Elchate.q anti Prince:lino in Vatlintnent.

1. SLAVERY. In the House of Lords on Tuesday, the Earl of RIPON moved the resolutions for the abolition of Colonial Slavery, Which had been passed by the House of Commons. He detailed at some length the history of the question, from the period of the aboli- tion of the slave-trade to the present time, and contended that its pro- gress had been such as to render a delay in settling it no longer practi- cable. He admitted that the Government plan would lay a great bur- den on the country; but he had no doubt that it would be cheerfully borne, in consideration of the great good to be obtained in return for it. Be had no doubt that the moral condition of the Negroes would be much improved by liberty, and did not entertain any apprehensions as to their cheerfully working, when freed, for their own subsistence. [In the course of his speech, Lord Ripon was several times obliged to pause and sit down. He apologized, at the conclusion, for the im- perfect manner in which he had performed his task ; and said he was quite unable to account for the agitation under which he laboured, after thirty years' experience as a public speaker.]

On the first resolution being read,

The Duke of WELLING TON addressed the House at considerable length. He disapproved of the conduct of Government in their ma- nagement of this question ; and especially animadverted upon the Order in Council issued by the Earl of Ripon in 1831, which had no sooner got out to the Colonies, than it was found to be impracticable, and its enfbrcement was abandoned. Finding their previous plans too absurd to be executed, Ministers then took upon themselves the responsibility of forcing on the immediate settlement of this question, lie argued against the feasibility of the plan proposed ; and thought it extremely doubtful whether the slaves would work for hire on the low grounds in the tropics. He had acquired some experience on these points in the East Indies, where this question had often been discussed ; and he could assert, that men in those low countries would not work for any thing but food. He adverted to the change which had been made iii the original proposal of advancing fifteen millions to the Planters on security, which had now become instead of a loan a five gift of twenty millions. He did not see with what propriety they who contended that the slaves would voluntarily work, could vote for giving such a sum in compensation to the Planters for the loss of the labour of tht; Negroes. There were other parts of the plan to which he strongly objected ; and he looked at the measure as a whole with a greater want of confidence than any which had ever been brought before Parliament. He objected to the measure on the score of revenue ; and would ask Lord Brougham, how they were to supply the five millions which were now derived from the duty on West India produce, on the supposition that the slaves when emancipated would only half work or not wink t all ? He strongly recommended that the resolutions should be sent out to the Colonies, but that no bill should be passed in conformity with them. He would use every conciliatory measure to induce the Colonies to carry the resolutions into effect, but, would not make them law till the last necessity. He concluded by proposing to strike out the words "on liberal and comprehensive principles," which had been added to the last resolution on the suggestion of Mr. Bux.roso because they pointed to the toleration and encouragement of Missionaries, and, were therefore likely to injure the dances of the success of the measure among the Planters.

Lord SUFFIELD was glad that at last this important subject ap- proached a settlement. He objected, however, to some parts of the plan, particularly to that which related to the apprenticeships. The labour of apprenticed Negroes would be like that Of parish apprentices in this country,—that is to say, nearly valueless. Ile thought that a loan of money by way of compensation would have been better than 4 gift. Ile defended the Missionaries.

The Earl of Hansw000 said, the Planters were convinced that so- ciety in the Colonies could no longer exist in its present state. They were very desirous of carrying the.principle of the resolutions honestly into effect. There existed no ill feeling among them on the subject; -mal he was therefore very desirous that the filling up of the details of the measure should be left to the Local Legislatures. Ile thought that

Weit. India body While the measure was in' the'cotirse of preparii-

tion, had not been properly consulted, or treated with fairness. The plan had not been communicated to them till the day in which it ap- peared in the public prints.

Earl GREY defended the Government from this last imputation of the Earl of Harewood. He did not know how the plan came to be published in the newspapers: it was not done by the authority of Go- vernment ; and it first appeared in the Standard, a journal which uni- formly opposed the measures of Ministers. He alluded to the part he lied taken in the Fox arid Grenville Administration in procuring the abolition of the slave-trade : be took a very deep interest in this measure, which would complete time work then begun. Be went into details to prove that the Colonial Legislatures, whose conduct bad been complained of by every Colonial Secretary, not excepting Sir George Murray, could not be depended upon to put the plan which was indi- cated in the resolutions into practice. He regretted the introduction of the words "liberal and comprehensive principles ;" but, as their withdrawal would cause much dissatisfaction, he hoped the Duke of Wellington would not press his amendment for expunging them.

Lord ELLENDOROUGII blamed the Government for introducing so hazardous a measure as the present ; and be blamed them the more, because they could %vithout difficulty have procured the sanction of the House of Commons to a much smiler and more practicable one. No Howe of Commons previously to the passing of the Reform Bill had shown itself so ready to accede to whatever was proposed by the Mi- nister of the Crown. He would join in supporting any reasonable plan,—one founded on the resolutions of 1823,—a plan which tended gradually to abolish slavery and improve the condition of the slave; but he could not sanction one got up so hurriedly, and of so hazardous a nature. The only resolution which he could support was the last.

Lord BROUGHAM said, that Lord Ellenborough's speech was extraor- dinary, from the startling conclusion to which be came,—a conclusion to which no one else, there or elsewhere, had arrived. It was startling from the contradictions which it contained, and from the interpretations put upon some persons and things. He now professed to admire the resolutions of 1823; but it appeared that he had been almost the only person, by his own confession, who had strenuously opposed them. Lord Brougham then proceeded to defend the measure ; and con- cluded by protesting that the House of Commons (lid not deserve Lord Ellenborough's vituperation,: there had never been a House of Com- mons that more truly represented the wealth, intelligence, and sense of the people of England, than the present.

Lord 1VyNronn said, the evidence in support of the resolution was all on one side, and was propped up by senseless clamour. He hoped that Government would leave the matter in the hands of the Colonial Legislatures, and not introduce any bill into Parliament upon the subject.

The Earl of RIPON reminded the Duke of Wellington, that the Order in Council issued by him in 1831, and which the Duke had ri- diculed, was a mere copy, in the ridiculed parts, of the order of 1825, to which he was himself a party.

