Uthatto nu Vtnrrritign in Varlinmtut.

PRINCIPAL nrstwEss OF THE WEEK.

HOUSE OF Loans. Tuesday, January 24. Opening of the Session ; the Queen's Speech ; Address agreed to. Thursday, January 26. Chancery Procedure Bill read a first time. Friday, January 27. Cotton Supply ; Lord Brougham's Motion—Annexation of Savoy t. France ; Lord Normanby's Question.

HOUSE or COMMONS. Tuesday, January 24. Address in answer to the Queen's Speech agreed to. Wednesday, January 25. Church-rates ; Sir J. Trelawny's Bill read a first time —Criminal Appeals ; Mr. M'Mahon's Bill read a first time. Thursday, January 26. Friday Adjournments ; Mr. Bouverie's*Motion—Glouces- ter and Wakefield Elections ; Sir G. Lewis's Motion—Savings Banks ; Mr. Glad- stone's Motion.

Friday, January 27. Highway Bill read a first time—Indian Securities Probate a

Bill read first time—Municipal Corporations Bill read a first time—Newspapers, &c. ; Mr. Ayrton's Bill read a first time—Roman Catholic Charities ; Mr. Bowyer's Bill read a first time.

THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

Nothing unusual marked the opening of the second session of Queen Victoria's sixth Parliament. The weather was not brilliant, but rain did not fall, and a very respectable crowd of sight-seers assembled in Whitehall and Palace Yard.

The Queen entered the House of Lords at a quarter past two. The Prince Consort, the Princess Alice and the Princess Helena accompanied her Majesty. Earl Granville bore the Sword of State, the Marquis of Winchester carried the Cap of Maintenance, the Marquis of Lansdowne the Crown, and the Lord Chancellor the Great Seal. The Commons were summoned, and during the interval, the Queen spoke to no one. The faithful Commons entered without much noise—they are better dis- ciplined now—the Speaker and Lord Palmerston leading the way. The Queen then read her speech, as follows- " My Lords and Gentlemen—It is with great satisfaction that I again meet you in Parliament, and have recourse to your assistance and advice. " My relations with foreign Powers continue to be on a friendly and sa- tisfactory footing.

" At the close of the last session I informed you that overtures had been made to me to ascertain whether, if a conference should be held by the Great Powers of Europe, for the purpose of settliiv,' arrangements connected with the present state and future condition of Italy a plenipotentiary would be sent by me to assist at such a conference. I have since recived a formal invitation from the Emperor of Austria and from the Emperor of the French to send a plenipotentiary to a congress to consist of the repre- sentatives of the eight Powers who were parties to the Treaties of Vienna of 1816, the objects of such congress being stated to be to receive communi- cation of the treaties concluded at Zurich ; and to deliberate, associating with the above-mentioned Powers "the Courts of Rome, of Sardinia, and of the Two Sicilies, on the means beat adapted for the pacification of Italy, and for placing its prosperity on a solid and durable basis.

" Desirous at all times to concur in proceedings haying for their object the maintenance of peace, I accepted the invitation, but at the same time I made known that, in such a congress, I should steadfastly maintain the principle that no external force should be employed to impose upon the people of Italy any particular government or constitution. " Circumstances have arisen which have led to 'a postponement of the congress, without any day having been fixed for its meeting; but whether in congress or separate negotiation, shall endeavour .to obtain for the people of Italy freedom from foreign interference by force of arms in their internal concerns ; and I trust that the affairs of the Italian peninsula may be peacefully and satisfactorily settled. " Papers on this subject will soon be laid before you.

." I am in communication with the Emperor of the French with a view to extend the commercial intercourse between the two countries, and thus to draw still closer the bonds of friendly alliance between them.

" A dispute having arisen between Spain and Morocco, I endeavoured, by friendly means, to prevent a rupture ; but, I regret to say, without success. " I will direct papers on this subject to be laid before you.

" My Plenipotentiary and the Plenipotentiary of the Emperor of the • French having, in obedience to their instructions, proceeded to the mouth of the Peiho river, in order to repair to Pekin to exchange in that city the ratifications of the Treaty of Tien-tsin, in pursuance of LVIth Article of that treaty, their further progress was opposed by force, and a conflict took place between the Chinese forte at the mouth of the river and the naval forces by which the Plenipotentiaries were escorted.

" The allied forces displayed on this occasion their usual bravery, but, after sustaining a severe loss, were compelled to retire. " I am preparing, in coneert and cooperation with the Emperor of the French,. an expedition, intended to obtain redress and a fulfilment of the stipulations of the Treaty of Tien-tsin. It will be gratifying to me, if the prompt acquiescence of the Emperor of China in the moderate demands which will be made by the Plenipoten- tiaries shall obviate the necessity for the employment of force. " I have directed that papers on this subject shall be laid before you.

" An unauthorised proceeding by an officer of the United States in regard to the Island of San Juan, between Vancouver's Island and the mainland, might have led to a serious collision between my forces and those of the United States. Such collision, however, has been prevented by the judi- cious forbearance of my naval and civil officers on the spot, and by the equitable and conciliatory provisional arrangement proposed on this matter by the Government of the United States.

" I trust that the question of boundary out of which this affair has arisen may be amicably settled in a manner conformable with the just rights of the two countries, as defined by the first Article of the Treaty of 1846.

