TOPICS OF TIIE DAY.
GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC OPINION.
Jr is not impossible that the singular and unsatisfactory position of affairs in Parliament, and the apparent improbability that any new combination of existing persons or parties can result in a stable Government, will cause the recess to be marked by more than usual political activity and thought At the present moment the country is in the hands of an administration divided in counsels arid svmpathi,s, and it is but too likely that, as far as Ministers are concerned, the recess may be no more than a chronic political crisis, latent, or disclosed to the world. It is, indeed, more than probable that the Derbyite administration may meet Parliament in a situation, the difficulties of which may require for their solution the best part of the ensuing session. Nobody be- lieves that the reckless promise to settle the question of Reform can be redeemed by Lord Derby in such a manner as to preserve his Ministry and his supporters. Nobody believes that the diver- gencies of the Liberal and Conservative elements in the Ministry can be reconciled. Nobody regards the Government, in its present shape, as more than a temporary, provisional expedient, rendered inevitable by the utter collapse of Lord Palmerston's power, and the necessary revolt of his party. It is certain that whatever be the magnitude of the national business which the Government of Lord Derby may attempt, or be forced to transact during the in- terval before Parliament reassembles, their first and main thoughts will be on those difficulties and dangers which threaten their own existence. In fact, the Ministry will be much less a Government of England than a committee of private safety. No doubt it is neither safe nor honourable for a great empire to appear to be governed, for a lengthened period, by statesmen whose chief anxiety will be that of self-preservation. But the re- sponsibility chiefly falls upon what is erroneously called the Liberal party ; a chaotic mass of private piques and animosities, vulgar passions, and decayed reputations, in which those who are conspicuous and foremost are too unreliable for leading, and those who are dissatisfied are too weak even to supersede them. A ma- jority which affords not the slightest promise of replacing the pre- sent Government by a strong administration: a majority, in a word, which is now called so only by way of description, and not to imply that it wields political power. Indeed, as we began by saying, Parliament, in its present con- dition, affords no hope of a Government strong enough to deal -with questions for their own sake, and on their own merits, in- stead of for its own sake. This must be perfectly clear to any person who has closely and intelligently followed the Parliament- ary history of the last five years. Under these circumstances, it becomes imperatively necessary that the country should turn its anxious attention to the problem, which Parliament is unable to solve. Unless, indeed, it is prepared to acquiesce for an indefi- nite period in such weakness of the executive, as gives full play to the Parliamentary caprices of the moment, and to endorse the specious and dangerous notion that a Government's difficulty is a nation's opportunity. It is difficult to believe that the strong, practical sense of Englishmen can be misled for any length of time into the adoption of a maxim, which, whether sound or un- sound, is absolutely incompatible with the English monarchical and constitutional system. That system is irreconcileable with such a position as that which has this session been occupied by Lord Derby and his colleagues. To political students of future times it will always appear one of the most remarkable events in the history of free states, that the session in which the phrase "Ministerial responsibility" was most frequently in the mouth of Parliament, was precisely that in which Ministers and Parliament together made the most serious inroads upon its reality and force. Ministers who take their directions from Parliament, are the mere delegated executants of its will, and relieve themselves from re- sponsibility in the most effectual and decisive manner. But it cannot be denied that many causes have operated during the last session to turn the Ministers of the Crown from the position of free-handed statesmen, responsible morally and politically, into that of mere instruments of a Parlia- ment, irresponsible as Parliaments must ever be. To this re- sult, the Manchester school, and notably Mr. John Bright, have contributed, and are contributing in no small degree. Powerful in eloquence and strong in Parliamentary position, yet unfitted by mental obliquities, and the whole training of life, for the high posts of Government, what field of power was left to John Bright, a man born for power, and hungry for power, save that of being the instrument of Parliamentary pressure upon an aristocratic but subservient executive ? To be the Warwick of Cabinets is flat- tering to the pride of the vigorous-minded eloquent manufacturer, who -knows that he can never be " free " of Downing Street. But the times which breed Warwicks, king-makers, are revolu- tionary times ; and it is very desirable that those, who do not de- sire to be involved, without an effort, in a revolution of our consti- tutional system, should have their eyes opened to the true signifi- cance of the events that are happening around them. To keen political observers, the soi-disant Tory Ministry, whose principal