Time amendment of the Duke of Wellington, to omit the words "li- beral and comprehensive principles," was then negatived, and the reso- lutions were carried.

2. LOCAL JURISDICTION Btu- On Monday, when the question was put that the House resolve itself into a Committee on this bill, The Earl of ELDON said, that he felt it his imperative duty to de) all in his power to prevent its passing into a law. The effects of it upon the poorer classes of his fellow-countrymen would be most mis- chievous.

It was also no small evil that the bill wou'd make so extensive an alteration in the law and practice of Bankruptcy. This change was in no way required, and the matter ought still to be left in the hands of country Commissioners. From the time he accepted the seals from the hands of Lord Loughborough, he had only once had occasion to blame any body of country Commissioners.

If Weir Lordships chose to pass this bill, let them do it ; but they would then indeed shorten that existence which was threatened in cer. tain quarters. At the risk of being thought an old-fashioned, and per- haps a superannuated lawyer, he should move that the bill be committed that day six months.

Lord BROUGHAM said, that Lord Eldon's coostitutional alarm at all law reforms had prevented his arriving at a just estimate of the mea- sure before time House. He was quite surprised -at what had fallen from him with respect to the Commissioners of Bankrupts. He bad heaped upon them an especial share of laudation, and Lord Brougham could 'hardly believe his ears when he heard it, knowing that one of his first acts wlwn he ascended the Woolsack was to cast the strongest imputations upon Commissioners of Bankrupts in the country. If they did not deserve the same reprobation now, they were indeed marvellously changed. " He (Lord Elden) took," ;is was recorded in one of the books of authority, " the earliest opportu- nity of expressing his strong indignation at the frauds committed under colour of the Bankrupt- laws. Ile observed with warmth, that the abuse of the Bank- rupt-law was a disgrace to the country; and added, that it would be better at once to repeal all the statutes than suffer them to be so applied." Lord ELDON here interrupted Lord Brougham—" I did not say that I would come to Parliament in order to make the change."

Lord BROUGHAM continued. That was very true ; but surely it was safer to apply to Parliament, than for a judge to do it without the pro- bability of appeal.

Lord Eldon had also said—" There is no mercy to the estate, and nothing is less thought of than the object of the commission: as they are frequently con- ducted in the country, they are little more than stock in trade for the assis,aeas, the solicitor, and the Commissioners." The charge against the Country`Coin- Inissioners, therefore, was nothing less than this—that they made pillage, with the aid of the assignees anal the solicitor of the estate of the bankrupt. The ob- servations went on to say, that delay in remedying this evil was itself acced- *

in.. to it.

He trusted that the bill, which had by no means been passed in a hurried manner thrOgh the House, would be suffered to go into Com- mittee. Lord ELDON said a a few words in explanation ; and the House di- vided : for going into Committee, .52; against it, 33; -majority for

Mi- nisters, 14. • • The House being then in Committee, the five first clauses were agreed to. Orithe sixth elause„beiiigtead, Lord WYNFORD objected to the proviso "that the Registt ars as well as the Judges of these Courts, should not be removable, (-swept upon the address of both Houses of Parliaineut," and proposed to amend the clause, by the omission of the Registrars.

Lord LYNDHURST asked why the Registrars of this Court should be placed in a different situation from the Registrars of otter Courts ? He advised Lord Brougham to give way on this point ; atherwiseit would show the spirit in which he was desirous of diseussieg the bill.

Lord BROUGHAM thought the last observation of Lord Lyndhurst might as well have been spared. He had been anxiousao get his opi- nion on this point : but he had not given any, except an extra-judicial one. If any better mode of getting rid of an incapable oilier could be devised than the one pointed out by the clause, he would adopt it. Lord Lyndhurst's opinion as a judge would have been of more value than the one he had delivered from the Opposition benches, as the opponent of the Law Reforms of the Government.

Lord LYNDHURST contended, that he had not shown any disposition to oppose the Law Reforms of 11:s Alajesty's Government ; and, as to his speaking from that place, he bad only to observe, that he had by design chosen that place to mark that he was not a member of a party, and that he did not act with party views. He did not understand this hill to be a Government measure : it teas introduced on the individual responsibility of Lord Broughinn.

Lord BROUGHAM said, that he was now enabled to announce that it was a Govern n lent measure ; and since that filet %vas thus made known to his noble mid learned friend, he took for granted that it would have the effect of putting an end to all his opposition.

The Duke of CUMBERLAND entirely disclaimed all party motives for his votes on this bill.

Lord LYNDHURST remarked, that if it had been that night looked upon as a party question, the result would have been altogether dif- ferent. He had consulted with other noble lords upon the subject, and the decision they had come to was, not to vote against the bill : he repeated, that if they had thought otherwise, the result would have been very different.

The LORD CHANCF-LLOR—" That is to say, there would have been a majority against the Government on this occasion."

Lord LYNDHURST—TO make it a party question, it must have been supported by his Majesty's Government on the one side, and opposed by a concerted Op- position on the other. Now that, he contended, had not been the case with re- spect to the present measure.

The Loan CHANCELLOR—" These discussions tend very much to raise, or rather to sustain the high character which this House maintains out of doors. (Vehement chats from the Treasury Benches.) I, at all events, have the satisfaction of remembering, that I never treated this House with disrespect, and that no remarks of mine have had the tendency of promoting the recent de- clarations that we have heard."

The other clauses of this bill, down to the 28th, were then agreed to, with the exception of the 25th, which was postponed. The House then resumed, and obtained leave to sit again next day.

The remaining clauses of this bill were agreed to in Committee on Friday, with some unimportant amendments; and the report was ordered to be received on Tuesday next.

3. limn Cirunen REFORM BILL. The House resolved itself, on Monday, into Committee on this bill.

The clauses from the 148th to the 152d, being the last five, were agreed to : clauses 325, 39th, and 41st, which had been postponed, also passed, with some provisos proposed by Mr. STANLEY.

