attiates anti Wroitebings in Varliament.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OE THE WEEK.

HOUSE OP LOADS. Monday, April 23. Rio de la Pints: Lord Harrowbes Motion for Papers—Adjourned at 711. 25 m. Tuesday, April 24. Navigation Bill, brought from the Commons, and read a first time—Vote of Thanks to the Indian Army—Adjourned at 7 b. 20 m. Thursday, April 26. Leasehold Tenure of Lands (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Adjourned at 7 b. 3 m. Friday, April 27. Lord Beaumont's Motion for Papers on Sicily—Cruelty to Animals BM, read a second time—Adjourned at 7 h.

(Time occupied in the four sittings, 8 Ii. 48 in• since the beginning of the Session, 63h. 15m.)

Hones Or CO1[3102.18. Monday, April 23. Navigation Bill, third reading debated : Bill passed—Adjonmed at I h. 45 in. (Tuesday morning:) Tuesday, April 24. Vote of Thanks to the Indian Army—Mr. Milner Gibson's Motion on Brazil, debated and nega- tived—Adjourned at lb. (Wednesday morning.) Wednesday, April 25; noon sitting. Bribery at Elections Bill, considered in Committee —Sunday Travelling on Railways Bill, second reading negatived—Adjourned a15 h. 55 m. Thursday, April 26. Minis- terial Measures for Ireland: Poor-Relief Bill, Encumbered Estates Bill, and Estates Leasing Bill; all read a first time—Adjourned at Ii h. 45m. Friday, April 27. Poor- laws (Ireland) Rate-in-aid Bill, disposed of in Committee—Supply—Exchequer-bills Bill—Ecclesiastical Commission Bill, read a second time—Savings Banks Committee appointed—Adjourned at 1 h. 30 in. (Saturday morning) till noon.

[Time occupied in the five sittings, 4011. 55

&MO the beginning of the Session, 4{)3h. 58m.]

REDEMPTION OP IRELAND.

Ministers propounded their further measures for the relief of Ireland, on Thursday.

Lord JOIIN RUSSELL moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts for the more effectual relief of the destitute poor in Ireland. The principle provisions of the measure are—to enact that the amount of poor- rates assessable on each electoral division shall not exceed five shillings in the pound; and that in case of need a further rate, in aid of such division, may be levied on the whole union, that additional rate not to exceed two shillings in the pound. Lord John anticipated that these enactments would terminate that panic which has been created in Ireland by the fear that the poor-rates would swallow up the property, and has thus prevented the application of capital to the land. The bill contains some further provisions. In accordance with the recommend- ation of the Boundary Commissioners, the Poor-law Commissioners will have power to make arrangements for a new division of certain unions and electoral districts, provided that simultaneous arrangements be made for furnishing new workhouses. Owners who pay poor-rate will be enabled to deduct a portion of the charge from payments for jointures and rent-charges. Tenants at present are empowered to deduct from the rent half of the amount of poor-rates charge- able upon the rent irrespectively of the amount they actually pay to the rate-col- lector: under the bill, they will be empowered only to deduct half of the rate they have actually paid. Agricultural improvements will be exempted from in- creased rating for a fixed period of seven years. Civil bill decrees for recovery of rates shall be removeable into any of the superior courts of Dublin without writ of certiorari, and when duly filed, shall have the force of judgments of the said courts; thus making them judgment-debts. On nonpayment of rates, the lessor by civil bill may oust the tenant for such nonpayment.

Some provisions not included in this bill it ought be desirable to introduce after farther discussion should have taken place.

Members took some exceptions, less to the bill than to defects in Lord John Russell's explanation; but upon the whole it was received, both by Irish and English Members, as a hopeful attempt to get at the root of the eviL Mr. GRATTAN, after expressing an opinion that the bill would be totally ineffective turned from the subject of discussion to a violent attack on Sir Robert Peel's suggestion; declaring that his scheme was neither more nor less than an attempt to oust the Roman Catholic nobility, gentry, and tenantry from the West of Ireland, and to substitute Protestant capitalists in their stead.