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buttress s a John Bright, wears an unpleasant likeness to the crowned member of an effete dynasty, with its mayor of the palace exercising the real control and government. Abs it omen. If the old regime of independent statesmanship wielding parlia- mentary majorities is to be continued, which is the only condition of things compatible with aconstitutional monarchy, the count', must appeal with vigour to its own purposes ,and: desires, in order that a more vigorous tone may be imparted to the proceedings of parliament Constituencies should organize themselves into a condition that may render them independent of the electioneering agent. Men should, during this recess, meet and resolve upon some course intended to bear directly upon the anarchy in parliament The old powers of action, which now lie so dormant in the Eng- lishman, and the English community, should be roused once more into vigorous life. It is lamentable to see how completely the English nation, which was once so distinguished for the boldness with which it breasted the stream of events and history, now, 80 far at least as its home politics are concerned, persists in standing idly and foolishly on the margin. It is lamentable to see how much public excitement has superseded public opinion ; lament- able to see how much the nation is turned into a waiter upon Pro- vidence, and the obedient humble servant of' the last telegram. There probably never was any moment in our history when all traces of political activity, will, and purpose, as disclosed by ac- tion, and initiative, were so completely effaced from the whole length and breadth of the nation. How often does it happen in En,gland now, and where, that "two or three are gathered to- gether" to bring about any political result great or small ? A journalist may be regarded as perfectly disinterested when de- claring that the country, at this moment, is leaningloo much on journalism, and scarcely at all on individual action. But leading articles are of scant value unless to help the work of leading minds, and vigorous hands. For five years has the Times thun- dered against the Horse-guards, and yet the soldiers are being slain by the leather stock, yea, even to this hour.
The time is fairly come when the country, or, at all events, the reflective and thoughtful persons in the country, must awaken from the deep slumber into which they have been cast by relying too much upon the eloquent bark of the journalist watch-dogs of the state. The time is come for public opinion to cease adoring itself, to strive to find out what it desires and means, and to look out, through the medium of the constituencies, for some who can execute those desires. There appears, so far as human specu- lation can show, no other method by which the unruly herd and mob of honourable Members can be marshalled into an orderly, governing, legislating condition. If this is impossible we must be content to wait for such things as the chapter of accidents may disclose, and surrender ourselves to an ignoble slavery to destiny.
We commend, therefore, to the attention of the people of Eng- land during this recess, the "Government of England question." Perhaps it will be better for the country if something like steady thought, study, and action are given to this great national ques- tion, instead of obeying the powerful impulse of the leading jour- nal, and taking up every sort of discursive subject for the writing and reading of the recess. May it not be more fruitful for the country to keep its eye steadily fixed on this pressing and para- mount inquiry, than for it to give its distracted attention to in- numerable columns devoted to "prostitution," "innkeepers' charges," "the fagging system," "the confessional," and all those various subjects which are stereotyped, as it were, in the minds of journalists, for recess purposes ? Assuredly, if public opinion means to govern, it must concentrate itself more decisively upon the very question of government. At present there is but too much facility, for leading public men to conceal every short- coming, every infirmity, every moral obliquity, under the mask of an exaggerated loyalty and devotion to this supposed paramount power. Hitherto it has exhibited itself as all-powerful for pur- poses of destruction. Old oppressive statutes, evil commercial systems, and powerful but offending Ministries have gone down before its destroying hand. But the business now before the country is that of construction, and public opinion has to show itself equal to that ; it has to show itself as strong positively, asit has hitherto shown itself negatively. The question is not now of repealing a corn-law, removing a civil disability imposed for re- ligion, or pulling down an insolent Minister, but of bringing new men into public life, reconstructing Parliamentaryparties, recasting the forms and offices of administration, remodelling military and naval systems, founding comprehensive plans of national education, distributing according to safe standards and true principles electoral power, striking out and maintaining a bold. and wise policy. of preparation, though not of dogma, to meet the various otaitin. - gencies which transitional Europe has in store. Public opunon may-be equal to these things. But in order to reach their level it must understand that the oldfashioned weapon of agAstrils with which it fought during the period of its destructive act v.itj, must be exchanged for organization, reflection, and a truly high- hearted endeavour to exercise the function of electors in the dis- covery of the best and wisest men. Unless it can do these thinhay Liberal politicians may be sure that the supremacy of public- opinion, on which men rely- with so much confidence as the safe- guard against all evil and the promotion of all good, will deg. nerate into a mere cant, covering a policy of feebleness or un- quity, of which both the governors and the governed will be at once and equally the dupes.
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