" The last embers of disturbance in my East Indian dominions have been extinguished ; my Viceroy has made a peaceful progress through the dM- tricte which had been, the principal Beene of disorder, and, by a judicious combination of firmness and generosity, my authority has been everywhere solidly, and, I trust, permanently established. I have reeeived from my-

Viceroy the most gratifying accounts of the loyalty of my. Indian subjects, and of the good feeling evinced by the native chiefs and the great land- owners of the country. The attention of the Government in India has been directed to the development of the internal resources of the country ; and I am glad to inform you that an improvement has taken place in its financial prospects. "I have concluded a treaty with the Tycoon of Japan, and a treaty re- garding boundaries with the republic of Guatemala. I have directed that these treaties shall be laid before you. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—I have directed the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you. They have been prepared with a view to place the military and naval services, and the defences of the coun- try, upon an efficient footing. "I am glad to be able to inform you that the public revenue is in a satis- factory condition.

"My Lords and Gentleman—I have accepted, with gratification and pride, the extensive offers of Voluntary service which I have received from my subjects. This manifestation of public spirit has added an important element to our system of national defence.

"Measures will be laid before you for amending the laws which regulate the representation of the people in Parliament, and for placing that represen- tation upon a broader and firmer basis. "I earnestly recommend you to resume your labours for the improve- ment of our jurisprudence, and particularly in regard to bankruptcy, the transfer of land, the consolidation of the statutes, and such a further fusion of law and equity as may be necessary to insure that, in every suit, the rights of the parties may be satisfactorily determined by the court in which the suit is commenced.

"I am deeply gratified to observe that the great interests of the country are generally in a sound and thriving condition; that pauperism and crime have diminished ; and that, throughout the whole of my empire, both in the United Kingdom and in my colonies and possessions beyond sea, there reigns a spirit of loyalty, of contentment, of order, and of obedience to the law.

"With heartfelt gratitude to the Almighty Ruler of nations for these in- estimable blessings, I fervently pray that His benificent power may guide your deliberations for the advancement and consolidation of the welfare and happiness of my people." [It is remarked that her Majesty read the passage relating to the Vo- lunteers with very marked emphasis.] Having finished her Speech the Queen retired, and the House ad- journed.

THE DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS'.

- The House of Lords met for business at five o'clock. The Ministers (mustered strongly—Lord Granville, the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of -Newcastle, Earl de Grey, being in their places, and with them Lord Lansdowne, Lord Grey, and Lord Clarendon. Lord Brougham sat near the woolsack. The Opposition were represented by Lord Derby, Lord Malmesbury, Lord Hardwicke, and Lord Colchester. Lord Taunton took the oaths and his seat.

The Lone CHANCELLOR having read the Queen's Speech, Earl Fiez- Weteaem moved and Lord TRURO seconded the Address in answer thereto. Both speakers were nearly inaudible even in the House, and the sketch of the speeches they are supposed to have made presents nothing of interest.

Earl GREY then spoke. He said there was no part of the Address to which the House was likely to object ; the greater part of it, which echoed the Queen's speech, must have been heard with satisfaction. Touching briefly on the other topics, Lord Grey expressed himself at length on two points—the treaty with France, and the war with China. Lord Grey is most anxious to see an increase of commercial intercourse between France and England, and earnestly desires the removal of ob- structions. But if the treaty stipulates that each country shall mutually lower duties on each other's products, that will be an unfortunate back- ward step in our financial and commercial policy. The proper limits of commercial treaties are narrow, not extending beyond a provision that each nation shall treat the other with as much favour as it extends to any other nation, and a few ordinary stipulations of that kind. It is a mistake to stipulate as to the duties each is to levy. After the peace of 1815 each nation went into negotiations for free commercial intercourse in the spirit so well described in Mr. Canning's rhymes— "In matters of commerce the fault of the Dutch

Is giving too little and asking too much ; "

and at the end of a quarter of a century commerce was more fettered than ever. At length England adopted the policy of opening her ports, and almost every nation, except France, has since made improvements in their commercial system. Now it would be a backward step if we were to make any reductions in duties on French produce in consideration of similar reductions in duties on English produce. If we can reduce such duties, consistently with our financial exigencies, let us do so without a treaty. France will not long be able to maintain her policy of restric- tion; but she is far less likely to adopt a sound commercial system, if it is put to the people that they are to admit the introduction of foreign goods for the sake of a corresponding benefit. It will be represented that her gain does not adequately compensate her for her concessions, and the manufacturers will easily be able to show that they obtain a small equi- valent for what they give up. Therefore making this a matter of stipu- lation will increase jealousies which are the obstacles to real improve- ment.