The question that the 54th clause stand part of the bill being put, a long discussion arose, upon the motion of Mr. STANLEY to amend it by striking out the perpetuity purchase fund exception, so that the ap- plication to secular purposes of the fund raised by the conversion of Bishop's leases into perpetuities should not be authorized by it. Mr.. HUME strenuously opposed the alteration. He thought the House ought not to proceed with the clause in the absence of Lord Althorp. It was due to the House, that Lord Althorp should state whether he was a party to this change, so diametrically opposite to what he had stated. .

Lord JOHN Russem. said, that he had communicated with Lord Althorp on the subject, both before the vote for the alteration was proposed, and after it was carried; and his Lordship had expressed his perfect satisfaction with it.

Dr. LUSHINGTON maintained, that the principle of the bill was by no means affected by the alteration.

Mr. RONAYNE said, if that were the case, why did Mr. Stanley talk about a collision with the House of Lords.

Mr. FINN remarked, that as to the new value to be given to Bishop's lands by act of Parliament, which new value was said not to belong to the Church, it WaS all a delusion— As well might the guardian of a child say, that the new value given to the child's property by his management belonged to him, and not to the child. A trustee might as well claim all the improvement in the funds placed in his charge. Sir Robert Peel 11,141 unanswerably proved thesophistry of that state- ment. Another of the 'Whig schemes was shown on Friday night. In the early part of the evening they could not muster 42 supporters-84 to 42—and they were defeated. But on the same evening, these Whigs mustered 272 sup- porters, when they wi,lied to get, rid of the clause. This was another proof of the delusions they practised. The first division -was a good pretext for gettimr rid of the 147th clause. In fact the Whigs were prompted by the Tons: the Tories were Viceroys over them : the Whigs only did the Tories' business. We were governed by Tories in the disguise of Whigs. They tilled their places for the Tories. The People, however, were now aware of the delusion: they were glad that the Whigs too had turned against them, and they now knew their enemies.

Mr. STANLEY, Dr. LUSHINGTON, and Mr. LITTLETON, again de- fended the alteration; and the clause, as amended, was finally agreed .to. On the 56th clause, the next of the postponed ones, being read, Mr. O'CONNELL moved an amendment, to the effect of totally re- pealing the 7th of George the Fourth, which was referred to in the clause, and which, he contended, perpetuated the worst machinery, of the Irish Vestry system. Without tiffs repeal, the clause- would be wholly inefficacious as a means of relieving the Catholics from-the Vestry Cess. Mr. STANLEY, Dr. LUSHINGTON, and Sir ROBERT PEEL opposed the amendment ; which was negatived, on a division, by 189 to 48.

On the 110th clause being read,—which gives the Commissioners power to suspend the appointment of clergymen on the vacation of any benefice in the gift of the Crown or Bishops, in which there has been no service for three years, Mr. SHAW suggested the omission of the clause. Mr. STANLEY refused to omit it, but was williug to add the words " next preceding the 1st February 1833." Air. EsTeotorr moved to insert, after 1833, these words—" And shall not have been resumed and regularly performed within six calen- dar months before suet' avoidance."

This amendment was negatived, by 267 to (33.

Several other postponed clauses were agreed to, and the House re- sumed.

The discussion was renewed in Committee on Tuesday. On the question being put, on the motion of Me Stanley that Seliedide A stand part of the bill, Sir Romer Pert moved, that all benefices whose yearly value o-as under 3001., be exempted from taxation. Ile

was surprised that Alinisters, who had so strongly objected to a gradu- ated propertv.tax, should have brought forward- this proposition, ter the taxing of the income of the clergy.

Air. STANLEY said that Government would not insist upon this point. ale drew a distinction between the property of the Church and

that of individuals ; and contended that a grad uated property- tax wonld not tend to equalize property in the Church, %%idle stteh \ vould certainly be its effect upon the property of individuals.

Mr. WAenewrote said, though that was not the time to discuss the principle of a graduated property-tax, he was prepared to show, upon a first-rate authority, that such a tax was most equitable. The question had been discussed by La Place in his Theory if Probabilities ; and whenever the subject should be discussed, he should be prepared to support his views by that authority.

Sir ROBERT PEEL would readily bow to tine authority of La Place on a question of pure mathematics; but on the question of a graduated property-tax, there were two other elements to be taken into considera- tion besides those on which La Place had reasoned. La Place sup- posed the incomes to be fixed, mid did not consider the means of ac- quiring them. Ele did not estimate the influence of such a WI on in- dustry. And he ( Sir Robert Peel) was afraid that the desire to accu- mulate wealth would be greatly abated by a graduated property-tax.

After a few remarks from Mr. O'CoNNem. and Air. Hume, Sehe- dule A and Schedule II were agreed to. The preamble also passed, and the bill was ordered to be reported, and the report to be taken into consideration on Friday.

4. LAY TITHES IN IRELAND. Lord ALTHORP stated, on Friday, in answer to a question by Mr. O'CoNNELe, that Ministers had deter- mined that the arrears of lay, as well as ecclesiastical tithes, for the years 1831, 1832, and 1833, should be paid up for the present by Go- vernment.

5. RENEWAL OF TIIF. BANK CHARTER. The House resolved itself, last night, into a Committee on this question ; and the Chairman having put the first resolution, " That it was the opinion of the Com- mittee that the Bank Charter should be renewed," Colonel TORRENS rose to move that the consideration of the sub- ject should be postponed till the next session of Parliament. He argued that the information before the Committee was too imperfect to enable them to legislate discreetly upon a matter of such vast im- portance. The Committee of lust session, of which Lord Althorp was Chairman, had reported that their progress in the inquiry was limited, and their means of formiug an opinion incomplete. No additional evi- dence had been supplied since then. It was clear, therefore, that delay was desirable.

Mr. Poeta:yr SCROPE seconded the amendment. He expressed his strong disapprobation of the mode in which the Bank had conducted its Willits; and attributed the commercial distress with which the country had been so often afflicted to its operations no the currency. He was much surprised that Government should tide!: of renewing the mo- nopoly. Lord Liverpool had said that lie should as soon have thought of restoring the Saxon Heptarchy as renewing the Bank Charter. Lord Ripon, Sir James Gralinan, Mr. Ellice, lord Brougham, Horner, Tierney, Mackintosh, and Grenville, had all been opposed to its renewal. He would himself as soon think of reverting to the feudal system.

