TOPICS OF THE DAY.
MERCY TO IRELAND.
OPINIONS as to the probable effect of the new measure in Ireland vary even among the best informed,—some anticipating that it will altogether prevent, others that it will hasten the outbreak of armed insurrection : and in truth there is much ground for both opinions. But one thing is clear—that the beneficial effect of the law will be in proportion to the strictness with which it is exe- cuted. Another thing is equally clear—that the beneficial effect is not dependent upon the occurrence of an outbreak or not; though perhaps it will be more certain, or at least more obviously ascertained, if there be an insurrectionary movement.
The state of Ireland is very different from what it has been,
and is such as to favour the most distinct and instructive opera- tion of the law. Other more equivocal organizations have been superseded by the organization of the Clubs—an organization traitorously directed against the existing government, social order, and the fundamental law of property. It is to be noted that the agitation for " Repeal" has so completely died away that you scarcely hear it mentioned :. the pure Repeal- ers have become persons of no importance. The agitation is no longer against the Legislative Union, but against the Monarchy, against the " English garrison" or whole body of landlords, and against the persons of those now administering the government in Ireland. Especial hostility is levelled against Lord Claren- don; whose distinctive characteristic it is to be one of the most effective and also one of the humanest and kindest rulers that Ireland ever had. It is evident that moat part of this special hostility is actually owing to his goodness, which is in itself a very awkward antagonism to the designs of the intriguers and traitors. But the whole effect of the political change in Ireland is to place the enemies of order and government in a perfectly distinct, definite, and unequivocal position; thus facilitating the most distinct, exact, and intelligible application of the law.
Another manner of demarcation seems likely to be brought
about by a recurrence of the calamity which visited Ireland in 1846—the disease in the potato crop. The relation between the Irish and the Imperial Government has materially altered since so many millions were advanced by Great Britain in aid of the sufferers. The enemies against which the Irish rebels are in- citing their wretched followers teSs stand arrayed, without assist- ance, are not only" the Government at Dublin with its military police, England with her army and her wealth, but also that famine throughout which the Irish were supported by England in 1846 and 1847. If the calamity did recur, England, whose Par- liament has not yet done what laws might do to fortify the in- dustry of Ireland against such visitations, would necessarily come forward with new aid—some measures of relief, more efficient than those of 1846,-7, would be accorded : subsidies would again be granted ; employment. would be provided ; emigration would be rendered more effectual. But for whom ? Of course not for rebels with arms in their hands. If famine come on theni, they must look for help from. those leaders to whom they have trans- ferred their allegiance—to the Meaghers and Dohenys, the Dtlf-; fys and Magees. The help of England would be for the loyal alone. The same distinction which is enforced in the measures of coercion will also be observed in the measures of succour: it is inconceivable that any relief should be given in districts " pro- claimed" for disaffection.
But this distinct and direct application of laws will need very
considerable changes in the administration of Irish affairs, not more necessary than they will be difficult. It is plain that there can be no tampering and temporizing. Every act of temporizing will be construed into a weakness ; every act of " leniency " will be accepted as a victory over a defeated Government. But-tem, porizing is the universal and established rule. in. Ireland, and a reversal of the rule will demand immense vigilance and firmness. A monstrous instance occurred in one of the very latest official proceedings : Mr. Meagher boasted, that when he was arrested at Waterford, he gave the constable who arrested him a pass, by which the man was enabled to convey his prisoner through the ranks of the rebellious !—the constable relied on a passport signed by his prisoner 1 Such an incident could not have occurred any- where out of Ireland. Manifestly it was an act of the most inde- corous and impolitic nature, tending to deprive authority of all moral influence. It can hardly be suffered under the new law, without totally neutralizing the effect of that law. The constable must accept no such obligations from his prisoner : if his safety need it, let him be backed by military force ; but do not suffer him to execute the law by courtesy of the rebels, or you promote the rebels to be virtually the supreme authority. It is indeed by the treachery of its own officers that the law in Ireland has been brought to such a low state. Instructions of a different kind will regulate the conduct of the public servants, unless Ministers con- spire to betray the trust so generously confided by Parliament. But while new orders are given to the subordinates, a new rule must govern the superiors. Such utter confusion of sides, such tampering with constructive rebels, as that to which Ministers were fain to confess in a late debate, cannot continue. Sir Wil- liam Somerville admitted that he had given money to promote the return of a Repeal Member ; and that is not, we believe, a solitary instance—more than one Minister has drawn his check to. further the election of a Repealer, because the said Repealer would be a tractable " Liberal,' and was therefore preferred-to
some intelligent and independent Member whose support of Min- isters might have been less unconditional, but whose support of order and authority would have been far more sincere and valu- able. Such illicit alliances cannot continue.
Ireland must for a time be divided into two sides, and only two —the defenders of order, and its enemies. Other questions are of necessity placed in abeyance during the struggle. To make that struggle to establish order as brief and effective as pos- sible, its provoking causes, its working, and its results, must be exhibited as nakedly and as simply as possible. The law must take its course, according to its own intent and meaning, without favour to any class—without recognizing in recusant Members "privilege of Parliament," or in priestly agitators " benefit of clergy." Government is bound to show the loyal that it extends to them protection without stint or reservation : it is bound to show the rebellious that the sole condition of pardon is absolute submission ; the fate of each and all depending precisely and cer- tainly on the side that each may take in the contest.
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