The next subject was the Chinese war. Lord Grey complained at great length that proper notice of the preparations for the war in China had not been given to Parliament. Not questioning the prerogative of declaring war, he quoted two precedents, one in 1790 when the Spainards seized our ships at Nootka Sound, and one in 1826 when Portugal applied for assist- ance to England, in both which cases Mr. Pitt and Mr. Canning brought

down royal messages to Parliament, so that the questions could be there and then discussed. But although the intelligence of the defeat on the Peiho arrived four months ago, and although our ports and arsenals have resounded with the din of preparations, Parliament was not summoned and asked to support the- Crown. What becomes then of the constitutional securitygiven by an appeal to Parliament against the abuse of the power of a Minister to involve the country in an unjust war. By not giving the great council of the nation an opportunity of considering the propriety of the war with China, Ministers have been guilty of an unjustifiable departure from established prac- tice. That was the view Gladstone took of the Persian war; and to en- force this sound ricer Lord Grey declared he should move an amendment to the address. In subsequent remarks Lord Grey. mentioned a host of ques- tions arising out of the proceedings in China calling for discussion, and im- pugning the whole eourse of our recent policy ; but he admitted that then was not the time to deal with them, and concluded by moving an amend- ment by way of addition to the paragraph in the speech relating to China, ex-

pressing regret that Ministers did not advise the Queen to communicate to Parliament the measures " decided upon by them, in order that Parliament might have an opportunity of forming a judgment thereon, and that its pre- vious sanction might be obtained to the expenses it might occasion."

The Duke of NEWCASTLE regretted that Lord Grey bad not been able to allow the Address to pass without proposing an amendment. In answer to Lord Grey's speech, the Duke said that the rule which was described as the established practice has been repeatedly departed from during the past thirty years. It may have been the rule in the case of war with European nations, but there are few, if any, instances where it has been adhered to in the case of war with Eastern nations. Even in Europe'there is the case of Portugal in 1831, of Greece at a later period, and other instances. That Parliament was not sitting at the time is a good defence of the Government. Besides, we arc not begin- ning new hostilities with China, for we have not been at peace with China for the last two years. The Government is quite prepared to go into the questions raised by Lord Grey touching our policy in China at the proper time.

The Marquis of NORMANBY concurred with Lord Grey on the China question ; threw doubts on the pacific effect of the treaty with France, and described that country, especially her dockyards, as ringing with preparations for war. He took exception to the phrase in the speech- " No external force should be employed to impose on the people of Italy any particular government or constitution," and he asked who are the people of Italy ?—a question which drew ironical cheers from the Minis- terial side. It is a new doctrine that governments and territorial arrangements can be changed by popular outcry. Lord Normanby brought accusations against the Government of Tuscany : it favours Piedmontese commerce with a protective duty, opens letters, imprisons persons arbitrarily, and generally objected to the revolutionary Govern- ments of Central Italy.

Lord Bnorenam, while reprobating the late campaign in Italy, made a speech in favour of Italian unity and non-intervention in Italy. As regards the treaty with France, he said our gain flout its operatiun will be nothing as compared to hers ; but in France he had heard that all the benefits of the treaty would fall to England. Tranquillity prevails over the Continent; but it is still necessary that we should be sufficiently armed to make attack impossible, for " we live in an armed world." Reform is dead—even in Yorkshire ; bat every one agrees on the neces- sity of putting the nation on a footing of security.

The Earl of DERDIC said he never remembered when the topics of a speech were treated in debate with greater silence than on the present occasion. The mover and seconder of the Address no doubt made ex- cellent speeches, but it was not possible to catch more than a syllable hero and there. He did expect to hear more than a complimentary mention of the question of Parliamentary reform ; but the only hint given on the subject fell from a noble and learned friend who said that in an extensive reforming district he did not find a single person who cared one farthing about reform.

Passing lightly over other topics, Lord Derby came to the three on which comments had been made. The first was the commercial treaty, but with regard to teat the speech did not furnish the latest information, forlhe treaty vaguely alluded to had been signed. " The noble seconder of the Address said he hardly knew in what terms to express his gratitude for the reductions in the tariff announced in her Majesty's speech. (A laugh front the Opposition.) Now, I hardly know in what terms to express my gratifi- cation, but for a different reason, because I really do not know what the re- ductions are." (A laugh.) Lord Derby doubted the wisdom of entering into such a treaty at the present time, and twitted the noble lords opposite who condemn treaties of reciprocity with now making one. " They first give away almost all they have and then deal with their customers on the principle of exchange" ; and they do it at a time when France seeks no advantage from us, cud when we have made almost every concession to France. On one side the treaty conies into immediate operation ; on the other it is deferred for eighteen months. Moreover this is a time when the country should be cautious in committing itself to a reduction of duty, for enormous demands for vital objects may be made on the country. We are on a friendly footing with France, yet the Speech says nothing about "duo regard to economy " in regard to expenditure for our defences. Instead of being able to diminish it is probable that we shall have to increase taxation. If we reduce duties on wines we shall do an injustice by maintaining the duty on malt and hops. Moreover it is to be hoped that the Government has not forgotten the war taxes on tea and sugar, which it would be desirable to reduce as soon a ossible. He was not therefore prepared to maintain that the treaty of coffimerce affords matter for congratulation.

Turning to the second topic—China—Lord Derby dealt with it as one that would have to be discussed when fuller information was before them e but he spoke of the conduct of Admiral Hope and his sailors with admira- tion. On the constitutional point raised by Lord Grey he said he should not be able to support the amendment, because he could not concur with the noble earl in the strong views he expressed as to the ladies alleged to have been committed by Government in not calling the Parliament together. But the drift of Lord Derby's remarks was inimical to the course pursued at the Peiho.

