GENERAL BOITLANGER'S REVERSES.
GENERAL BOlTLANGER'S chequered career remains the most curious phenomenon in the world of French politics. Deprived of his command, struck off the rolls of the French Army, he was borne into the Chamber on the wave' of a great electoral victory, won, it is true, in a department where the Reactionaries of all hues are strong, yet still of such magnitude, absolute and relative, as to make it an event. But since his triumph in the Nord sent a shudder through the Republican ranks, he has not only gained no successes, either as a Deputy or an agitator, but he has suffered signal reverses. Confident in his popularity, he nominated a candidate for the Charente, and the Charente, which is thoroughly Bonapartist, dis- dained his nominee, M. D&oulede, and preferred an adherent of the Napoleons. Obliged to show some sign of activity, he made a pilgrimage to Brittany, for he is a Breton; but not exciting much sensation, he mounted the tribune in the Chamber, and submitted a resolution demanding a dissolution, drifted into a bitter altercation with M. Floquet, was subjected to censure, resigned his seat for the Nord, and the next morning suffered a severe defeat in a duel with M. Floquet. His object in resigning, as a Deputy, was to stand for three departments, and two of these, the Ardeche and the Dordogne, signally rejected him ; in the latter, he was literally left in the lurch with a few thousand votes. Even in the Ardeche, where the Reactionaries are strong, the poll implies that many thousands abstained. So striking a. series of misadventures, following in succession on a burst of popularity, suggests great fickleness on the part of the French voter, or some deeper reasons for a revulsion of feeling and even of conviction, which it is not easy to explain. The facts, however, are patent, and must be taken into account.
Why has General Boulanger suddenly ceased to be a national hero, or, on another theory, even an instrument in the hands of the Monarchists and Imperialists ? M. Floquet shrewdly said in the Chamber that as the General was obviously supported by them, he would never again receive Republican votes. But even if there has been increased Republican fidelity, that display of virtue would not account for the reactionary preferences exhibited in the Dordogne, and the abstentions so evident in the Ardeche. Nor can it be said that local prevailed over national senti- ments, for in the latter department there were only two candidates, the General and an Opportunist. It may be urged, with some show of reason, that the lucky sword-play of M. Floquet exerted an influence over the sensitive minds of the electors adverse to the discomfited soldier; but that explanation would indicate a worship of success which is not suggestive of stability in French con- victions. In Paris, where the hero was never, strictly speaking, popular, we can understand that his painful reverse in Count Dillon's garden operated to exalt his adversaries and discourage his adherents. But why should the departments, where he seemed to be, and plainly thought himself, triumphant, fall away from their faith because during a confused scrimmage a lawyer's sword lodged in a soldier's neck ? Still, of course, it is possible that adversity, in this as in other cases, has chilled the ardour and shaken the belief of former friends. But an accidental sword-thrust is surely one of the most astonishing political arguments, and could only be efficacious upon convictions which were skin-deep. Another explanation of the General's eclipse is that the voters had come to fear that " Boulanger " triumphant meant war at an early day, and that the discovery, dating from the accession of William II., has been confirmed by the visit to St. Petersburg. On the other hand, he has been loud in his repudiation of warlike aims, tempered, it is true, by an ostentatious patronage of M. Deroulede ; and perhaps it is the equivocal position occupied by a man who has coquetted with all parties, which has shaken the faith of the electors and led them to vote against him, or abstain from the ballot-box. It is also a remarkable thing that the Comte de Paris has sedulously put himself forward as a sort of rival. When the lively General first declared for Revision and Dissolution, the Bourbon leader hastened to remind the French people that months before he had set up that identical cry. It is not long since he sent a circular to the Mayors ; quite recently he addressed a select body of workmen, and the other day, M. de Breteuil, on his behalf, held him up to the Senate as a " son of the Revolution,"—proceedings which seem designed to show that the genuine leader is not General Boulanger, but " the representative of the monarchical tradition." Is it not possible that the influence possessed by the Comte de Paris may have been exerted to diminish the votes given to a personage who is not, openly at least, a partisan of the House of Bourbon ? Whatever may be the real reasons which have brought about so marked a change in the General's prospects, none can be blind to the change itself. It is the capital feature in the present aspect of French politics.
The interesting question now is,—Has the light been extinguished, or is it only eclipsed ? General Boulanger does not evidently consider himself beaten, for he has affirmed that he will contest the Somme, which has just lost a member, as well as the Nord, where he has the best chance, and, indeed, other seats as they become vacant ; thus, as the Nbats smartly says, entering on " the career of universal and perpetual candidate." These coining elections will let us know whether the popularity of General Boulanger was based on granite or vapour. It should be observed, however, that if M. Jules Ferry never took him " seriously," the Govern- ment and the parties who sustain it did. At first they were alarmed, and held him to be a formidable antagonist. The long and persistent exertions of M. Carnot in the-pro- vinces, from the great progress to Bordeaux, to the journeys, banquets, and speeches in Dauphiny and Savoy, are sufficient evidence that a counter-action to Boulangism was and is regarded as imperative. These promenades are some measure of the peril supposed to lurk under the General's early successes ; and although M. Ferry boasts that "the dangerous crisis is at an end," because three elections have been won, and not only the President, but M. Floquet and himself cheered, it is permissible to believe that the ruling majority is not even yet relieved from its deep-seated anxieties. The coming elections are not regarded without apprehension, for there is no absolute security that the dashing General may not once more reappear in the Chamber of Deputies as the champion of Revision and Dis- solution, and the exponent of those who are supposed to represent the desire of the French for a strong ruler. At present, Boulangism, whatever it may be, is depressed, but not wholly deprived of vitality. In contrast to the confident tone of M. Ferry may be placed the broad hint that General Boulanger, if he would only repent, would be heartily welcomed back, and find a place in the Army to which his courage and abilities entitle him. That curious feeler, coming from a hostile quarter, and indicating that alarm is not quenched even by the victories in the Ardeche and the Dordogne and the plaudits in Dauphiny, is the best commentary on the sanguine assertion that the danger is over. Possibly it may be, but the full proof has yet to be afforded ; and ii a few weeks we shall learn whether the Reactionaries have deserted the flag of the General, and have come round to the opinion that, for the future, it will be wiser on their part to play their hand with their own men. In that view we at least should concur. It is never wise for a historical party which rests on the past, to adopt an unknown quantity as its representative.
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