THE SELF-DISCOVERY OF RUSSIA.* THE literature tending to enlighten and
clarify British public opinion about Russia, to clear away misconception-3, and to bring home to us what she has done and is doing grows apace. Of pre-war books non is more illuminating than Mr. Harold Williams's Russia of the Russians, while of those published since August, 1914, none is more sympathetic, helpful, and reassuring than Professor Simpson's studies of "acme aspects of the self-discovery of Russia, as these were visible in the summer of 1915." The keynote of the book is struck in the dedication : " To Russia, merciful in victory, patient and calm in tribulation, and with the vision to act and to endure." Of the mercifulness of the Ruse:Aar sufficient proof is given in their treatment of prisoners :— "When the first German prisoners were brought into Petrograd the populace did not turn out to stare or jeer at them. They brought them flowers and food. The captives were no longer enemies because they were prisoners of war, and, as such, deserving of compassion. In fact the attentions of the populace became so embarrassing that the Govern- ment had to put a stop to them. Even now in Siberia the prisoners of war can hardly be said to be guarded. In some villages there are actually more prisoners than male settlers, but this has sometimes led to conditions demanding stricter segregation. On the whole, how- ever, they go about, speak, insinuate themselves into the life of the
• The Serf-Discovery of Rustics. By J. Y. Simpson. London : Constable and Co. pls. uot.l.
community, and introduce new ideas ; as a result they already exercise a definite amount of influence, Incidentally it may be stated that authoritative neutral inspection has borne witness to the very generous treatment of their prisoners by the Russians. German and Russian have been often in the same ward in a hospital without discrimination.
In the concentration camps there has been an abundance of good food and remuneration for work done. Engaged in building boats for river
transit, these prisoners of war receive food and 15 kopeks a day, a few very highly trained men receiving as much as 11 rubles a day. In the Siberian villages they get 50 kopeks a day and food if they are working for the Government : if they do not work they receive 21 kopeks and shelter. But in the villages in the summer of 1915, with 21 kopeks you could buy two eggs, a good slice of brown bread, a piece of sausage and some tea, sugar and butter. Some were busily engaged at work all the time ; others could not find work. The commandants gave neutral visitors the impression of being kindly disposed to their charges. At every point the contrast is most marked when compared with the treatment of the Russian prisoners by the Germans. Finally, it is necessary to recollect that these Russian prisoners in Germany, of whom there are a million, will come back, whatever their treatment, with many western ideas. They will have seen how the German peasant lives in his neat and ordered cottage, cultivating his own land. They will have seen things done with method,—they will have seen them done."
The patience and calm of the Russians in tribulation have been so nobly shown as to beggar description. But Professor Simpson throws fresh light on this aspect of the struggle when he insists that the war with :iermany, so far as Russia is concerned, is not merely a war between two peoples, and not a war between two Governments as was the Russo- fapanese War, but "a war between two ideals of life, for, even more sharply than our own, the whole Russian attitude of life stands in corn- pletest contrast to the German." The intensity of the feeling may be gathered from a conversation in a peasant home. " I have a foreboding,' the old woman said one evening, that our Ivan is going to be taken.' Her husband comforted her thus : If he is going to be taken, it means that he ought to be taken ; we have to beat the Germans, and a man can only die once.'" Moreover, "there is a relationship between officers and men in the Russian Army that is absolutely unique." It is one of "infinite good humour." In short, "the Russian Army is the greatest democracy in the world." But it is in the vindication of Russia's claim to "the vision to act and to endure" that the chief interest and encouragement of Professor Simpson's book reside. With the mysticism and idealism of tho Russian people we have grown familiar, but no aspect of their self-discovery has been more surprising and welcome than the new capacity which they have displayed for grappling with the tremendous practical problems thrust upon them by the war. From the earliest times they were dependent on foreign advisers, edu- cators, organizers. Professor Simpson quotes from Berdyaev's Soul of Russia, as typical of this self-distrustful acceptance of tutelage, the old legend which tells how the Russians sent an invitation to the foreign Varyags to come and administer their territory :—
"'Our land is vast and plentiful,' they said, but there is no order in it.' And Berdyaev continues : 'How characteristic that was of the fatal incapacity and lack of desire on the part of the Russian people to produce order in their land! It is as if they did not wish a free empire— did not so much wish freedom in their empire as freedom from empire, Freedom from all care of earthly management. The Russian people does not wish to te a domineering superior ; its nature is passive, rather gentle, ready to obey—more like that of a wife than that of a husband. Passive, receptive in its relation to imperial matters and power—such is the character of the Russian people and of their history. There are no limits to the meek patience of the long-suffering Russian people.' " How this inertness led to the permeation of Russia for two centuries by German influences has been set forth in the instructive work of M. Wesselitsky reviewed in these columns a few months back. And when the rupture came the disastrous results still remained to paralyse Russian initiative, so that even friendly observers felt grave misgivings as to the ability of the people to make good this cardinal defect. The soul of Russia was sound and united, but how would it resist the deadly precision of German technique ?
