POSTSCRIPT.
SATURDAY.
The Turkish affair begins to look more serious, though not more imme- diately critical. The telegraph has got a bad character lately ; but we feel bound to give the following despatch from the Times, dated " Vienna. Thursday "—
" Prince Menschikoff and his suite have left Constantinople. Russian subjects at Constantinople are placed under the protection of the Danish Am- bassador. The French fleet is said to have received permission to pass the Dardanelles."
The affair was the subject of statements in Parliament last night. In the House of Lords, the Earl of MAL31ESBURY, with a preface very like some of the newspaper comments of the week, asked "whether the in- structions given to Lord Stratford are identical with those given to tilt French Ambassador at Constantinople ; whether those two diplomatists are acting in union upon this matter ; and whether, when thus acting, under their instructions, they are supporting the courage and independ- ence of the Porte ? "
The Earl of CLARENDON replied, with a preface respecting the necessity of a certain reserve for the advantage of the public service, and with an historical glance at the past ; but the interesting part of his answer relates to recent and present proceedings. " It is true, as my noble friend has stated, that on the bth of May a pro- ject of convention was presented to the Porte by Prince Menschikoff; but it is not correct that it was presented as an ultimatum. It is true an anewr was required in five days, but the best proof that it was not an ultimatum is, that I believe other notes have since been exchanged. Lord Stratford, upon the 9th instant, states, that he is not able to inform us what answer would be given by the Porte ; and that is really the whole of the official informa- tion that we have received. Other information has of course reached her Majesty's Government by means of the electric telegraph, because now-a- days no small portion of diplomatic business is transacted by means of that discovery. This is a very useful and convenient appliance in some respects, but it is perplexing in others ; because, though it announces facts and events, it seldom announces the causes which have led to those events, and it is difficult to act, therefore, with confidence upon the information which it conveys. Upon the 10th, for instance, we received by the telegraph an an- nouncement that Prince Menschikoff note had actually been rejected by the Porte ; but we do not at all know upon what grounds the step had been taken. We know, also, that Redschid Pasha is now Minister tor Foreign Affairs, and we know that on the 20th Prince Menschikoff was still at Con- stantinople ; but we do not know whether all negotiations are at an end. 1 think I can, therefore, in these circumstances, appeal to your Lordships i whether it would not be in the highest degree improper and impolitic on my part if I were to pretend to give a correct account of the events which had there occurred, and still less to express an opinion upon them. "But, in answer to my noble friend's question, whether the policy to which I alluded in answer to the speech of the noble Marquis near me some weeks ago was still the policy of this country, I conceive it is hardly necessary for me to Bay that the policy of this Government has undergone no change; that we look upon it as the true policy, as to the manifest advantage of this i country, as due not only to our own interests, but to the best interests of Europe, and as necessary to its tranquillity, to uphold the independence of the Turkish empire. As to the Ambassadors of France and England at the Porte, I have no hesitation in stating that they take the same view of the question; that they act in concert in the matter, and so far are carrying out the wishes and intentions of their respective Governments, between whom there exists a complete identity of feeling on this subject, and a cordial con- cert in action." ("Hear, hear !") The Earl of Ham:mime complained that more had not been done. " With such an emergency impending, what had this country done to ex- tend security to our ancient ally ? Where was that active determination which, heretofore, we had manifested to uphold the independence and in- tegrity of the Ottoman empire ? Russia must entertain very different ideas with regard to us from those which, in former years, so late as 1849, we im- pressed upon her, when, to meet emergencies of a less menacing nature, we despatched a naval force, not merely into the Greek Archipelago, but into the Dardanelles. Had vigour of the same character been manifested by the British Government in the present instance, it was his belief that this extra- ordinary mission to Constantinople would never have been heard of. It ap- peared to him that the widespread and anxious interest on this subject was an the highest degree natural, when he considered with what facility a march upon Constantinople might be effected by the Russian forces, and how im- mense the difficulty would be of displacing those forces when once they had obtained possession of that capital. Of all the Great Powers, England was assuredly not the least interested in the contingency that Russia might be- come possessor of the large and important maritime district now under Turkish sway of the Greek islands, and their race of seamen, among the best in the world."
Lord BEAUMONT spoke strongly in favour of Turkey ; asserting that the Sultan was prepared, and his subjects tranquiL He had confi- dence in Lord Clarendon.