Mr. GISRORNE thought it extremely desirable to postpone the settle- ment of the question till another session.

Lord ALTHORP said, that those gentlemen who complained of want of information should have made a specific motion on the subject. The question really before the House was, whether they should be in a better situation to go into the consideration of the subject at any future tune than at present. He thought that, should any delay now take place after the Government plan had been promulgated, the consequences might be even_ worse than if the plan had not been promulgated at all. He defended the details of his plan at length ; and denied that it would have the injurious enacts upon country bankers and joint stock compa- nies which had beet, attributed to it.

Mr. AL Arrwoon maintained that the resolutions went to establish a new standard of value, and to depreciate the currency. This would kevitably be effected by makiug Rank of England notes a legal tender. In proportion to the expense to which the Government would expose country bankers and others to obtain gold for their notes, to that extent would the standard be depreciated.

Sir HENRY PARNELL said, that the evidence given before the Bank

Committee in 1832 had been C X parte—nearly el: in favour of the Bank, by a host of Bank Three:tors, London bankers, aunt others. There were three competent gentlemen ready to explain time evils of the Bank monopoly ; but he was told that it was too late in the session to bring forward their evidence, arid that the Committee would be renewed in the succeeding session. That had not been done. He was decidedly in favour of delay, and wonld vote for the amendment. He was lay convinced that the proposition of Government would necessarily esta-

blish a paper instead of a metallic currency. As regarded joint stock companies, the system would produce nothing but bubbles.

Mr. RICHARDS agreed with Sir Henry Parnell in thinking, that if this measure was carried, sovereigns would soon be at a premium. Sir M. W. RIDLEY thought delay needless and injurious.

Sir ROBERT PEEL was of opinion that the House would abandon its duty if it postponed the settlement of this question. He was in favour of one bank of issue, and approved of the renewal of the Charter. He was entirely opposed, however, to making Bauk- notes a legal tender. It was a settled maxim, after the re- moval of the restriction on the Bank of Englund, that paper, under whatever authority it was issued, should be convertible into gold. He looked with intense anxiety at the immense alteration proposed by Government. He dissented from those who thought that there was any thing insecure in the present state of the currency. He doubted the beneficial operation of the plan in regard to the joint stock corn- panics, which were to be guaranteed the use of a certain quantity of Bank paper. The Bank might find it necessary to contract their issues ; but they could not withdraw any part of that supply which they had thus guaranteed to the joint stock banks. This part of the plan could hardly work well. The Scotch banking system was sup- ported by the gold circulation of England : withdraw that support, and the security of their paper circulation was at an end. Lord Althorp would find, that making the Bank-note a legal tender would produce a depreciation, and banish gold from the circulation. This was a de- parture from the principle of the act of 1819, and he would not sup- port it.

Lord ALTHORP said, that iii times of panic there was an external and internal drain of gold. By snaking the Bank-notes a legal tender, the latter would be prevented. lie denied that his plan would drive gold out of the circulation. Paper and coin of the same denomination could not circulate together ; but if the paper were of a higher denomi- nation than the coin, it (lid not supersede the use of it. When lie looked at the facility of communication between the different parts of the country, lie did not see how it was possible for a different value to exist for gold, and for paper convertible into gold, in any part of the country.

Major HANDLEY would vote for the resolution, because it was time to set the matter at rest.

Mr. BARING contended, that the Committee was not ready to discuss the question, owing to their deficiency of information. He thought that it would have been proper to postpone this question, had the Go- vernment resolved to do so in the first instance ; but as it had been discussed, and as the resolutions had been proposed, it ought to be settled at once, for otherwise they might shake the confidence of the country. With regard to making Bank paper a legal tender, be thought it a judicious proceeding, but hoped that that part of the measure which related to the country bankers would be postponed till next session. If the Branch Banks were to drive out the smaller banks, the consequences might be very serious.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT said, that the reasons which operated against granting monopolies in general, might be quoted in favour of granting this monopoly. Monopolies generally enhanced the value and restricted the issue of goods. That was the very object, to a certain extent, which ought to be sought for in regard to the currency, and therefore the general reasoning against monopolies did not apply. He was friendly to a relaxation of the currency, if it could be effected without danger to the public.

Mr. HUIAE asked, what was the difference between a relaxation and a depreciation of the currency, against which the House had lately re- corded its decision ? He could not, looking at the fact that Bank-notes were only to be redeemable in London, and looking also to the impro- vident bargain made by Government for the country, consent to support Lord Althorp's resolutions.

The Committee then divided : for Colonel Torrens's amendment, 83; against it, 316; Ministerial majority, :In Mr. POULETT SCROPE then addressed the House in opposition to the original resolution ; but his speech was drowned by cries of" Question !" "Bab !" " Divide !" "Adjourn !" and (according to the reports) a noise like the crowing of a cock.

Mr. O'DWYER said, be was a member of the Political Unions so much abused in the House ; but in no Political Union, or any other assembly, had he ever heard such an uproar as this.

This was a question which deeply affected the interests of the empire ; and it was monstrous that members should come down to this House apparently with a determination not to listen to what was said, and to drown every thing in up- roar. ( confusion, and imitation of cock-crowing repeated.) A desultory conversation then ensued, which ended in'the passing of the resolution. The Chairman reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.

6. JOINT STOCK BANES. Sir HENRY PARNELL, at the morning sitting on Friday, presented a petition from the Joint Stock Banking Company established at Manchester, against the proposed plan of Go- vernment for renewing the Charter of the Bank of England, by which their interests would be seriously affected without inquiry. The peti- tioners strongly objected to making Bank of England notes a legal ten- der ; and maintained that the monopoly of the Bank had caused all the fluctuations in the currency and the failure of the country banks. Sir Henry stated his conviction, that the petitioners were mainly correct in their assertions on this point. The petitioners also were in favour of a free system of banking, and were willing to publish their proceedings, or pay up a larger proportion of their capital, should Parliament see fit to require it.

7. EAST Nora BILL. On the motion of Mr. CHARLES GRANT, this bill was read a first time on Friday, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday week.

