TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
This time it becomes more than a newspaper commonplace to talk of the unusual interest with which the public awaits the opening of Parliament, and the authentic explanations and announce- ments necessarily consequent upon that event. It is the public that is now for once interested, not merely a handful of politi- cians; and the interest is higher and more anxious than usual. Perhaps the sessions of 1842 and 1845-'6 offered to the hopes and fears of parties and the nation objects of more pressing material importance than our domestic politics of today can furnish ; but, though experience has shown that financial and commercial policy may raise as angry passions and sustain as fierce a conflict as any other subject on which men's interests and opinions differ,— though, in fact, the results of financial and commercial sys- tems strike down to the deepest roots of national wellbeing,— yet those questions of organic and educational reform now waiting for settlement appeal more immediately to our highest social sympathies, and connect themselves more evidently with what is loftiest in the hopes and destiny of man. To bring its institutions into harmony with its knowledge and sense of right, is at all times the highest domestic task that can engage a nation's attention, the principal means by which the advanced knowledge and morality of an age perpetuate their effects for pos- terity, and preserve themselves from evaporating in isolated individual acts and aspirations. But, whatever the compara- tive interest of the domestic questions which will be dis- cussed in Parliament during the next six months, and those which have engaged the attention of other Parliaments, the foreign relations of this country have not within the recollection of most of us attracted the absorbing interest that is now fixed on them. The nation will be enabled to demand through its re- presentatives in Parliament, what it has in vain looked for in or- gans of less authority, an account of the course pursued by its .responsible agents in conducting the negotiations between this country on the one hand, and, on the other, all the foreign powers engaged in the dispute, which, commencing in an idle quarrel forced upon Turkey by Russia has developed into a great Eu- ropean question, and menaced the European system with derange- ment and overthrow. Anxious, moreover' as we all are to know the past, and to find in the conduct of our Government convincing proof of its regard for peace, combined with equal regard for the honour and interests of England, we are still more anxious to hear from the lips of the Sovereign, or her advisers, a very distinct and unequivocal statement of our position at this moment, with respect not alone to Russia, but to all the other European powers, whether neutral or in strict affiance with us, and a declaration equally distinct of the principle on which the "looming" war is undertaken—of the aim with which it is to be carried on—of the conditions under which alone it will be terminated. We repeat, that, under such circumstances, it can be no mere newspaper com- monplace to say that Tuesday next is awaited with profound in- terest by the nation. Without presuming to anticipate the lan- guage that the Queen may utter on that occasion, or the supple- mental explanations of her Ministers we may indicate what the political circumstances of the time would suggest and the desires of the nation welcome.
It will be natural to congratulate Parliament on the con- tinued and increasing success of the financial system that has now been, for the present generation at least, placed beyond the disputes of party. A revenue that increases as taxes are taken off articles of necessary consumption a commerce that ex- pands in proportion to the freedom with Which it is allowed to develop itself according to natural laws, are such sure indications of widespread comfort and well-based prosperity, that few topics of congratulation between sovereign and people can be imagined less open to criticism, or less likely to be convicted of precipita- tion. Nor, while pointing to these gratifying results of wise and beneficent legislation, would it be unbefitting to remark upon the striking testimony to the prudence of that legislation, afforded by
recent measures taken by foreign countries to secure themselves against the effects of a general failure in the European corn- crops of last harvest. If, looking forward to the operation of causes already in existence, the Queen should indicate the fatal effects of such conflicts between the owners of capital and of labour as are now raging in our manufacturing districts, on the sources of revenue, national prosperity, and individual comfort, neither will she fail to recognize, in the remarkable diminution of violence that has attended the "strikes," a proof that the exer- tions of recent years for the moral, intellectual, and physical im- provement of the working classes have been attended with success. .Acknowledging that, in the presence of movements of this charac- ter, legislators and governments have but little• direct remedial power,—that an unforeseen discovery of vast mineral resources in distant lands had effected greater changes in the prospects of the labouring classes in this country, and more radically altered the conditions of our greatest social problem, than any legislation,— she might yet remind the illustrious assembly, that both causes concurrently—conflicts between labour and capital at home and brightened prospects for labour abroad—impose on the Legislature of this country, not indeed new duties, but old duties with in- creased emphasis and more pressing responsibility. Whatever Parliament can do to render the condition of the labouring classes at home more hopeful and inviting, must now be done, lest the labouring classes should leave Parliament with a diminished and a weakened nation to legislate for. And what Parliament can do is, on the one side, to give these classes political rights in the largest degree compatible with justice to other classes, and with the cer- tainty of not depriving the national council of that highly com- posite character essential to a body that is fairly to represent the social forces of a highly composite community. On the other side, as the necessary social complement of the franchise, Parliament must see that means of sound elementary instruction be placed within the reach of the humblest. Nor is her Majesty likely to forget, in speaking of measures intended for the political and intel- lectual advancement of the working classes, that the towns and cities of the land are yearly becoming more densely peopled ; that in the