Here Lord BROUGHAM expressed a hope that as they were " ignorant of nine• tenths of the facts," they would close the discussion; and it wag dropped accordingly.
In the House of Commons, Mr. DzmHAwLL of course with greater his- torical display, put forth the duplicate of Lord Malmesbury's statement and questions.
In reply, Lord JOHN RUSSELL placed the matter in a more intelligible and consecutive form than it has heretofore presented.
" I shall communicate to the House as much as it is possible for me to do at present without injury to the public service. The right honourable gen- tleman has made a statement with regard to certain facts which have occurred, and which require some, though not a material correction, on my part. The English Government were informed by the Government of Russia, that the Emperor thought it necessary to despatch a special mission, under charge of an ambassador, to Constantinople, in order to obtain a confirma- tion of the concessions which had been made at other times to the members of the Greek Church at the Holy Places of Jerusalem. We were informed, at the some time, that the Emperor of Russia has had occasion to complain that former concessions had been either withdrawn or materially modified by certain orders given by the Sultan in February last year, and that it would be necessary to have some security that those orders should not be continued or the concessions withdrawn. What the nature of that security was to be, the Russian Government, ae is usual in diplomatic transactions, did not state specially to any Foreign Government. "The Russian Ambassador arrived at Constantinople ; and certain circum- stances which there occurred induced the Grand Vizier to feel very consider- able apprehension as to what was about to take place, and he applied to Colonel Rose to ask for the presence of the English fleet near the Dardanelles. Co- lonel Rose did not communicate a telegraphic message to Malta, but he sent a steamer there with despatches, in which he requested of the Admiral that he would proceed, as the Grand Vizier had requested him to do, to the neigh- bourhood of the Dardanelles. Admiral Dundee forwarded those despatches to London, and stated that he should await the orders of the Government before leaving Malta. The Government entirely approved the discretion which Admiral Dundee had exercised. Colonel Rose was himself informed by the Grand Vizier, not more than two or three days afterwards, that there was no necessity for the English fleet to leave Malta ; and accordingly he de- spatched a special messenger by steamer to Malta, to request Admiral Dun- des not to change any movements which he might have been instructed to make, and not to prosecute the voyage to the neighbourhood of the Darda- nelles. I believe that Admiral Dundas exercised a wise discretion, and that Colonel Rose was perfectly justified in sending the second order. "Well, then, it appeared that after the arrival of Lord Stratford at Constan- tinople—through his ability, through his great knowledge of the affairs of Turkey, and through the weight which his opinions and advice had with those who hold responsible positions at the Porte—he was able materially to assist the negotiations, and to enable Prince Menschikoff to obtain those de- clarations and acts which were to be considered sufficient, and to which the French Minister on his part offered no material opposition. It was then reported to London, and to the other Courts of Europe, that the affair of the Holy Places, which for a long period had been a source of considerable dis- quiet to the Turkish Government, was considered settled, and that being settled, the mission of Prince Menschikoff would terminate favourably. " But it appeared that the further proposals which Prince Menschikoff made, it is to be supposed according to his instructions, were such, that al- though in the opinion of the Russian Government they were no more than necessary in order to secure the fulfilment of the declarations which the Porte had made in regard to the Holy Places, in the opinion of the Turkish Government, and in the opinion of her Majesty's Ambassador at Constanti- nople, and in the opinion of the Ambassador of the Emperor of the French, they were of a nature which could not be otherwise construed than as dan- gerous to the independence of the Porte, and as infringing in some degree those stipulations which all the Great Powers of Europe agreed twenty years ago.