8. POLITICAL UNIONS. Mr. FINcrI brought forward his motion for the suppression of Political Unions on Thursday. He had not been able, after patient investigation, to discover a single redeeming virtue in them. In their origin, principles, and development, they were fraught with unmixed mischief. He did not call upon the House to pass any new laws for their suppression, or to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act. He meant simply to move a resolution expressive of their unconstitutional character ; and to avoid collision with Ministers, be bad couched it in words taken from a proclamation issued by Govern- ment two years ago. He contended that Political Unions were similar III their objects and organization to the Jacobin Clubs of the French Revolution, and altogether of a different character from Conservative Clubs.

It had been said that these Unions could not be more illegal than the Carlton Street and other Conservative Societies. Now for his part he could see no more likeness between the Carlton Club and the Political Unions, than there was be- tween a man and a monkey.

He more particularly referred to the Birmingham Political Union ; the only fair interpretation that could be put upon the proceedings of that body was, that they wished to form a Ministry out of themselves. Without any great powers of prophecy, lie could point out who such a Ministry would be as would please the Council of the Birmingham Political Union. It was, of course, easy to say who would be Prime Minister—(Nume !) —why he would say the Member for Birmingham, Mr. Attwood. ( Great laughter, and many Members took off' their hats to Mr. Attwood.) Then it would be doing the Member for Dublin, Mr. O'Connell, an injustice, after all his

great services, unless he got the Seals. He was told that the laws would not permit siach an appointment ; but then it ought to be borne in mind that the Political

Unions were set up for the express purpose of setting all law aside. Then there were two gentlemen at Birmingham, of high legal attainments, who, he had no doubt, would du very well for Attorney-General and Solicitor-General—Mr. Parkes and Mr. Edmonds. (" Hear, hear, hear !" and a laugh.) Then for the situation of Home Secretary, who so fit as Mr. Larkins ? As to the Irish Secretaryship, no one but Mr. Steele must have that. (Laughter.) The House seemed rather amused at this Cabinet ; but he very well knew that none but these would be thought worthy, or authorized by the Council to manage the affairs of the nation.

ye said that the great majority of the English nation were Conser- vatives, and that the revolutionary spirit was at a discount. The Poli-

tical Unions, if not formidable as revolutionary bodies, were at least loyal nuisances, and interfered in elections. He concluded by moving his resolution.—

" That certain voluntary associations, denominated Political Unions, are sub- versive of the authority of the Crown, unconstitutional, and illegal ; and that his Majesty's Ministers will be fully justified 'in enforcing the law of the land for their suppression, and for the appression of all Political Unions, be their deno- nimation what they may, of which the nature, principles, designs, and opera- tions are subversive of the authority of the Crown, unconstitutional, or illegal."

Mr. PLUMPTRE seconded the motion; which, he observed, went to give Conservative Clubs a severe blow, as well as Political Unions.

Lord ALTHORP said, that although Mr. Finch had assumed through- out his speech that Political Unions were illegal assemblies, yet, from all the information he had been able to procure upon the subject, he did not think that in their present form they could be said to be illegal. The proclamation issued two years ago, to which Mr. Finch had re- ferred, was directed against those Unions which assumed a right to organize their members upon a military principle. Before the House adopted the resolution, it ought to be satisfied that there was great danger of revolutionary doctrines spreading ; but he was satisfied that no such danger existed. The Unions had sprung up in times of great 'excitement ; had been continued and extended in times of still greater excitement ; but now, he was happy to say, their influence was dimi- nishing, from want of excitement. The motion was hardly one to speak seriously about; but he should certainly feel it his duty to give it a direct negative.

Mr. CorBETr denied that the Political Unions had been accessary to any of the riots which had occurred since they were formed. At Bristol and other places, they had prevented riots going further.

If the Political Unions had caused the Bank stoppage of 1797—if they had caused the twenty-two years' war carried on against France to put down liberty —if they had caused the American war, which added seventy-two millions to our debt, and which ended, as few wars did, in our disgrace—if they had passed the famous Bill of 1819, which doubled all the taxes—and if they had, by par- tially repealing it, caused the panic of 1825, I826—if they had made it neces- sary, after eighteen years' peace, to keep up a force of 100,000 men—if they had given 600,0001. among 113 Privy Councillors, and pensioners, and servants of the State—if they had given a multitude of pensions and sinecures to idlers, starving the industrious people—if they had given Mr. Burke a pension, which had been enjoyed for thirty-three years, and long after his death, till it amounted to ninety millions—( Great laughter, and some one behind Mr. Cobbett apprized him of his mistake)—he meant 90,0001.—if (and he quoted it only as a speci- men) the Political Unions bad given a man a pension for twenty-one years for being Charge d'Affaires at Florence for five months—if they had given a man a pension of 2301. per annum for five months' service, while that gentleman was also a parson, and held two livings—if the Political Unions had made the Debt 800,000,0001.—if Political Unions had done all or one of these things, he should say, put them down—let them be trampled to the earth under the feet of the People, and let the name of Political Unions be accursed for ever. (" Hear, hear ! ") Mr. METHUEN had seen something of Political Unions, and never knew them engaged in a riot. Conservative Clubs were an obstacle to the execution of the law, and if Political Unions were put down, they should be put down also.

Mr. O'CONNELL believed that these associations were legal; and he considered Mr. Finch's motion the most unjust and the silliest motion he ever heard of.

It first declared these meetings illegal ; and then it said that the Ministers would not be to blame if they punished what he called illegal Unions. That was something new, to call on the House of Commons to resolve that the Mi- nisters would not be to blame for executing the law. But the resolution was unjust, for it prescribed what was illegal. It declared that some persons, who had not been tried, who had not even been committed, were guilty of an illegal act.