Sir ROBERT PRan was exceedingly sorry at having heard that speech; because he wished that the Solicitor-General should suffer no delay in pro- pounding a most important measure which he had to propose. Sir Robert believed that the House would give him an opportunity, before these Irish debates closed, of correcting some great misconceptions respecting the sug- gestions which he had recently offered—offered in no spirit of party, from no wish to embarrass the Government, but from the deepest sympathy with the suffering condition of Ireland, and an earnest hope of contributing something to ameliorate her condition; but Mr. Grattan's misconception was so great, and calculated to excite such feelings in Ireland, that it was im-

possible for him to let it pass in silence, lest he should be held to acquiesce

Sir Robert proceeded to show, with the eloquence of profound earnestness, that he had miulelis suggestion in no sectarian spirit; that he had aimed

at benefiting the Roman Catholics, both gentry and labourers, now hope- lessly oppressed under their own embarrassments; and that his plan equally leld out openings to the Roman Catholic merchant capitalists of Cork and Waterford as to Protestant capitalists. He wished to elevate the

Roman Catholic population, not to remove it. The other night, the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer described how, in one union, 15,000 persons have been driven from their homes, by evictions, ejectments, and legal pro- cesses, helpless and friendless: can Algeria show any such driving forth as that? or the Punjaub, after our successful military operation? or any other portion of the world, civilized or barbarized? Sir Robert proceeded to show that no measures of amelioration could avail without increased facilities for the transfer of land. He quoted a report of proceedings by the Drapers Company, which has rescued its estates from a condition as degraded as any described in Lord Devon's report; but that has been done without any sectarian consequences: the Company has erected a church, a Presbyterian meetinghouse, and a Roman Catholic chapel, with a salary for the minister of each. The example set by the Drapers Company has been followed by the Fishmongers and other London Companies. Mr. GRATTA.N disclaimed imputing to Sir Robert Peel the intention of producing the results which he anticipated. Mr. Joint O'Cominm, and Mr. O'FLAHERTY declared that Sir Robert's suggestion had been received with the greatest favour in Ireland, by the people of all religious persua- sions.

Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL trusted the Government would follow this measure with some large scheme of policy. The right honourable Baronet had placed one be- fore them which was large and comprehensive in the best sense of the word; and it was for the Government to say why they did not adopt it, or ask the right honourable Baronet for his assistance. ("Hear, hear.") To whatever remedy might be proposed the Irish Members would give their best consideration; and he must say that the suggestion of the right honourable Baronet stood in honourable contrast with the paltry peddling measures of those who now carry on the Go- vernment

Leave was given to bring in the bill.

Sir JOHN ROM/LLY, the Solicitor-General, moved for leave to bring in a bill to facilitate the sale of encumbered estates in Ireland.

He explained how the main provisions of the Encumbered Estates Bill of last session had proved inoperative. The bill required the machinery of the Court of Chancery, with a variety of notices, consents, and registrations, for securing an indefeasible title, and certainty that the estate had been sold for its fall value. These difficulties involved impracticable expense and delay. Under the present bill, it was proposed to create a Commission for performing the functions hitherto performed by the Court of Chancery, after the manner of the West India Com- pensation Commission.

There should be three Commissioners and a Secretary. They would be bound to deal with applications within three years from the time of their appointment. On the application of an owner or encumbrancer, they might proceed to the sale of property in such manner and in such portions as they judge best. The form of conveyance to be that usual in the conveyance of Crown lands, with a title good against all challenge. The proceeds to be paid into the Bank of Ireland, and divisible amongst the claimants on the estate. The Commissioners to have a para- mount jurisdiction over the Court of Chancery, to stay, supersede, or complete the proceedings of that court.

The expediency of putting a check on future encumbrances would be con- sidered and dealt with in a separate measure. This measure was received much as the other had been. Mr. STUART feared that it would fail, from the inherent difficulty of the subject. Mr. HENLEY and Mr. BANKES hinted dislike. Mr. KEOGH, Mr. PAGE WOOD, Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, Mr. MONSELL, Sir JOHN WALSH, Mr. HORSMAN, received it with satisfaction. Mr. BRIGHT approved so far, but complained that it did not go far enough, and observed that it was very like a sugges- tion of his own last year. [Mr. STUART had previously remarked that neither the Solicitor nor the Government had any claim to the paternity of the measure.] Sir ROBERT PEEL expressed his cordial satisfaction at the general pur- port and principle of the measure; warmly complimenting Sir John Ro- milly on the credit which his Parliamentary career is doing to the great name that he bears. Sir Robert found precedents which foretoken a sa- tisfactory working of the new Commission,—in the history of the Special Commission which investigated the Toll riots in Wales, remodelled the Toll system of the Principality, and furnished a simple, effective, and per- fectly satisfactory tribunal of appeal; in the Commission that effected the Tithe-commutation, which has given entire satisfaction; in the West India Compensation Commission, which adjudicated on the most complicated and varied claims without its judgment being impugned in a single instance. The great object to be gained by the present measure is a clear, simple, Parliamentary title, which shall secure the purchaser of an estate from purchasing with it a lawsuit, a duel, or worse.

