiny. of Europe has never in modern times been so absolutely com- mitted to its Kings. Alexander L was surrounded "by great advisers ; and even Napoleon, arbitrary as he was, argued with, quarrelled with, at least heard Talleyrand. It is to us, perhaps from old ingrained Liberal prejudice, of their " insolent calm " is derived from their long history of suceess. The Emperor of Austria is an experienced and THE ATTACK ON TITHES. most cautious diplomatist, but he has a passionate desire not to go down to history as a Hapsburg who diminished IT is long since we have read more inconsistent speeches the great Dominion ; he would fight for Bosnia like a than those delivered by the Welsh Members against cornered fox ; and he has throughout life displayed one the Tithe Bill. With almost one voice they declare that weakness, that of terminating the indecision produced by their objection to tithe is not to the national fund which his own too clear perception of both sides, by taking tre- it provides, but to its application to the purposes of a mendous resolutions. He will till he dies, if we estimate his Church which is not regarded by the people of Wales as a character aright, occasionally jump the hedge because it is National Church ; and yet with almost one voice what they too thick to see through. The supreme position belongs, complain of in the Bill is that it does not encroach on the however, to the German Emperor, the head of the great national fund for which they profess to be so jealous. League of Peace, and we do not believe that experienced "If the Government intended to make out of this Bill diplomatists are so content with his immense and lonely a protection to property," said Mr. Stuart Rendel, altitude as it is the desire of the peaceful to represent. He " a readjustment and revaluation of tithes was abso- is a strong Hohenzollern, and he will leave a mark on lately necessary,"—in other words, a readjustment and history, possibly even a grand mark, for a crowned semi- revaluation which would encroach on the national fund, Socialist may do great things ; but has hejudgment to and diminish it as much for any purpose for which balance the self-confidence which as yet has been a the Disestablishment party would be willing to grant it, strength to him ? An Emperor must have a grand as it would diminish it for the purposes of the clergy belief in himself who can dismiss a man like Prince now. The Welsh people "had objected all along," said Bismarck rather than share power with him ; and this Mr. Osborne Morgan, "not to the payment but to the it becomes every day more evident is what he has done. application of the money ;" but in a few minutes he went The Iron Chancellor did not want to go ; he only refused on to show where the shoe really pinches, when he said : to stay in fetters. To dismiss such a man, who after his "In substituting the owner for the occupier as the person fall received an ovation from his old enemies, the populace liable for the charge, little benefit would be achieVed, of Berlin, such as he had never received in his triumphant because the landlord would be sure to add the tithe to the .days, marks a resolution, which if ill-guided, would be rent, and of course the large number of small Welsh .dangerously strong, and is the more to be noted from a occupiers who were also owners would receive no relief, and circumstance which has unaccountably escaped attention. every one of them was a Nonconformist." So that what Prince Bismarck was " the grandfather's man." If there is he was really driving at was a Bill which would give one judgment to which the Emperor professes to defer, it is "relief" to the tithe-payers, not at one which would trans- his grandfather's ; if there is one man's policy which he fer the payment to other objects. So, again, Mr. Evans : lauds, sometimes even out of season, it is that of the first " The first thing that ought to be done with the tithes Emperor ; yet the moment his own will intervenes, the was to readjust them, and the next to nationalise them." grandfather's chosen man and the grandfather's distinctive In other words, the diminution of the burden was to be policy, which was to support that man, to bear with his more important even than the application to a different arrogance for the sake of his genius, are both thrown object. Don't touch the national property,—only cut it aside. If the Emperor had personally disliked Prince down a good deal,' that was the universal cry from the Bismarck, his action would have been less significant, Welsh representatives. Now, cutting down the national for of all things absolute Princes have to do, that of property is just what the true Liberals object to quite as working with a necessary but secretly detested counsellor much as the true Conservatives. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. must be the most difficult. But all the evidence, including W. H. Smith were fully agreed in the first debate of the Prince Bismarck's own, and the rumours as to the final Session that the tithe is national property which ought not interview, point to the belief that the Emperor cordially to be frittered away on either landowners or occupiers. liked his counsellor ; and still, in spite of liking, in spite of If the Church in Wales is ever to be disestablished, which his grandfather's policy, in spite of the terrible vacancy the is not now the question, the disestablishers ought to be as retiring statesman must leave, in spite, let us hope, of some jealous of any remission of tithe, as the clergy of the lingering doubt as to his own wisdom, the Emperor parted Church who now live upon tithe. It is just as reasonable with his adviser rather than postpone his own accession to to propose giving away the public lands in slices to full sovereignty. He has attained it, a throne as lonely as this landowner or that occupier, as to propose dealing that of the Caesars, whose Ministers were so seldom great in like manner with tithe. The importance of this men, or even visible men ; but cool observers, as they Bill is that it lays the burden on the right shoulders, regard him, cannot free themselves from a sense of and not on the wrong. It does not matter whether apprehension. His character matters so much, and the the owner is a small owner or a large owner. It is he signs of it are so diverse. In large affairs there are as yet who is really liable for the tithe. He has bought or no omens, though Princes who make vague social promises he has inherited his property, subject to the tithe, and he wake up social questions for which the hour may not be has no more right to rid himself of the burden, or to claim ripe ; but in little things the auguries do not yet content that it should be lightened for him, than any owner of an the attentive lookers-on. The new Emperor drives estate which is burdened with a rent-charge has to rid like Napoleon, whose carriage was always whirled at himself of the rent-charge, or to claim that it should be impossible to see safety in such a situation; nor is our con- mad speed through his camps, and we had rather fidence revived by reflection on the characters and objects not have seen, in a telegram written by such a potentate of the men so strangely elevated above their fellows. The to a relation, the final words :—" Best thanks for your Emperor of Russia does not, it is certain, wish for war; kind letter. I have, indeed, experienced bitter things but he is a gloomy man of limited knowledge, full of the and passed very painful hours. I am as sore at heart impression that Russia has a destiny apart from that of as if I had again lost my grandfather. But God has " tbe West," full also of belief that he is by God's will pro- willed it, so I have to bear it, even if I should thereby tector of all Slays ; sensitive as to his dignity, and harassed perish. The post of officer on duty on the Ship of the almost to madness by the net which Nihilists and officials State has fallen to me, but the course is the old one, so have between them woven round him. He may be con- 'Full Steam Ahead P—Wnaimaa I. R." The soreness of vinced on any morning that his dignity requires war, or heart is sincere and creditable ; but then, in proportion to that his duty involves war ; and if he is, with his Army so its sincerity, it deepens the impression of will, while the nearly ready, there will be war in a month. The Slav race last words, like the furious driving, nine miles in half-an- will be called to arms, and it is strong enough and hour, suggest that the Emperor's first desire is speed. It numerous enough for a great struggle even without is not the Atlantic he is driving the great ship through, France, which nevertheless will leap at her opportunity. but a channel full of rocks, and until the pace is moderated, King Humbert is able, and is not master of the great we shall not lose the sense of danger to Europe, if not to alliance ; but he is a soldier, and he sighs, like every Germany. The highest danger of the seas, as all pilots other soldier in Italy, to think that his great new know, is nowadays collision, and when the pace is urged Army, organised with such care and at such a cost, like this, precautions lose half their value. Germany is an has never fought one pitched battle ; that its fame iron ship, no doubt; but there are vessels afloat with rich rests as yet on the massacre so splendidly endured in a cargoes, which are valuable to civilisation and are not of valley of Abyssinia. Englishmen do not know how much hammered steel.
Previous page