Next he proceeded to the third subject, the Congress : "Some suspicion has been excited in my mind by the introduction of a word into the part of the speech relating to our sending a representative to the approaching Con- gress. I trust that expression does actually mean what at 'first sight it may be supposed to mean. I see we are promised that papers on that subject will soon' be laid on the table. I have had some experience with reference to the production of papers, particularly by the noble viscount now at the head of the Government, and I know there is a degree of latitude and r lie- ticity about his movements in that respect which would rather lead me to infer that the use of the word soon ' in that part of the speech points to a remote rather than to an early fulfilment of the promise." Yet the papers ought to be furnished without delay, because what with Imperial letters and semi-official telegrams we are in a worse position than if we had had no in- formation at all. Lord Derby asked for precise explanations of the mean- ing of the words, "in Congress or separate negotiation for the settlement of the affairs of Italy." He objected to being bound to support France in pre- venting foreign intervention. " If there is one principle more recognized than another in this country it is that any State has an undoubted right to settle its own internal affairs, whether with regard to the constitution it may wish to have or the dynasty it may desire to establish, and that with- out the intervention of any foreign country. When. I say this I am only

stating what is the feeling of every Englishman." Italy should achieve her freedom by her own unaided efforts. As to the state of things in home,

the Emperor said that if the Pope would give up the revolted proamees, lie should be guaranteed by the other powers in his other possessions. He would not enter into the miestion of the temporal power of the Pope, but

has the Pope been independent for the last fifteen years ; yet the necessity of his independence is urged as a reason for keeping up his temporal power. "Now this country can look upon the Sovereign Pontiff in no other light than it would look upon any other Sovereign whatever, and the same prin- ciples must be applied to him as to other Sovereigns as between himself and his subjects. Viewed in this light his dynasty is capable of being over- thrown ; the constitution of his kingdom may be modified by the free will of his subjects, and no foreign Power has the right to interfere with the action of the Pope and his subjects. My lords, these arc the opinions that ought to be acted upon throughout the whole of the Italian States. They are free to choose their own Government and their own constitution, and that constitution must be established of their own free will, and under no foreign influence, domination, or interference I ask the Government, who professedly desire that the Italian States should settle their affairs for themselves, on what ground one French army at the present moment occu- pies Lombardy, and another French army occupies Rome ? Is that leaving it to the States of Lombardy and Rome to settle their own affairs ? The Austrians have crossed the Mincio, and Lombardy has been handed over to Sardinia. Why, then, do the French troops remain in Lombardy unless it is that there is some lurking apprehension that if the presence of the French troops is withdrawn from the Milanese or the Roman States, some mani- festation of feeling would follow which might not be in accordance with the wish of the Sovereign who has sent those troops ?" Lord Derby, asking for information, ended by stating that it would be better not to go into Congress unless we see a prospect that the result of its deliberations would accord with public opinion. Earl GRANVILLE said that Ministers had not taken a greater share in the debate because they did not desire to monopolize. He therefore proposed to mako but few remarks. Passing slightly over the topics not referred to at length, Lord Granville said that Lord Derby had told a convivial meeting at Liverpool that he would support a substantial re- form. [Lord Derby interposed. He did not use the word substantial ; but said that if Ministers brought in a fair, temperate and reasonable mea- sure, they would have no reason to anticipate hostility from Opposition.] Lord Granville rejoined that he was glad to hear that, like Lord Derby, he had been deluded by a newspaper telegram. He concurred in the com- pliment paid to the Volunteers, but the value of the movement would de- pend on how it went on, on their discipline and obedience, and "in the readiness of officers of the regular Army to avail themselves of this powerful instrument." He has no doubt of the result, but yet it is matter of conjecture. " No two things have raised the prestige of this country mere than, first of all, that marvellous resistance offered by a small number of military men and civilians in India against the millions who bad been excited to rebel against our sway ; and, secondly, that sort of warlike spirit which has sprung up among a nation certainly not military in its rature, and which any power which might venture to touch or attack our shores—as I hope and believe none think of doing at this time—would find very trou- blesome and disagreeable indeed."

Thanking Lord Derby for a tribute he paid to Lord Canning, Lord Granville characterized the objections to the commercial treaty as the very purism of free trade. He did not know Lord Derby's present opin- ions, but in the last speech he made on the subject of free trade, he de- ferred to public opinion, but prophesied national ruin. He seemed to intimate that the treaty was a sort of firework to produce an effect at the opening of Parliament. It is nothing of the sort.

" There is no secret about it. A distinguished man, Mr. Cobden, having, to my regret, declined to join the present Government, for certain reasons of his own went to Paris, and I think it reflects wonderful credit upon that gentleman, and is an extraordinary circumstance, that after having by his influence and eloquence exercised a decisive effect upon a free country to adopt a certain policy, he has been enabled to exercise a similar influence upon a few very intelligent men at the head of a wholly different institution of Government. '

On the question of China, Lord Granville. followed the Duke of New- castle, and his remarks on the Italian question were substantially those made in the Lower House by Lord Palmerston. Lord Grey's amendment was negatived, the Address was agreed to, and the House adjourned.

In the House of Commons, after the batch of notices of motion usually given at the opening of the Session, the SPEAKER read the Queen's Speech. The Address was moved by Mr. ST. ALTBYN, and seconded by Lord HENLEY. Their speeches closely followed the topics of the Queen's Speech. There were only two other speakers—Mr. DISRAELI and Lord PALMERSTON.