Leave was given to bring in the bill.

Sir Joint ROMILLY also obtained leave to bring in a bill to enable per- sons having perpetual and limited interests in lands in Ireland to make grants in fee or demises for long terms of years; the object being to facili- tate the transfer of land for building or improving purposes. It was also proposed to extend this power to persons holding an absolute interest in land; and a subsequent bill, applying both to England and Ireland, would empower the Courts of Equity to supply defects in the execution of a power under leases in perpetuity, where the power had been substantially though not technically carried into effect. Another measure of the set, introduced in the House of Peers by the LORD CHANCELLOR, was read a second time on the same day,—namely, a bill giving tenants in Ireland, by a process compulsory on the landlord, power to convert leaseholds renewable for ever into fee-simple, securing to the landlord a fee-farm rent.

NAVIGATION-LAWS. On the order of the day for the third reading of the Navigation Bill, Mr. BERRIES moved that the bill be read a third tkoe that day six months.. He would not enter on minute details; for the time had now arrived when they must determine on broad and high principles of national policy either to accept or reject this dangerous measure. Last year, the Minister had been persuaded to postpone for the session this mendaciously entitled bill, and in the interval it had clearly appeared how utterly valueless vras the foundation on which it was recommended. The real feelings of the people of England have become known, and it is abundantly proved that the great stream of public opinion runs in a contrary direction. Time has brought to our knowledge also important revelations respecting Canada)

the West Indies, and America, which will make it very difficult to justify Me basis at first assumed for the measure. When we tell the Minister that the Board of Trade at Montreal and Canada are not in favour of abrogating

mese laws, are we to be referred to the proceedings of the Legislative As- sembly? are we to alter our fundamental laws, in deference to an assembly

of persons who, unfortunately for this country, have involved that most

important oolony in dismal confusion? The larger portion of Canada asks not the abrogation of these laws, but the restoration of protection. With regard to the West Indies, he defied the Ministry to produce from any of

them any representations in favour of the measure not now disavowed. Then, the representations as to foreign powers, are they to govern us? Where now is the liberal disposition of America, on which so much stress

has been laid? The beautiful picture that was sketched of reciprocal generosity seems little likely to be realized_ Mr. Bancroft's advances seem 10 have been unauthorized; and as the matter now stands, nothing has

passed that ought for a moment to weigh in favour of this measure. As to the plea of the interests of commerce, let commerce speak for itself. Lon- don, Liverpool, Bristol, Newcastle, Hull, Waterford, Belfast, Sunderland, and Glasgow, have expressed their opinions against the Government. What motive for perseverance with this measure is left? It is declared necessary for carrying out the principle of free trade: but that experiment can go on without this, and no time could be more unfit for this further attempt. The Government seemed determined to make agitators and create disaffection. There were such things as an agitation for retrenchment going forward, and wild and reckless attacks were made upon the public interest: there was no need to add to the cauldron—no need to sour and irritate the minds of a numerous class. But let it be hoped that there was wisdom and virtue enough in the House of Commons to arrest this bill and stay the course of experimental and theoretical legishition. If it should be persevered in, the Legislature and the Ministry would become the objects of universal indignation at home and the laughingstock of all the enemies and rivals of Great Britain abroad.

Mr. Alderman THOMPSON seconded the motion. Mr. G. R. ROBINSON followed, with a speech of familiar details, to show that the measure before the House must be injurious to all who depend on the building, equip- ment, and navigation of ships; and Mr. MACOB.EGOR exerted his statistical powers, and comparative knowledge of the laws of different nations, to show that navigation-laws have not at any time been advantageous to the ship- builder or shipowner in whose behalf they have been enacted.