grand centres of manufacturing and commercial wealth it becomes yearly more difficult for the poorest to obtain decent and healthy accommodation, while even in country villages those arrangements upon which health and strength and clear spirits immediately, and good morals indirectly, depend, are such as to disgrace our humanity, and stamp us as incapable of organized civilization. This too it is high time that Parliament should devote its wisdom and patriotism to remedy. The Queen might even remind her as- sembled councillors, that already, in striking instances, where great commercial interests were concerned, they have not found strict proprietary rights too sacred to stand in the way of improve- ment; that railways have been driven over park and pasture and corn-land, whether their owners gave their consent or not ; that within a few years economical reasons have prevailed over the prestige of private rights to enforce the sale of a vast extent of debt-encumbered estate in Ireland ; that our ancient poor-law is a standing witness that property has its duties as well as its rights. Such examples might properly be urged upon the Houses of Parliament, as justifying them in seriously taking into their consideration, whether there is any insuperable obstacle in our laws of property, that should prevent the adoption of such regu- lations as might tend to stop at no distant period the tremendous mischief that lurks under that comprehensive phrase "our sanitary question." The invasion of our land by cholera for the third time in a few years, with the well-founded fear that it will recommence its work of desolation in the summer, would lend force to- the monition, even if political and moral considerations were wholly put aside. It would be consolatory to the self-respect as well as cheering to the hopes of the sons and daughters of toil, to find the Queen of the land recognizing with her own royal mouth their national value, insisting upon the importance, of directing legislation to their good, and of inviting them to bring to the national decisions such wisdom as a clear sense of their own wants and their own aims give to every class, however little ad- ventitious cultivation it may have received. In announcing to her Parliament that their attention would be- drawn to the laws which regulate their own constitution, her Ma- jesty would naturally notice some of the causes which have led her advisers to propose at this time an organic change. She could seareely fail to remark among them the disgust and indignation that have been widely felt and loudly expressed at the practices prevalent in the election of Members of the House of Commons. At no time could it be more important to consider whether any direct measures would tend to check this deadly taint, than when they were about to take into the constituencies a large number of new electors, whose poverty would peculiarly expose them to the temptations of corruption and compulsion. Here too she might again enforce the absolute necessity for a higher education as the surest remedy; an education that should train the citizens of the state in a true sense of the meaning and value of political privi-
leges; an education that perhaps at present is almost as much wanted by many of the higher as of the lower classes of the coun- try. Yet, in addressing the last Parliament to be summoned under the Reform Act of 1832, she might, in spite of this damaging blot, recall a series of legislative improvements such as a sovereign may well be proud to have to recount, and a people be proud to hear. Reviewing the legislation and the social changes of the twenty- one years that have elapsed since that act was passed, she might emphatically pronounce from the experience of her own life, that order is not incompatible with progress ; that attachment to the Throne does not diminish as popular liberties expand, but that the surest basis for the happiness and glory of a monarch is the freedom, prosperity, and rapid development of a people. Never could this moral have been so striking as at this moment, when the throne of Queen Victoria is the only great seat of civilized power in Europe that has not been rudely shaken by the storms of revolution. Her review would not speak of perfection attained, of difficulty removed from the path, of a serene future over which no shade of trouble can ever come ; but it would speak of steady improvement, of dangers bravely faced and skilfully overcome, of order and progress so combined as they never have been combined in a great kingdom before in the world's history ; and for the future it would tell of a career for manly hearts and manly intellects to enter upon with courage, energy, and hope. A speech it would be that no great potentate in Europe but our own Sovereign could utter without the grimmest mockery amidst the asaembled coun- cillors of the nation.
For years past, almost as long as most of us can distinctly re- member, one paragraph of the Royal Speech might have been in its main expressions stereotyped. For nearly forty years, we have been accustomed to receive from the Sovereign the comfort- able assurance that this country was on terms of amity and good- will with the Powers of Europe. If ever there has been a slight
variation in the strain, it has been but a passing discord, resolved before it had time to offend the ear. For the first time during three reigns, her Majesty will next Tuesday announce to her people that circumstances seem to render inevitable a war of great powers, in which this country will of necessity be a principal. She will no doubt inform the Houses of Parliament that she has commanded her Foreign Secretary to furnish the fullest account of the nego- tiations which he and the Government with which he is connected have been conducting for the greater part of a twelvemonth ; of the objects originally proposed by that negotiation ; of the gra- dual change of those objects as the aggressive and insolent de- meanour of Russia became more and more manifest; of the vain attempts to bring that power to a better mind ; of the little doubt now remaining that nothing is left but to decide by arms whether the will of Russia is to be law to Europe, or the law of Europe to curb the will of Russia. She will, too, we doubt not, express her gratitude and satisfaction at the "entente cordiale" existing be- tween the Governments of France and England; and, emphatically pointing to that alliance as the safeguard and hope of Europe, the guarantee of a speedy and victorious peace, will assure her Parlia- ment and people, that no object has been or can be nearer and dearer to her heart than to prolong, foster, and confirm it. The relations of this country to