These misgivings, if not entirely removed, are largely allayed by Professor Simpson's remarkable record of Russia's post-helium activities. Foremost among these is the work done by the Union of Zemstvos (i.e., County Councils) and tho Union of Towns (i.e., the urban authorities constituted in 1870), independently of, but under the aegis of, the Red Cross Society, in providing beds and treatment for the wounded. The figures are formidable, but it is the efficiency of the organization which is most impressive. The funds are mainly provided by the Government, but their administration is left to these bodies. But the care of the sick and wounded is only one branch of their activities. They had to make provision for the wives and families of soldiers ; for feeding, sheltering, and giving medical treatment to Polish and Armenian refugees ; and latterly were entrusted with a large share of provisioning and clothing the Army itself. Nor is this all, for in time, when the munitions crisis arose, the Government further delegated to them important functions in connexion with the furnishing of munitions, guns, automobiles, and other war material. As a result the Unions have won the confidence of the present armies of the reserves, to say nothing of the wise insistence they displayed in demanding the assembling of the Duma in the critical summer of 1915. "The Government has seen great organisations working harmoniously with it and giving no occasion for suspicion. All that is necessary for the future political progress of Russia is to recognise
that what has been brought about in the direction of trustful co-opera- tion between the people and the Government under the pressure of the war is not something to go back upon : thus from the heart of a great evil a great good may be wrested."
Passing over Professor Simpson's interesting account of the enlightened policy followed by the Government of Kostroma, where Zemstvo adminis- tration is to be seen at its best, and the co-operative movement has taken firm root in spite of the lukewarmness of the Central Government and the opposition of the Jews—who play the part of the gombeen-man in Ireland—we may note his support of tho forcible plea advanced by a Russian Professor of Economies for the economic co-operation of Russia and Great Britain on the basis of a liberal investment of British capital on easy terms, as the best way to promote the develop- ment of Russia and to avoid the danger of her becoming again economi- cally involved to her detriment with Germany. Incidentally Professor, Simpson strongly condemns the Act of Parliament of January, 1915, by which the second generation of foreign-born Britons are indis- criminately deprived of their birthright, as calculated to hamper and discourage loyal British traders residing abroad. He also exposes the short-sighted insularity shown by British exporters in the packing and labelling of their goods.