Mr. WALPOLE limited himself to the three broad and intelligible grounds, the historical, the economical, and the national views of the question. The first view showed four great phases—those of restriction, relaxation pro- tection, and reciprocity. Restriction commenced with Richard the Second and ended with Elizabeth: the high authority of Macpherson informs us that Elizabeth's relaxations caused the Hollanders to beat the English merchants. Cromwell saw this, and sagaciously introduced the Colonial and the Navigation systems; which were afterwards conjoined in the cele- brated Navigation Act of Charles the Second. Then commenced protec- tion, and with protection vanished the superiority of the Dutch. At the Restoration, our tonnage was 90,000 tons; it was doubled at the Revolu- tion; again doubled at the accession of the house of Hanover; once more at the beginning of the American war; and at the general peace, when commenced the fourth phase of reciprocity, it amounted to 2,600,000 tons. Reciprocity arose out of the retaliation of the United States; and thus begun, had of necessity been extended to other states. Mr. Walpole was convinced, as well by the masterly statement of Mr. Gladstone made some evenings ago, as by his own researches, that such extension had not been detrimental but advantageous to British interests. If the three decennial periods between 1815, 1825, and 1835, be taken,—namely, the ten years following the peace, the ten years following Mr. Huskisson's alterations, and the ten years following those,—it will be found that the increase in British and Foreign tonnage was equal in the first period, was favourable to British in the second, and was but slightly unfavourable to British in the last. As another test, compare the year 1814-15 with the year 1844-5, and it is seen that British shipping has increased enormously, and somewhat faster than Foreign—British from 1,290,245 to 4,294,733, Foreign from 599,287 to 1,806,282, which is in the ratio of 239 per cent British to 210 per cent Foreign.

He would not dispute that the economical results claimed by the ad- vocates of the measure would be realized Co some extent; but he found that the advantages to the public would not be equivalent to the loss that the shipowner apprehended. The gain on cotton freights would but cheapen a 20s. dress about 1fd.; that on sugar would make it only three-tenths of a farthing per pound cheaper. Compare such a gain with the risk of depreciating the value of an interest which in itself and its connected trades is valued at some 60,000,0001., and which demands an expenditure of some 11,000,0001. in yearly repairs! Upon the national view, Mr. Walpole preferred to err with the Newton of political economy, rather than be deluded by the deceitful lights dexte- rously hung over the shoals of political economy by the President of the Board of Trade.

Instead of accepting the considerations on which the noble Lord at the head of the Government defended a measure which was urged by supporters more eager than himself, he would adopt the liberal sentiments expressed by that noble Lord when he recognized not only the principles but the exceptions of Adam Smith, and observed that "Without going the length of the Venetian proverb ' Pria Ve- neziani.poi Cristiani ' I would say, 'Let us first be Englishmen and then econo- mists: That sentiment was worthy of the noble Lord and of a Minister of the British Crown. Believing that though they might acquire some pecuniary advan- tage, yet that as Englishmen they would suffer in their national interests, he could not accede to an alteration of the law which had been described by the great authority already referred to as "among the wisest of our commercial regulations."

Sir JAMES Gramm characterized the petitions from certain outports as signed by persons highly respectable, but utterly insignificant in point of Maher; and he regarded it as an auspicious omen for the success of this measure, that it had been brought forward by the First Minister of the Crown, that Minister being the representative of the "emporium of the commerce of the world." Mr. Harries had alluded to eminent names ap- Pcoded to a petition from the City of London against the measure, and Sir dames thought he heard the name of Baring-

" I look to the opposite side of the House, and there I see the head of the fa- nulY of Baring, that family which has produced for ages past the first merchants in Europe. I see that gentleman intrusted by her Majesty with the high office pf Presiding over the Navy. I know the character of that right honourable gen- ueman,—a man of great official experience, a man of forethought, a man of firm- of character; and I cannot bring myself for one moment to believe that he would be a party to passing a measure which, on his conscience, he had reason to regard as injurious to that commercial navy to which he mid his name are so much indebted, or that be would be a party to passing such a measure if he thought the naval superiority of this realm, with which he is so immediately and peculiarly connected, were to be endangered." (Cheers.)