Austria and Prussia, their position and intentions in the coming struggle, will, perhaps, as demanding more minute explanation, be left to her Ministers to unfold. From them we shall expect to know what effort has been made to retain the two powers in the path of European honour and interest ; what difficulties have been experienced in the effort ; what views counter to our own have been advanced; how far such views have been fairly and frankly abandoned ; whether any and what doubt hangs over the future or immediate proceedings of the two powers in reference to the contest with Russia. It is generally understood that Austria and Prussia mainly have occasioned the dilatory action of France and England. The nation should not be left in any doubt what their present position and intentions are, nor how far their acts and professions correspond. The smaller powers—Sweden and Denmark, with their magnificent fleets—Holland, Belgium, Switz- erland, and Sardinia, with their various engines of moral and mate- rial support--are they prepared to take part in this struggle, to awe by irresistible union the common enemy of Western civilization, with its characteristic personal and intellectual freedom, whatever exceptions may unhappily exist for a time to the typal character ? All this we must know, plainly, unequivocally, without diplomatic reserve or vagueness : for we must know the strength of our adversary, and we must know our own. At the same time, we should anticipate such a thrill through the nation's heart as has not been felt for generations, if the Queen in her own royal tones should tell her people, that, as the future is all obscure—as no certain dependence can be placed on what others can or may do to help us in our quarrel—we must be prepared, and happily we are now able, to depend upon ourselves ; that her motto is _Dieu et mon droit, and she reads it as only another form of Dieu et 2non devoir ; that only that nation can claim the help of the Most High against the mighty who will rise against the mighty to help the right. 'With what deep force of sympathy would the monition come from a queen and a woman, that, perhaps, in- fluenced by the desire and love of peace, and of the progress which peace brings with it, England has for many years past somewhat postponed this sacred duty of helping the right against the mighty ; that our power and our wealth have marvellously grown, and that with them our caution and backwardness to imperil our rich heritage have inevitably grown too. She could not, either as queen or woman, regret that martial glory has given place in the minds of her people to objects of another character. But now, interests are imperilled that must be defended. One man, wielding with abso- lute irresponsibility the forces of a vast empire, seeks to make his will the law in Europe. That concert of European powers which is the only machinery yet devised towards the establishment of permanent peace he has defied, has refused to abide by their arbi- tration, and is thus the enemy of all. In the interests of peace itself he must be resisted. This is no dynastic quarrel, no war for ambitious or commercial objects on our part; it is a just quarrel— a quarrel which concerns the humblest man and woman, to whom the law which saves Europe from constant war is of greater im- portance perhaps than to the noble and the rich. In such a quar- rel, if she, a woman, drew the sword, would not her loving people stand by her, and bid her not sheath it till justice were obtained, and lawless force reduced to own its superior in the common in- terest and common resolve of the European communities ? Such words from that voice which never speaks but to add a charm of its own to what it utters—how many regiments, how many ships, would they not be worth in the coming struggle !
And, lastly, we should wish Parliament to be assured, that, having exhausted all the strength or imbecility of diplomatic art in fruitless attempts to prevent the outbreak of war, our Government are determined that the results of the war forced upon them shall —so far as clear purpose and resolve can accomplish this—compen- sate for its inevitable miseries and burdens. We want to know that they are determined to be satisfied with no patched-up parch- ment peace made of the waste fragments of the broken treaties ; we want to know that the treaties between Russia and the Porte, already broken, will be formally annulled as between these two powers, and that the relations between the Porte and its neigh- bour states will be embodied in treaties to which the powers shall be joint parties, and by which all pretence of dictation or interference by a single power shall be solemnly abandoned.
Not only must the 9.uarrel between Russia and the Porte, or rather between Russia and the rest of Europe, be settled for this once, but the grounds of quarrel, so far as political sagacity can foresee them, must be extirpated. We cannot afford to go to war with Russia periodically. We should have been willing even to defer, for the sake of peace, the meddling with this ultimate question for the present. But, forced after all concessions, with extreme reluctance, into a war, we ought not to lay down our arms till Russia be disabled from again disturbing the peace of Europe in the region of the Black Sea. For seventy years or more has this peril been impending ; the danger of stirring to prevent it has overweighed the danger of allowing it to increase. It has fallen at last, and we must move. Let us not move only to throw off the assault of the beast of prey ; let us thoroughly rouse ourselves to drive him to his lair, and to fix him there. Into the detail of such measures as would effect this, it is not the time now to enter, nor can we demand of Government any detail of ulterior measures. But we may de- mand assurances that the present is clearly apprehended in all its significance ; that the greatness of the occasion is re- cognized ; that action proportionate to the greatness is re- solved on. We may demand to hear that the war is not for any petty aim—for any temporary peace, thinly covering the yet smoking volcanoes of conflict—but for the permanent security of the rights of independent nations—for the future liberties of Europe, the safety of civilization and human happiness. Upon the heartiness and explicitness of these avowals depends the cheer- fulness with which the English people will undergo their share of the labour, danger, and expense needful to secure high objects; and we need not say that upon this, and not upon the private in- clinations of Governments or Princes, will depend what we shall effect and what we shall attempt.
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