-Mr. DISRAELI, complimenting the Speaker on the clearnes; of his elocution and contrasting the graceful and ingenuous speech of Mr. St. Aubyn with that of Lord Henley—" more suited to the atmosphere of a French Senate than to the English House of Commons "—declared he should not move any amendment. Like Lord Derby, he glanced at the topics of the Speech. He remarked that, although the late Government had been criticised for placing the paragraph relating to what in com- mon parlance is called the Reform Bill in a low position, yet the passage in the composition delivered that day, in which no doubt Lord John Russell felt the vested interest of a parent, did not occupy a more prominent position than it did in the speech of last year. That shows how much easier it is to be critical than correct. He promised to give the bill a calm and candid consideration.

On the question of the treaty with France, Mr. Disraeli took the line of the Conservative leader in the House of Lords, contending th..t if the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer was able to reduce duties, he should have done so without having recourse to a commercial treaty ; and asking what was the business of the House in examining the treaty ? If they had to decide on the character of the bargain they would admit the principle of reciprocity ; but if reciprocity was not to be a guide, why have recourse to such a form. He was sure Mr. Cobden would not have counselled a commercial treaty. Then the Emperor of the French had some years ago declared he should ex- tinguish the prohibitive system in 1861 ; and therefore if we had waited there would have been no need of a treaty at all. He predicted that the precedent so unnecessarily created would prove embarrassing; and de- manded explanations.

After a brief allusion to China, Mr. Disraeli came to the substantial sec- tion of his speech—that relating to Italy. Unable to gather from the Queen's Speech the state of our relations with France and Italy, he asked for explanations of what had taken place since Parliament was prorogued. He contended that the temper of the House in August was adverse to the .proposal that we should take part in a Congress. The late Government had laid it down that we ought not to interfere in the affairs of other countries unless there is a clear necessity. It appeared to him from what he had learned that the present Ministry were not following that policy. He would make a statement of what he believed to be facts. Founding himself upon certain telegrams [furnished by Mr. Reuter to the newspapers] and which he said he had ascertained to be exact and accurate, Mr. Disraeli said that in August last the English Government made overtures to the French Government to enter upon a special agreement to settle the affairs of Italy. What was the nature of that agreement ? "I know that the noble Lord may say that the source from which I obtained this information is anony- mous. ("Hear, hear," from Lord John Russell.) The noble Lord cheers that observation, and, of course, accepts it as an objection to the informa- tion. I take it for granted he means to say that the information is not au- thentic. ("Hear, hear," from Lord John Russell and a laugh.) All I can say is that three communications have appeared by means of the electric telegraph in this country. They are communications dated the 9th of January, the 12th of January, and the 16th of January. In the communi- tion of the 9th of January it is stated that Lord Cowley has repaired to England in order to revive negotiations which were commenced in August by the English Government for the settlement of the affairs of Italy with France by way of special agreement. The noble Lord seems to deny the authenticity of that statement. I can only say that before I availed myself of it in the House I took those steps which I thought would be satisfactory. under the circumstances." The object of Lord Cowley's mission was to obtain the assent of England to a joint note stating that England and France would regard intervention in Italy as a casus belli. Was that an authentic and authoritative statement ? He considered it to be so, and pronounced that it might render us liable to serious consequences. If France established a dynasty of Etruria, revived

'

the regality of Rome, and changed the boundaries of Sardinia, and war en- sued, should we not be bound to sustain France by our fleets and armies. These proposals were made, and to the credit of the Government were re- fused. If the noble Lord means to say that these communications are sheer inventions—and I am sure he will not equivocate on the subject, but meet me fairly ; if he means to say that in the month of August he did not propose to the French Government to come to a special agreement between England and France as to the affairs of Italy ; if he means to say that the visit of Lord Cowley to this country was not connected with the subject I have men- tioned, viz., to arrange a joint action between France and England ; if he means to say there never was a proposal to join with France in acts offensive and defensive, making it a casus belli for any power to interfere in the affairs of Italy ; if the noble Lord says so, then I am sure I shall not feel mortified by the noble Lord contradicting me in the matter—he will give in- formation satisfactory to the House and encouraging to the country." We are told that " the question of the Congress is revived. His objections to a Congress remain, but if we go into a Congress we should go for a specific purpose and with a defined position. The Government would be led into an embarrassing position if it agreed to a proposal to prevent others from inter- fering in Italy." The less we meddle with the business the better. No man can form an accurate conception of the opinions and feelings of the po- pulation of Italy; so conflicting are the statements on the subject. "I say that what is going on in Italy can only be solved by the will, the energy, the sentiment, and thought of the populations themselves. The whole ques- tion, in my mind, is taken out of the sphere of Congresses and Cabinets." Mr Disraeli next referred to a document not anonymous—the letter of the Emperor to the Pope. Quoting the passage where it is said that if the Pope will renounce his rights to certain provinces the Powers of Europe will gua- rantee the rest, he wished to know whether the Government had authorized the Emperor to make that offer of a guarantee. Summing up his proposi- tions, Mr. Disraeli asked for a frank explanation. There are many topics in the Queen's Speech " no doubt of no mean character," but every one knows that Italy is the only subject on which the people of this country are thinking.

Lord PALMERSTON, saying he was glad the unanimity of the House was not to be interrupted, vindicated the position of the Reform Bill paragraph in the Royal Speech ; and rapidly passed on to the two main subjects of the debate.