It was needless to refer to petitions; he would collect the opinions of the outposts which had been mentioned by the voices of their representa- tives—

"How did the two Members for Liverpool vote? (Loud cheers.) How did the Member for Glasgow vote? (Renewed cheer(ng.) The right honourable gentleman referred to Newcastle: how did the two Members for Newcastle vote on the second reading of this bill? (Continued cheering.) The right honour- able gentleman referred to the commerce of this country: where were we to look for trade and commerce? In the West Riding of Yorlcshire? One of the Re- presentatives is a supporter of the repeal ; the other is just returned from a con- test in the West Riding, and I should be happy to hear how he declares the opi- nion of his constituents on the subject. Thus, the opinions of the great empo- riums of commerce are seen to be decisively pronounced on this matter."

Sir James adopted the convenient division of the subject observed in . Mr. Walpole's speech,—a speech so worthy of the author's name, and de- livered in a tone and temper 80 calculated to win the favourable considera-

tion of the House. He did not subscribe to Mr. Walpole's historic expla- nations, but traced the origin of the Navigation-laws to that long-exploded policy named by economists the Mercantile system; a system that con- sidered commerce a struggle among nations as to which should attract to themselves the largest portion of the precious metals, and considered the means of arriving at that end to be, that what each nation gained could be only gained by putting an equivalent loss on others. Roger Coke showed, in 1670, that the passing of the Navigation-laws drove English ships out of the Russian and Greenland trade: Sir Joshua Child, while defending those laws in 1691, admitted that their effect was to destroy our Baltic trade and injure our general trade; and Sir Matthew Decker, in 1756, declared that they had produced effects the very opposite to those they aimed at—had diminished our tonnage and the number of our sea- men. Then came " the Newton of political economy" with his declara- tion that the Navigation-laws are inimical to commerce, and to that opu- lence which commerce generates. Than followed the relaxations of which Mr. Walpole approved; which, considering the long duration and extreme error of the Corn-laws, he thought wise and politic. But in the abstract he attached no value to the principle of reciprocity or retaliation—which is but reciprocity in another shape; for retaliation appears only to be this, that should some foreign nation do that which is more injurious to herself than to us, we must, in a spirit of blind vindictive passion, do that which would be more hurtful to us than to our rival. If he believed that either reciprocity or retaliation was to be the general rule, he would say, leave the Navigation-laws as they are. He believed the clause containing the principle of retaliation is to be applied only in case of extreme necessity: were it otherwise, that clause would in his mind be fatal to the measure.

"I am prepared to give my support to this bill, because on the whole I am satisfied, that, without having recourse to either reciprocity or retaliation—look- ing to the character of the people of this country—to their capital—to their un- daunted courage on that which may almost be said tobe their natural element, the sea—to their skill and enterprise as sailors—to the advantages which they have possessed in the race already run, and to the start they have in that which they are about to commence with their rivals throughout the civilized world—a mea- sure which adds to the general commerce of the world must have the effect of in- creasing that of England, and that the lion's share of remuneration will fall to our lot." (Cheers.) He could not regard the communications from Foreign powers with the same indifference displayed by Mr. ferries. Prussia distinctly intimates, that if we do not further relax, all our own rigour will be retaliated on us; Austria says that she will no longer submit to our restrictions; Russia warns us, that on the approaching expiration of our treaty, we- must not expect our present favourable terms; the Zollverein corre- spondence raises well-grounded apprehensions, unless we change our policy. With regard to the United States, no treaty whatever is wanted; for a law exists in that country which distinctly declares, that, with the exception of her coasting trade—which is a question no longer in issue between us— every privilege granted to American shipping by a foreign nation would be conceded to the shipping of that nation by the United States.

The remaining question is, will repeal of the Navigation-laws be inju- rious to our commercial marine? Sir James assented fully to the two principles laid down by Mr. Gladstone, that commerce is the foundation of a marine, and that ships do not make commerce but follow it. What ef- fects, then, would follow from the passing of this bill? "I believe that the first effect will be a lowering of freights; that will imme- diately lead to an increase of exports and imports; that again will stimulate trade; a flourishing trade will increase consumption; and with trade stimulated and con- sumption increased, the inevitable consequence will be a considerable augmenta- tion of the number both of seamen and ships employed." It may be said that the augmentation will not be in favour of British shipping: but what does the past teach? What ships were those which imported the corn admitted under the suspension of the Navigation-laws in 1846, for the relief of a portion of the empire suffering under famine? They were not exclusively those of the countries from which the corn came—Prussian, Russian, or American—but in the largest proportion British.