Would it be right in the House of Commons to pass a resolution to- night, that the melt who were to be tried at the Old Bailey to-morrow had behaved illegally ? They had heard something of a coalition between the Conservatives and the Political Unions not far from Stafford, and some comparison had been made be- tween a monkey and a bear. He too bad heard of showmen: one went about with an elephant and a calf, and when he was asked which was the elephant and which was the calf? he replied, "Which your honour pleases." Mr. Finch had been taking lessons from these showmen. They travelled sometimes; and one of them who had been ab, oad, had told the honourable gentleman that there were two principles struggling for mastery on the Continent—Despotism and Superstition. It was a pity he did not also tell him that these were not the only principles struggling for power on the Continent—that there was also Cant and Hypocrisy—Religious Cant and Political Hypocrisy. He could tell Mr. Finch that these were rife on the Continent ; and that they forced themselves into high stations and high offices, for no other reason but because they stuffed them- selves out into importance. Being in office, they made a great parade of their piety, and busied themselves in meddling in every other man's affairs. They al- lowed no difference of opinion to pass, but condemned one man as an Atheist, and another as an Anarchist. They dealt in foul names and mueh abuse. We had none of these in England ! There was no cant, no hypocrisy here. The honourable gentleman had never heard of them before. But if they were im- ported here, what could they do? They would be sure to overlook the beam in their own eye, to point out the mote in the eye of another. ( Cheers.)

The Government was threatened by a Conservative Club, which sought to change the councils of the country ; and if a collision should take place, Political Unions might be more necessary than ever to pro- tect the principles of our free constitution.

Mr. HALcoma, amidst loud cries of " Question," contended that the Unions vere illegal.

Mr. WALTER was neither a friend nor an enemy to the Unions, for he was certain that their merit or demerit entirely depended upon the object which their members united for the purpose of obtaining.

Mr. FiNen replied. As these Unions had fallen into contempt, he

would on that account withdraw his motion. ( Cries f " no !") Lord Althorp had said that they were not illegal ; which proved that there was no union in the Cabinet, for another Cabinet Minister had recently declared that they were inconsistent with the laws and institu- tions of the country.

Mr. THOMAS ATTWOOD asserted that the Birmingham Union had not spent money, nor improperly interfered, at elections.

Mr. LITTLETON said that their conduct at Walsall was outrageous. Mr. Attwood was any thing but what he had been described as being —an apostle of peace.

Mr. ATTWOOD begged to be understood, that be never set up for be- ing the apostle of peace ; but this he could say, that one of the highest characters in the country had testified that to his influence was owing the preservation of the peace, both in May 1831 and in October 1832.

Mr. LITTLETON said he was bound in candour to acknowledge, that such was the case on the two particular occasions alluded to ; but Mr. Attwood's general conduct was not favourable to peace.

The SPEAKER then put the question, and declared that the " Noes" had it.

Mr. CHARLES BULLER and others, to force a division, declared that the " Ayes" had it.

A division then took place : for the motion, 10; against it, 70; ma- jority, 60.

9. POLICE SPIES. At the morning sitting of the House on Thurs- day, Mr. CORBETT presented a petition frobi the Camberwell and Wal- worth Political Union, alleging that the Police of the Metropolis were employed systematically as spies.

The petition stated, that a person named Pophay had been for several months a member of their Union ; and that upon the occasion of their meetings he had urged them to make use of more violent language, had subscribed to their funds for the purpose of purchasing flags, banners, &c. ; and had openly railed against the Government, making use of such expressions as "0—n the Minis- try !" He had also recommended the establishing of shooting:galleries' for the purpose of teaching the broad-sword to the members of the and lutd paid all the expenses of a trip to Richmond of the Members, himself forming one of the party : he was, however, subsequently remunerated by each of the party. He had frequently walked in the front of their processions, arm-in-arm with some of the Unionists; had been observed to take notes on public occasions ; and had euridled himself as a member under a feigned name. It was ultimately discovered that he was one of the Police, and that he had been so during he whole of this period, still preserving his ordinary dress. About three months ago, he was promoted to the situation of Clerk of Police, and had been sub- sequently advanced to that of a Deputy Inspector. On one particular occasion, he was charged by George Fun-soy (now confined in Newgate on the charge of wounding a Policeman) with being one of the Police in disguise; when he most solemnly denied the allegation.

Mr. Cobbett also said, that the statement which appeared in the Go- vernment paper, the Morning Chronicle, of a disinterested person having gone to Newgate and recognized Furzey as the man who stabbed the Policeman, referred to this person, whom Furzey had detected at Walworth and charged with being a Police spy. With respect to the allegations in the petition, Mr. Cobbett said-

" I am in a condition to prove the truth of it, as well as any attorney or advocate can prove a case which he undertakes. I have examined all the wit- nesses ; and they completely prove all this petition contains, and more. They prove that this man Pophay had subscribed to a fund for the purpose of forming a dep6t of arms ; that he induced others to subscribe to it, and that he put down sixpence himself; and that the poor man who is now to be tried for his life, on a charge of stabbing two of these Policemen, put down something also. But when Furzey found that this Pophay was a spy, he went and struck his owns name out of the subscription list."

Mr. SINCLAICi admitted that this case required investigation, but de- fended the conduct of the Police generally.

Colonel EVANS said, the original instructions to the Police were, that they should go armed, and inquire into the conduct of the inhabi- tants. Those instructions were afterwards withdrawn, but they showed the animus which actuated the Home Office. The expense of the Police was double that of the old Watchmen. He hoped that Mr. Cobbett would more for a Committee to inquire into the allegations of the petition.

Mr. WILKS thought this petition was the most important one which had been presented to the House during the three Parliaments he had held a seat in it. The outrages which had been committed in Scot- land a few years ago were solely occasioned by the machinations of Police spies.

Some conversation then took place, as to whether the petition should be referred to the Metropolitan Police Committee, now sitting, or to a Select Committee. Sir WILLIAM INGILBY advised Mr. Cobbett to be cautious how he acted; otherwise, before the matter was inquired into, the man in Newgate might be hanged. The petition was then laid on the table, as Mr. CORBETT thought that Ministers, none of whom were in the House, should see it, before he brought forward any motion founded upon it. In the course of the evening sitting, Lord Althorp being in his place, Mr. CORBETT gave notice, that on Monday next, he should move for a Select Committee to inquire into the mat- ter of the petition, and he hoped that Lord Althorp would read it, as perhaps he would then accede to the motion.

10. ROYAL BURGHS OF SCOTLAND BILL. This bill was discussed on Wednesday, in a Committee of the whole House. Mr. WALLACE moved, as an amendment to the first clause, that the Provosts, Bailies, Treasurers, and Town-clerks, should be elected by the open vote of the Constituency of the burghs, as well as the Town- council.