He announced that the treaty with France was signed on Monday, but that he had not yet received the document. He certainly thought it not desirable as a general rule that England should enter into any con- ventional agreement with other countries as to her tariff and customs duties ; but he maintained that in the present case, owing to a peculiarity of the French constitution, we could not obtain an essential security from France except by a convention. The treaty is therefore an exceptional arrangement, and does not imply any change in opinion on the principle which should govern these matters. The agreement, however, is con- ditional on the consent of Parliament.

On the Italian topic Lord. Palmerston spoke more at length. He told Mr. Disraeli that he would have done better to ask explanations as a Mem- ber of Parliament than to have put his questions upon the ground of a number of telegrams picked out from the newspapers. Admitting his right, he protested against being called on to answer interrogations founded on flimsy and frivolous pretexts. Then he proceeded. "At the end of last session the Crown informed Parliament that overtures had been made for the purpose of ascertaining, if Conferences were to be held, whether her Ma- jesty would send a plenipotentiary. It had not been determined that a Con- gress or Conferences should take place, because the holding such Congress or Conferences must be, and was, contingent upon the conclusion of a defini- tive treaty to carry out the engagements of Villafranoa. At that time no such treaty had been concluded. All that passed was that we were told it was the intention of the French and Austrian Governments, whenever that treaty should be concluded, to propose a Congress to take cognizance of the treaty, and to consider the affairs of Italy. The treaty was not concluded until late in the autumn, and the actual invitation to join a Congress did not reach us until the month of November. It was not, therefore, until then that her Majesty's Government were able to advise the Crown to give an answer, aye or no, whether the Crown would send a plenipotentiary. In the intermediate time no doubt communications frequently passed. There were constant communications between the two Governments. Lord Cowley came once or twice to this country. Of course when an ambassador comes from a foreign court to communicate with his Government, the com- munications are not confined to what sort of weather it is at the place from which he comes. (Laughter.) He gives all the information he possesses, and receives instructions which can often be given verbally in more detail than in despatches. When the distance is so short and the communication so easy as between Paris and London, it is exceedingly natural that, with- out any particular or important convention in view, her Majesty's Govern- ment should, from time to time, find it desirable to have personal commu- nication with the Ambassador at Paris. It is very probable that on those occasions the Ambassador combined private convenience with public duty. But no overture was received from the French Government of the nature of that of which the right honourable gentleman has been informed—that is, the French Government did not propose the separate engagement which the right honourable gentleman thinks was proposed, and, I be- lieve he said, declined by her Majesty's Government. No doubt, in the interval which elapsed between the preliminary intimation and the actual announcement that a treaty was concluded and a Congress was

to be held, her Majesty's Government endeavoured to ascertain, with as much clearness as they could, what were the views of the French Govern- ment with regard to Italian affairs. It was our duty to do so. The know- ledge which we might acquire of the views of the French Government might very much influence her Majesty's Government as to whether the proposal when it came ought to be accepted or declined, because, although there were many reasons why it was undesirable we should decline to join a Con- gress, vet if we had reason to think that in that Congress there would be a wide difference of opinion between England and France—that we should find ourselves quite at variance with France on the great question to be dis- cussed—that knowledge would be a considerable element in the decision as to whether we would go into Congress or not. Upon the general question the right honourable gentlemen seems not to have any doubt that our de- cision was right. When the proposal came we might either have accepted it or declined it. Suppose we had declined. Suppose we had said, We anticipate that a majority of the Powers who will be parties to the Congress will differ with us upon an essential point upon which we have a strong and decided opinion. We make no secret that it is our intention in Congress to assert the principle—(to which I am glad to find the right honourable gen- tleman agrees)—that it is right the people of Italy should be left to settle their own affairs—that the people of Italy should be left, as the right honour- able gentleman says, by their own will, opinion, and energy to settle the question of government between themselves and their rulers, or between themselves and their allies, neighbouring States. We anticipate a majority of the Powers will differ with us, and we decline.' We made no secret; we took pains to make known that such was our principle, and that we should maintain it in Congress. If we had found that it was likely a majority of the other Powers would have differed in opinion, and a moment would have arrived in Congress in which we should have been compelled either to ac- quiesce in silence in a principle of which we did not approve, or with- draw, it would have been an element in our decision. When the invitation came, if we had met it with a refusal, one of two things would have hap- pened. It was possible, in the first place, that Prussia and Russia might have said, c If England, one of the great Powers in the Congress of 1815, does not choose to go into Congress, neither do we.' It was possible that our refusal might have prevented the Congress assembling. If that had re- sulted in disturbances in Italy, we should have been called the cause of those calamities, and that was a responsibility which I think we ought not lightly to have incurred. If, on the other hand, Congress met without us, England, by its own act, would have excluded itself from a great transaction in which all the other Powers of Europe were engaged. That was a position which it did not become the Government of this country to take. Moreover, in abstaining from going into Congress, we should have run the risk of seeing conclusions adopted opposed to our convictions, and which we might have pre- vented from being adopted had we been there to give our reasons against them. We, therefore, were perfectly right, I think, in accepting the invi- tation, and we should have been very blameable if we had held aloof from the Congress, if Congress there had been. We were prepared to go into Congress free from all engagements, but having announced fully what our opinions were as to the propriety of leaving the Italians to settle their own affairs, without any foreign interference by force of arms, I am quite per- suaded that if that policy is adhered to, if the Italians are left free to settle their own affairs, the result would probably be more satisfactory ; and if it is not, the Italians alone will be to blame."