Glancing at the effects of the laws in enhancing the price of foreign raw materials, and so restricting the field of home industry, Sir James adverted to their effects on our Colonies. He would first meet Mr. ferries on a matter of fact: he says the Colonies have not remonstrated generally— "Now," said Sir James," I think Antigua has remonstrated; I think Ceylon has remonstrated; I am quite sure Trinidad has remonstrated, by Lord Harris once, and with reasons so cogent, that even my right honourable friend could not overlook them. Jamaica, a year or two ago, remonstrated in the strongest man- ner: what has since occurred, as I am not in the official secrets, I do not know; but Jamaica, in 1847, did remonstrate in the strongest manner against our Na- vigation-laws, and said that the only compensation that could be given to them for our admitting slave-labour sugar to our markets, upon anything like equality of terms, would be found in giving them every facility of low rates for sending their produce to this country. But, after all, this is only secondary to the case of Canada. Now I may be wrong, but looking at the circumstances of the present moment, to which my right honourable friend more immediately referred, 1 have the strongest conviction, that unless you go back upon your policy with respect to the Corn-laws, and impose a protecting duty on Foreign corn as distinguished from the crops of Canada—unless you take that step and go back on that policy, if you maintain your Navigation-laws, the loss of Canada. to this. country 18 in- evitable. I speak on no slight authority. I quote an opinion which will be re- ceived with affectionate respect—that of Lord Ashburton as Mr. Alexander Ba-

ring, delivered in 1826, in debate on Mr. Haskis son's policy. This was Mr. Ba-

ring'a solemn warning— With reference to our Colonial system, he would say of our North American Colo- nies, that their situation was such that It was not possible to preserve them but by giving them all the advantages of a free trade and attaching them to us by acts of kindness and liberality. If, therefore, it was desirable to preserve them, the system on which the right honourable genUmnan had acted was necessary. Since the American war, those colonies felt their own power and knew their own Interest; and it was not pos- sible to retain them by violence or subject their trade to unnecessary restraints."

If true at that time, how much more irresistible is the truth of this warn- ing now! Sir James was convinced, that, having placed the produce of the North American Colonies in the British market upon terms of equality with American produce, if you do not place the means of transport on terms equally advantageous, they will avail themselves fatally of whatever power to resist they may possess.

He touched on the point maintained by Mr. Macgregor, that the present laws are not conducive to the advancement of the shipping interest; and added to the numerous evidences that we are able to share largely in the shipping trade of those countries which can build and man ships cheaper than we can. Reminding the shipowner of the extension given to his field of exertion by the alterations in our tariff, and of his advantages through the diminished cost of his crew's sustenance, Sir James said that a change could not be made at a more fitting time than the present.

• In conclusion, he dealt with the political part of the subject. Constant reference has been made to the recent changes in our commercial policy: those changes have been declared fatal to the agricultural, the commercial, and the industrial interests. That being the opinion of a powerful party, "I cannot comprehend why they lose a moment in bringing that question distinctly before the Legislature, to take the opinion of the House upon it. Being convinced that it is erroneous—that it is right to retrace our steps— why this hesitation? why this delay?" On the first evening of the session, his noble friend Lord Stanley, with characteristic frankness and boldness, combated Sir Robert Peel's application of the quotation " vestigia nulls re- trorsum " to the Navigation-laws and to free trade itself. Lord Stanley's words were-

" My noble and learned friend professes himself to be still the advocate of free trade ; and with equal frankness I avow that, whilst I do not advocate any unne- cessary restrictions on commerce, I am the uncompromising enemy of the mis- called, one-sided, bastard free trade, which has been introduced by the Govern- ment for the benefit of foreigners and to the detriment of British subjects; and I declare myself to be the uncompromising advocate of the old, just, and equitable principle which gave necessary protection, not monopoly, to the labourers and producers of this country, and to our fellow countrymen, wherever they were to be found throughout the world." (The reading of this extract was vehemently cheered by the Protectionists.)