" With respect to the present state of affairs no official information has been received since the 9th instant, which is the date of the last despatch received from Lord Stratford de Redeliffe. However, in answer to the right honour- able gentleman, I can state that there has been the most perfect concert and accordance of views between her Majesty's Ambassador and the Ambassador of the Emperor of the French, and that both take the same view of the terms of the convention which were proposed by the Ambassador of the Emperor of Russia. (Cheers.) I should say further, that in the present stage of the negotiation it would not be consistent with due discretion, or be for the good of the public service, that her Majesty's Government should produce the instructions under which Lord Stratford is now acting. I can only say that they may be generally described as instructions leaving much to his discretion, but at the same time pressing upon him that it is the fixed policy of her Majesty's Government to abide by and maintain inviolate the faith of treaties, and likewise maintain the integrity of the Ottoman Porte, and the rights of the Sultan as an independent sovereign. (Cheers.) I may be permitted to observe that, although we have not received any official in- formation, there is reason to believe that no rupture of the relations between Russia and Turkey has at the present moment taken place ; and I trust that the Russian Government will finally ask for no other securities from Turkey than what are compatible with the full and independent authority of the Sultan, and consistent with the peace of Europe." (" Hear, hear!") The Earl of MALMESBURY engaged the House of Peers in a premature debate on Mr. Gladstone's Succession Bill. He moved for a Select Com- mittee to inquire into the probable effects of extending to real property and property under settlement the stamp-duties now payable in respect of legacies. He disclaimed being influenced in the remotest degree by party- spirit. The members of that House had mostly succeeded to their property, and they were the fittest persons to discuss Mr. Gladstone's bill. It was natural to expect that he should emulate, as nearly as might be, the comprehensive financial scheme of Mr. Disraeli; but few antici- pated that Mr. Gladstone would grapple with the immense difficulties of the tax on successions. But he had met them face to face. Lord Malmes- bury then criticized the provisions of the bill with some asperity ; citing Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan as authorities against the tax. The bill would be " a most tremendous and inquisitorial measure." The Earl of ABERDEEN met the motion in a direct way. He did not deny the propriety of inquiry ; but there were reasons why he could not give the motion the slightest encouragement. The proposition had been explained in detail and in all its bearings by the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, five or six weeks ago ; the resolutions, laid before the House of Commons five or six weeks ago, had been adopted by that House and passed without a division. To join in Lord Malmesbury's motion, would imply that Lord Aberdeen joined in the doubt, or more than doubt, of the wisdom and justice of the measure. "Now, whatever course your Lordships may adopt, nothing shall induce me to express any doubt of the wisdom, justice, or equity of the scheme in question. All Lord Malmes- bury's objections related, not to the principle of the measure, but to diffi- culties of execution ; and, with all respect for Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheri- dan, we have made great progress in many things since their day— especially in finance. The sense of the injustice of the exemption has been gaining ground daily, and he asked their Lordships whe- ther they believed it possible to maintain that exemption much longer. The tax, too, is indispensable to the financial system proposed by Government. As to " hostility to the land "—Mr. Gladstone is just the same sort of enemy to the land that Sir Robert Peel was : that states- man contributed to the safety of the land, and to the freedom with which at this moment we are debating these measures. "The noble Earl says, before this measure proceeds further in either House he desires to have an inquiry by Committee. Now, does the noble Earl mean to propose that as a practical course to your Lordships ? Do you sup- pose that, with this bill ready, and after the resolutions on which it is founded have been so triumphantly sanctioned by the House of Commons, you will by your Committee arrest the progress of this bill ? If I were to agree to the Committee, I should be bound, when the bill comes before this House, as come it unquestionably will, to pause in pressing forward its pro- gress: but I intend to do no such thing. Your Lordships may agree to the Committee, if you think fit ; but I mean, in dealing with this bill, to take such a course as seems to me most conducive to the interests of the country : for I am thoroughly resolved, on the part of the Government, that the country shall not see that there is the slightest intention to waver or hesi- tate for an instant in our adherence to the wisdom and justice of this tax." (Cheers.) From this point the debate continued with greatly diminished interest ; the arguments were of the kind already put forward in the House of Com- mons. The Earl of DERBY twitted Lord Aberdeen with giving a reply similar to that once given by Lord Althorp, who did not answer argu- ments, but told the House he was determined to abide by the decision of the Cabinet. That was hardly the line of argument for a Primo Minister. It was not their duty to legislate blindly, still less to comply with the be- heats of the other House. Their Lordships, he hoped, would keep in view their coordinate privileges in all matters of legislation. Should they shut their eyes, and bow their heads, and pass the bill in obedience to the House of Commons, they would abdicate their high position.
Earl GRANVILLE corrected the previous Opposition speakers as to the details of the bill. Lord ST. LEONARDS challenged the tone of Lord Aberdeen's speech, as "minatory " ; and made a close lawyerlike attack upon the bill. The Loan CHANCELLOR answered him. Earl FITZWIL- Lux spoke for inquiry. The Duke of ARGYLL brought the debate to a close on behalf of the Government.
On a division, the numbers were— For the motion Present 57, Proxies 59 = 128
Against it Present 73, Proxies 66 = 139 Government majority 13
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