Lord Palmerston contended that Mr. Disraeli did not correctly read the letter of the Emperor to the Pope. The phrase in the letter was not that the Pope might demand a guarantee, but that he might address himself to the other Powers for a guarantee. Like Lord Derby, Mr. Disraeli had in- sinuated that the Italian papers would be delayed, and Lord Palmerston as- sured him there was no intention of delaying them. Then he said, in con- clusion, that the policy of Ministers is the simplest possible. " Our policy has never varied. We said in the beginning, and we say still, that no fo- reign force should be exerted to control the people of Italy in the arrange- ment of their own affairs. Our opinion is, that they should be left; to settle their affairs among themselves between people and Government ; that they should be free to adopt that form of Government and such an arrangement of States they might think best for their own interests, and that no foreign Power ought to interfere by force of arms to prevent them from arriving at the result which is most satisfactory to their own feelings and interests. The right honourable gentleman says that if you ask the opinion of different people, all of whom are respectively and individually good authorities on the subject of Italy, one will tell you one thing, and another another ; that whether it is about the. Romagna, Tuscany, or Sardinia, or Naples, or Lom- bardy, everyone you consult gives you a different opinion. Is that peculiar to Italy ? Without going further than the walls of this House, I should like to know whether you won't find gentlemen here who will give you the most opposite opinions about any question of domestic interest you like to name. Ask my honourable friend opposite (Mr. Spooner) his opinion about May- nooth, and then go to some Irish Member below the gangway." (Laughter.) . . . . In this House a question is settled according to what the majority thinks about it; let the people of Italy settle their own questions in the same way. If it be true that Tuscany wishes to be a separate nationality, so be it. If it be true that the King of Naples is the most beloved of mo- narchs—(Laughter)—let his subjects remain united to him in the bonds of affection. If it be true that the people of the Romagna are enamoured of the Government of the Pope, let them return to the happiness from which they are temporarily separated. (Laughter.) All that we want is that the Italians should be left to judge of their own interests—to shape their future arrangements according to their own opinions of that which was moat likely to contribute to their happiness and most in unison with their feelings and opinions." He was sure their policy is consonant to the wishes of the people: It is founded upon the same principle as that on which the Throne of this country now rests, and therefore in advocating it I feel that the Go- vernment are backed and supported by the feelings of the people at large, by the historical traditions of our own country, and by the principles on which that constitution is founded under which we are so happy to live."

The motion was agreed to rem. die.

The report, brought up on Wednesday, led to a desultory debate. Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY and Mr. HADFIELD protested against our policy in China. Admiral War.corr pronounced an eulogy en Admiral Hope. Sir MICHAEL SEYMOUR said he could not understand how the Chinese could be approached without force. Sir Joase Paxisioroia desired that the Government would state at the earliest possible period the precise alterations contemplated under the new treaty with France. Lord FERMOY complained that the Reform Bill should have been postponed, that the Government had not supported the moderate party in Ireland, and that no notice had been given of Irish measures. Mr. CARD- WELL thereupon said that the Speech referred to the United Kingdom, and that no distrust had been shown towards Ireland. No rifle corps had been established, not because distrust was felt, but because Govern- ment had no power to permit the formation of corps. And as to Irish measures, he had some prepared, but thought it more respectful to withhold a notice until he could command a day. The moderate party

had been encouraged by three distinct declarations that the Government would not depart from the system of mixed education.

Mr. SEYMOUR FITZGERALD entered seriously on a discussion of the treaty with France, speaking as if he knew its nature, raising many objections, and warning the House against a too close alliance or an identity of policy with France. Mr. GLADSTONE rallied Mr. Fitzgerald on his assumed knowledge of the character of the treaty, hinting ironically that he must have secreted himself after the ancient fashion _behind the tapestry of the room in which negotiations were going on, and thus have obtained his minute knowledge. Mr. Gladstone said he could not enter on a discussion of the questions raised ; he must defer it until Parliament is made ac- quainted with the particulars of the treaty. Answering some of Mr. Fitzgorald's strictures, he ridiculed his fear of an identity of policy between England and France. Is that possible in the nature of things ? Why there is hardly any contingency in which they can be associated except for objects honourable in themselves and beneficial to mankind. " On no occasion in our own day or in history have they ever been com- bined for a bad object as regards the politics of Europe ; and therefore I trust that alliance, as I hope we all do, and wish it may be drawn closer and closer, not only on account of its intrinsic value, but because it contains nothing in itself which can by any possibility be hostile to the interests of the other Powers of Europe."

Mr. Gladstone intimated that the treaty would be presented to the House about the end of next week.

Mr. Honsmasi renewed the complaint that the Reform Bill had been postponed to a day so late as the 20th of February ; intimating that the fate of the Government might in the meantime depend upon a vote about China or the Congress. We want an early discussion and an early settlement of the measure.

Lord PALMERSTON said that he thought the course pursued on the Re- form Bill the best on the whole. There will be ample time to discuss it and pass it in the course of the session. The wishes of all cannot be satisfied.

The report was agreed to.

SAVINGS BANKS.

In committee of the whole House, on Thursday, Mr. GLADSTONE submitted a resolution relating to Savings Banks, and made a statement of the nature of a bill he intends to introduce on the basis of the reso- lution.