Mr. GILLON seconded the amendment.

Mr. JEFFREY (Lord Advocate) opposed it, on the ground, that as the Magistrates of' the Royal Burghs had extensive civil and criminal dirties to perform, it would be impolitic to have them appointed by the suffrages of the Constituency at large. Mr. HumE was at a loss to know why the people who elected the Town- Council, \Odell Town- Council afterwards elected the Magis- trates, should not elect those Magistrates themselves in the first instance.

Mr. J. S'rEWART and Mr. R. FERGUSON opposed the amendment. It was negatived by a majority of 46 to 27.

Sir J. HAv then moved, and Mr. .MANWELL seconded, an amend- ment, to confer upon 51. householders the right of voting at the election of Councillors.

Mr. JEFFREY said, it was necessary to make a stand somewhere ; and he thought that the Committee had better adhere to the franchise adopted by the Reform Act. Mr. OSWALD, Mr. A. JOHNSTONE, Mr. WALLACE, alld Mr. AGLIONRY, supported the amendment; which was opposed by Mr, ABERCROMBY, Sir A. Hon:, Mr. C. BRUCE, and Mr. KENNEDY. The Committee divided: for the amendment, 53; against it, .54; Ministerial majority, 1.

Mr. GILLoN 'proposed another amendment, that all burgesses ad- mitted for the period of not less than twelve months should have a right to vote in elections of municipal officers.

This amendment was supported by Mr. HUME, and opposed by Mr. JEFFREY. The Lord Advocate said, that these burgesses were, in many places, twice the number of 10/. householders; and that, to suit election purposes, any number of them might be easily made' so that the whole power might be thrown into the hands of the rabble. A considerable discussion arose on this amendment ; which was finally rejected by 10'2 to 58.

Mr. CUMMING BRUCE moved, that all persons having votes for Ma- gistrates should also vote for members for burghs. This amendment was also rejected, by 131 to 17.

General SHARPE moved, as an amendment to clause C, that all voters, Jul. voters as well as burgesses, be eligible to be Magistrates.

Mr. JEFFREY opposed this, and the Committee divided again : for the amendment, 60; against it, 75; majority, 15.

The other clauses and the preamble were agreed to, and the House resumed. The report was brought tip, and ordered to be considered on Monday next.

11. BURGHS MAGISTRATES BILL. The House resolved itself into a Committee on this bill on Wednesday. The report was brought up, and ordered to be considered on Monday.

12. JEwisu DISABILITIF.S BILL. On Wednesday, when Mr. R.. GRANT moved that the House should go into Committee on this bill, Sir C. Miaow moved an adjournment ; which was negatived, on a division, by 117 to 22.

Sir ROBERT INGLis again moved to adjourn the debate for six weeks ; but the motion was rejected by a majority of 117 to 24.

Mr. HUGHES HUGHES said, that many members were not aware that tire debate on the bill would have come on that night, and there- fore be would move another adjournment. This motion was negatived without a division.

Sir OswALD Mont.Ev moved, as an amendment to the first clause, that Jews should not be allowed to occupy seats in Parliament. The House rejected the motion, by a majority of 113 to '23. Mr. A. JouNs-roNE said, that he did not see any use in an oath at all, now that he saw the mode in which the Catholics evaded it. He therefore moved to expunge the oath from the first clause. This was rejected, by 104 to O.

Mr. PLemrraF., in order to nullify the measure, in the first place moved the insertion in the oath of the words " on the true faith of a Christian ;" but afterwards, at the suggestion of the Chairman, pro- posed that the clause (the second) should be expunged. The Com- mittee divided : for the motion, 19; against it, 110.

The other clauses were then gone through ; the House resumed, and the report on the bill was received.

13. ROMAN CATHOLIC MARRIAGE BILL. Mr. PERRIN moved the second reading of this bill on Wednesday. Its oNect is to repeal the penalty of 5001., to which Catholic priests are liable in Ireland for marrying a Catholic and Protestant, and to place the marriages cele- brated by Catholic clergymen on the same footing as those celebrated by Dissenting ministers. In the course of the conversation which arose upon this motion' Mr. O'CoNNete mentioned, that one statute made the marrying of a Catholic with a Protestant by a Catholic priest a capital felony, for which he could be executed : by a subsequent sta- tute, a penalty of 51101. was attached to the offence; and it was decided, in Lord Kilwarden's time, that those statutes were cumulative,—that is to say, that the priest might be banged first and lined 5001. after- wards. Sir R. BA'rESON, Sir R. Notts, Colonel PEncEvAL, and Mr. SuAw opposed, and Mr. STANLEY, Mr. RUTHVEN, and Sir JOHN CAMPBELL supported the motion. It was finally carried without a division.

14. MILITARY Floccma. On Tuesday, when the Speaker called upon Mr. Buckingham to bring forward his motion upon this subject, Mr. ELLICE rose and said, that since it had been last discussed, the subject had been seriously under the consideration of his Majesty's Government ; and an order was now framed, though not yet issued— but no delay would take place in its promulgation—restricting corporal punishment as nearly as possible to those cases included in the motion proposed by Mr. Hume, and secomled by Sir Francis Burdett.

He therefore hoped that Mr. Buckingham would consent to with- draw his motion.

Mr. Becersenasr expressed his sstisfaetion with the announcement of the intentions of Government made by Air. Ellice, and withdrew his motion.

15. AmertiEcaniEs BILL. T: ,i• WI has been referred to a Select

Committee, on the motion of Ale Eiti:1", Lord Advocate.

16. SII emit EFS' E X PE NS LS Inas. Jm1r. FYSIIE PALNIER moved, on Monday, that the House resolve itself into a Committee on this bill. The motion was opposed by Sir JOHN Cameema„ Mr. TOOKE, Sir E. KNATCHBULL, aimil Mr. AGLIONBY. Ni. Patattat defended the bill. The House divided : for going into Committee, 42; against it 60; majority, 18. Thus the bill is lost.