But the core of the book is the account of the results of the prohi- bition of vodka, for here we find vision, action, and endurance all com- bined. The facts and figures have already been given in our columns, and, with all reserves, they constitute an overwhelming proof of enhanced industrial efficiency, health, and earning capacity of the workers, greater happiness and comfort in their homes, and a decrease in suicide, crime, and hooliganism. While giving due credit to the Tsar for his courage in authorizing the measure, Professor Simpson reminds us that the village communities were the real initiators of the movement. Lastly, the great majority of the correspondents whose answers have been tabulated by the Statistical Bureau of the Govern- ment of Kostroma are in favour of the continuance of prohibition after the war. Summing up, he observes that in any attempt to forecast the future a great number of considerations have to be taken into account: -- " The permanent prohibition of vodka is generally assumed to be bound up with promises of the Emperor to that effect. So far as any indications go, this would be in accordance with the desire of the great majority of the nation to-day. When we pass to the consideration of the continued prohibition of wine and beer the difference of opinion is much more marked, as indeed is expressed in the varying decisions of the different municipalities with regard to their sale at present. What I have seen of the advantages of prohibition,' said the Professor of Economics already referred to, has brought me to believe in the abso- lute restriction of beer as well as vodka. To fight the intoxication produced by beer is ten times as difficult as the fight, against intoxi- cation by vodka. Beer intoxication is one of the worst forms of intoxi- cation in the world. If we can arrange that for twenty or twenty-five years the population will not have the opportunity to drink, then the question is solved. If we can do that—and I am not unhoped ul—Russia will be saved. But if the liquor interests prove too strong, then the outlook is dark for Russia.' As yet, however, no very clear idea has been formed on the subject of the prohibition of beer after the war. There is a tendency in some directions to work in the direction of in- creasing the use of light beers after the war. Even if this is approved, the price will probably be raised, as also the tax. On the other hand, there is a fear that to permit the continuance of even really light beer is to countenance a situation which will be difficult to control There are only some two hundred million rubles of capital sunk in Russian breweries, so that the trade can be easily bought out. The question of the continuance of beer is then still very open. The question of the continued prohibition of wine is more complicated because of impor- tation. Further, there are wine-raising districts in Russia, e.g. Bess- arabia, the Crimea, and Caucasus. The wine-growers in the Crimea are wealthy ; on the other hand, those who carry on the industry in the other districts are mainly small proprietors, so that to prohibit the culture of wine would involve them in ruin. It is probable therefore that the wine industry will continue as formerly, though possibly under some restrictions.. From one little village known to me the annual revenue from vodka was 80,000 rubles. When the peasants under the statute of March, 1914, received again the power of local option, the decision was taken to have the shop closed. Nobody opposed the decision because in their hearts the peasants seemed to understand that vodka was a bad thing, and that they really did not need it ; in tho words of one of them, it was just a way of being happy.' It only requires to be added that almost everything remains to be done by tho Zemstvos and other local bodies to provide other saner ways of being happy,' particularly in view of any possible temporary reaction after the war."
We have not space to deal in detail with Professor Simpson's chapter on the intricate problem of the future of Poland. He maintains that on the whole to-day, in spite of certain suspicions and misgivings, "the Russian Poles are on the side of Russia : nine-tenths of them are Russians in faith and hope " ; and again," as a distinguished publicist said to me, there would be a revolution in Russia if she did not keep her word to Poland." Moderate Russian opinion inclines to the recon- struction of Poland as a semi-independent State in full alliance with Russia, with all that she asks in the way of self-government, and rights of language and religion, restrictions only arising in regard to questions concerning the whole Empire. A chapter on "Religion in Russia To-day" dwells on the deepening of the religious consciousness by the war, the longing amongst many of the priests for the revival and redemp- tion of religious life generally, and the stimulating effect on the Greek Orthodox Church of the Charter of Tolerance of 1905 :—
" Till 1880, for example, there was hardly any preaching in the
Orthodox Church : since then preaching has greatly increased, due to the influence exerted on the people by the preaching of Stundists and other dissenters. There is a law of spiritual induction whereby energetic conditions prevalent in ono body can influence other bodies in the vicinity without actual contact. It is impossible to estimate how far these other bodies may thus react on the 'predominant' body, but it is certain that by the Charter of Tolerance Russia permitted the development of a spirit that should eventually work throughout the country for good."
Finally, Professor Simpson discusses Russia's claim to Constantinople, under its economic and idealistic aspects. The former is perhaps best expressed in one pregnant sentence : "We have seen how Serbia, small people though she be, has struggled to get to the sea, and Russia, with her population of 180 millions, choking for a water outlet un- hampered by ice or Germany, has experienced an even greater need."
The mystical attraction of Tzargrad and St. Sophia is eloquently set forth in quotations from a pamphlet by Prince Trubotzkoy, which form a luminous commentary on the picture-postcard reproduced as the frontispiece to the volume. St. Sophia stands in the centre with the dove in one hand and an olive-branch in the other. In the background in the clouds is her church with the cross replaced and beneath are the lines :— "Let the sacred dreams of Russia be realized.
Let the greatness of victories raise her Our Tzargrad is the cross on St. Sophia, The enemies are defeated, now Peace for ever 1"