He holds that the depositors in savings banks and friendly societies have an honourable claim on the Government for every farthing placed in the hands of the Government. " At the same time, I must admit that, in point of mere dry law, the title of the savings-banks, and, I believe, of some friendly societies, to the full restitution, principal and interest, of the money lodged in the hands of the Government is, in part at least, an im- perfect title. I think that is a state of things which calls for a remedy ; and I propose to give by this Bill a perfect and absolute title to every friendly society and every savings bank to the whole sum which it may have placed in the hands of the Government, principal and interest, ac- cording to the stipulated terms." (Cheers.) He desires to limit the power which the Chancellor of the Exchequer holds over these moneys—a power larger than is required for the public interest—to abolish the power of the Chancellor, to turn over a deficiency into public debt, and to bring the whole of his transactions, through the agency of the National Debt Com- missioners, regularly and periodically before Parliament. The motion was agreed to and the House resumed.

BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.

Sir GEORGE LEWIS moved that in consequence of the corruption exist- ing in Gloucester and Wakefield, no writ should be issued for a new member of those boroughs without seven days' notice. The Wakefield report had not been received, but he held that from the Gloucester Com- mission in his hand.

In the course of a conversation on bribery at elections, several Members seemed anxious that the practices brought to light by the Commissioners should be treated with severity. Mr. BRIGHT spoke frankly and strongly on the subject of corruption in Wakefield. He said, however, that while neither of the boroughs could be disfranchised, their right to return members might be suspended for a considerable time, as a mark of con- demnation on the practices of the minority of electors who accepted bribes. Mr. Bright recommended the ballot as a remedy for corruption. To this Lord ROBERT CECIL demurred ; remarking that the root of cor- ruption lay in the fact that the franchise had been extended to persons who sold it to the highest bidder.

Sir GEORGE Lmvis said the Gloucester Commissioners forcibly con- demn the Corrupt Practices Act as inoperative. He announced that the Government are preparing a bill materially altering that Act, and one to amend the law relating to election petitions.

Motion agreed to.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.

BouvEnia moved a resolution declaring that whenever the !rouse meets for business on Friday it shall at its rising adjourn to the follow- ing Monday, unless the House shall otherwise order. His object was to put an end to the unbusinesslike practice, only ten years old, of making speeches on the motion for adjournment. It takes up the time at the disposal of the Government, and tends to degrade the House. To illus- trate the practice he cited no fewer than thirteen questions whieh ap- peared on the notice paper for the 8th of April, 1859, and mentioned by name three Members who had notices on the paper for Friday the 27th.

The motion led to a debate. Two of the Members referred to, Mr. MONCETON MILNES and Mr. EDWIN. Tastes, replied very sharply to Mr. Bouvcrie, and called on the House not to restrict the time at the dis- posal of independent Members. Mr. DEEDES supported Mr. Bouvcrie. Lord CLAUD HAMILTON maintained that sonic latitude must be given. If the use of the safety-valve were abridged the steam would burst up somewhere. Mr. WALTER regarded the practice as one of convenience. Mr. DISRAELI said they must trust more to good sense than rules in the conduct of business. He admitted that the privilege of speaking on Friday was sometimes abused. There should be an understanding that no questions should be brought forward on these motions for adjourn- ment unless they are of a pressing interest. Sir GEORGE LEWIS said the question must be decided according to the general sense of convenience. He seemed to intimate that it would be better to give up the Thursday to Government after Easter, and limit the privilege of bringing on mo- tions on Supply nights, than to adopt Mr. Ilouverie's motion. Lord PALMERSTON opposed the motion. After Mr. Tnootas DCNCO]SBE had put in a protest against any in- fringements of the rights of Members on supply nights ; Mr. BOUVERIE, although exhorted not to do so, pressed his motion to a division. It was negatived by 116 to 48.

CRIMINAL APPEALS. Mr. MILanoN has introduced a bill to secure a Bight of Appeal in Criminal Cases.

CHURCH-RATES. Sir Joule TRELAWNY introduced his Church-rates Bill at the Wednesday sitting, when it was read a first time.

NcrricEs or MOTION. Among the earliest notices of motion given on Tuesday, was one by Mr. BRAND on behalf of Lord John Russell, namely, that on the 20th of February he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to Alter and Amend the Laws relating to the Representation of the People. (Cheers.) Lord Joins MANNERS gave notice that he should introduce a bill to enable the Judges of the Divorce Court to sit with closed doors. Mr. LINDSAY will -move for a Committee to inquire into the burdens that affect Merchant Shipping. Mr. CRAWFORD, a Committee on the same subject. Sir GEORGE LEWIS will ask leave to bring in a bill for the better regula- tion of the Corporation of London. Mr. SPOONER announced that he should revive the Maynooth question. Sir DE LACY EVANS will move an address to the Queen in favour of abo- lishing the system of the sale and purchase of Military Commissions, with a due regard to existing interests.

LORD Mr.r.vryr,s AND THE VOLUNTEERS. Lord ELCUO inquired whether the Secretary for War approved of a speech recently delivered by the Com- mander-in-chief in Scotland, describing the Volunteers as useless, and say- ing no general officer would command them. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said the Duke of Cambridge had expressed his regret to Lord Melville that he should have taken such an opportunity of stating his views, and Lord Mel- ville had replied by frankly regretting that he had done so.