17. BURGLARY. Air. EWART, on Tuesday, brought in a bill for the better definition of the crime of Burglary; which was read a first time, and ordered to he read a second time on the 12th July.

IR. SIMPLE LARCENY El ii.. Colonel Davire, on Friday, moved the second reading of this bill. Sir jOUN C moved that it be reed that day six months; which was carrit I■ by -id to 43.

19. Poou LAWS. Mr. Haramma to a motion on Thurs-

day on the subject of the Poor-laws, but afiei L• I l.een spsaltieg for some timr,Irr. Fiatca.s 0' Cossoe moved tha, he !ha at! he vomited; %den there Wert fun al to be fewer than fusty iatsooera present, and au adjournment took place.

20. Tiannat- Marl ES. Air. Ewixe asked J. -al ..\Ithorp, Oil Thurs-

day, whether he teas aware that timber was :;.o, from Norway to

Halifax, and then reshipped to this counti.y, in to avoid the duty on Baltic timber ? I.erd A loadone replied, ti• ; lat• heard a report of stein at thing, hut had tio oilivial information ea 1;:t• suhits.t, and did not believe it passible that it could be done to 21. Gnavasaxo Pirat Boa.. This bill was ....ad a third time in the Lords on Tuesday, and paased.

REDucrioN Ix THE PUBLIC EXPENDITURE. Alr. II. L. BULWER, on Tuesday, with much reluctance felt himself i,bliged, in consequence of the absence of Lord Althurp, to postpone his motion on this subject till the next Supply day.

23. Iimerronn Eravrea.N. Mr. IlmiNat., on Thursdav, brought up the Report of the IlertIMd Elsetion Conmaittee ; which was oralered to be pi inted. [It is understeed that the Committee recommend the disfranchisement nl all votea. birder the class ef iv!. householders ; and that tits rieht of voting "la add be catemied to the inhabitants of the adjacent distsiets, iradteli ea Ware and I lodd •: ,1a.o. It is calculated that this wail give a fact:" emasitutawy of aha.. aoo yetets, arid dis- franchise between 201) mid sate utd ones.]

4. Tire Nf WSPAI-Ens AND THE POST-OF.-a. a% Sir HENRY PAR- NELL prCSCileyd a vet On Fralav. I tuna t a ni am newsyanders and agoilts, comphii . ::;:g of the ill NT 1 t'r1.-11('/! 0 MVO Clerks, Clerks of the ilo,••!, ..aal Postmasters, in their taa:e. They complained Cos , by the pi it.ileges allowed to t foreign newspapers were charged1.1.1X tile I 1.0 prAtit• cost ha all ; that this increased Fie(' went int, the pocket tbOSC II. I LI! ilittqa of the public revenue ; that till{ practice was alsit allow.-ti 1:„. Foceit,o Office ; and that die circulation, ther,tilne, of Engli -it itews,•'ipers was very much curtailed, in Consequence of which the petitionei s saffi-r,t1 vt-ry consider- ably. They expressed great regret at finding that the rif:r. eat at el the French Most-office, tt (It) ilWaV sc ith the impediments afficti:.a. :Ite transmis- sion and eirculatioa 1,f imwspapers between the two roomy:es, Lad aid met with that readiness on the 1. tat of our (immanent whielt they had e:tp. teed, and which NV:1$ IllUst

Sir Henry, who had conversed with the French Postmaster-General on the subject, could bear testimouy to the truth of this allegation.

The Clerks of the Post- Office, in addition to other ad! oat 11.ctis whicil they p- sessed, were allmvol to put newspapers addressed to alteir ngent, or customers into the mail -bags up to the moment of their delivery to the mail, while the petitioners were obliged, upon each paper posted after six o'clock, to par the charge of one halfpenny, arid were also subject to total eNclusion lifter half-past seven o'clock. -• The petition, in which the above statements were more fully de- tailed, was then read.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT supported the prayer of t'ea petitioners.

Lord At.s.notte staid, that Ministers had not lesen able to accede to all the propositions of the French Government, lout were desirous of going as far as was et:insistent with the safety of the revenue. As re- garded the privileges of the Post-Office Clerks, if they were deprived of them their salaries roust be increased ; so that the question might be considered a / da.anr, il one, as far as the revenue was concerned.

Mr. BUCKINGHAM strongly advocated the cause of the petitioners.

Sir Hasits. PattNioa. spoke a few words in reply. He said it was quite clear that the chi. (dation of the papers would very soon bring in a full compensation for any apparent loss of revenue in the lust in- stance.

25. NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. licarE reminded the House, on Monday, that his motioe relative to a new House of Commons stood for Tuesday the 2d July; when he meant to prop:sae that 25,000/. should he voted for the erection of a new building.

26. BIRMINGHAM PITITIONS. Mr. T. Arrw000 presented a peti- tion, on Monday, from the great meeting at Nest lull Hill, Birming- ham, against all restrictions on the importation of ailimal and vegetable food. He also presented a petition from the Council of the Birming- ham Political Union, against the conduct of the Police at the Cold- bathfields meeting, and praying for inquiry into that transaction. He said that the present system of police was a cursed and rascally system; and that if it should be attempted to be introduced into the town of Brummagem, the people of Brummagem would fight against it. 27. LICENSING OF PUBLIC-HOUSES. Colonel EVANS presented a pia tition on Monday, front William Spicer, a licensed victualler, com- plaining of the arbitrary power exercised by Magistrates in withholding licences of public-houses.

Mr. LAMB said, that the only way to remedy the evil was to niter the law; which, as it now stood, certainly gave very great power to Magis- trates.

Sir FRANCIS rltutDETT hoped Colonel Evans would persevere until a commission was appointed to inquire into the state of the law, and into this ease in particular.

A desultory conversation then took plate. Mr. LAMB, in answer to a question from Sir S. WIIAI.I.EY, as to the mistake respecting the sen- tence of Job Cox, said that it was the mistake—certairly an awful one —of the Recorder alone; and how it arose, was entirely cunfined to his own breast. Colonel EVANS then said, that he should move for a Committee the next day to inquire into the case of the petitioner Spicer. On Tuesday, accordingly, the subject was again brought before the House by Colonel Ev &NS, and a Select Committee was appointed.