Sir James Graham resumed his own speech-

" That is my noble friend's manly declaration; and I say, with equal frankness and equal boldness, that this measure you are now discussing is, in my opinion, the capital necessary to crown the work we have already done. (Ironical cheers from the Protection party, followed by a burst of counter-cheers from the Free- trade Members.) I say that without it, what we have done is imperfect ; that with it, what we have achieved will not easily be undone. (Cheers.) Here, there- fore, issue is joined. I say that issue is fairly joined on this point, and I regard it as the battle-field on which the struggle must take place between reaction and A progress. (Great cheering from both sides.) I am now dealing with the poli- tical part of the question; and all the economical and historical parts of it are, to my apprehension, in the present juncture light as dust in the balance. I have calmly and deliberately reflected on the part I have borne in the changes which have recently taken place; and, so far from regretting that part, I may state my conviction, that I believe—firmly believe—that the peace and tranquillity of this country, and the safety of our institutions in the year which has just passed—are mainly to be ascribed to those measures to which I have alluded. (Cheers.) And I think that the attempt to go back upon them—to return to prohibitory duties, or, under the guise of duties of import, to lay on duties really of pro- tection, enhancing the price of corn and of articles of the first necessity consumed by the great body of the people—would be a dangerous experiment, and one lead- ing, as I think, to convulsion and the most fatal consequences. (Cheers.) At all events, my part is taken. I take my stand here. I am opposed to reaction. I am favourable to progress tempered by prudence and discretion. It is upon these grounds I give my cordial support to the third reading of the bill; and I am most anxious that it should, without any unnecessary delay, become the law of the land." (Great and continued cheering.)

Mr. THOMAS BARING felt a difficulty in giving a silent vote after the speech of Sir James Graham. Admitting the general principle that re- striction is an injury to trade, he thought the mode of our recent changes evinced a blundering carelessness throughout. He deprecated further changes, till the effects of those already made were more certain. If they had committed error in their commercial policy, still they might retrieve their error by immediate change; but if they committed themselves to a policy which would have the effect of reducing the commercial marine, and of reducing the royal navy—if they committed themselves by one measure to these and other consequences, they were consequences from which they could find no salvation in Parliament.

Lord Joint RUSSELL felt conscious that the whole argument in favour of the bill had been exhausted by the matchless speech of Sir James Gra- ham. After going over some of the same ground, Lord John concentrated himself particularly on the topic of reaction which Sir James Graham had started- " He has quoted a statement of a noble Lord, that with respect to protection we ought to retrace our steps. We know very well that this is not only a declara- tion of a person of high authority, and in a commanding position, but that in many parts of the country a cry has been raised by certain chases for the renewal of protection—not on any trifling article, not on any imported goods in regard to which the great mass of the people of the country can be indifferent, but they have asked at once for the renewal of the duty on the importation of food. Now, I beg honourable Members of this House to consider what would be the probable

consequences of any attempt of that nature You will have the great mass of the people discontented, who are now quiet and contented—(Ironical cheers from the Protectionist benches)—who are, I again repeat it, now quiet and contented, and who silently rejoice that they are enabled, with regard to articles both of their necessary food and of those slight comforts which they are enabled to purchase, to purchase them at a lower rate than perhaps has been the caseduring the memory of man in this country—during the memory, I mean, of any one now liv- ing. Those who are rejoicing in this state of things, if you proclaim ion are about again to impose a tax upon the importation of corn, would be agitated by the fear of the sufferings they may have to endure, of the scarcity which by your legisla- tion yon might attempt to expose them to. And where, let me ask, would be the Iseneht ? Wany of the farmers and agriculturists are asking for a duty upon corn. duty upon corn, an advantage no doubt would be gained to the tective duty, effective in the opinion of the farmers, would not be yti.`s:*X d they would be as much dissatisfied as they now are. But if

you were to lay on a high duty, does any one imagine you could retain it? Dee; any one believe, in the present state of this country, that anything like a high duty upon corn, even if you obtained a Parliament with four to one in its favour and it passed the House of Lords without a dissentient voice—do you believe thai such a law could be maintained. Then, Sir, I ask, do not, by the rejection of this

bill, give a signal for fresh and renewed agitation upon the subject. „

ask you not to refuse a reform which is pointed out by reason, which is the result of inquiry, which is in conformity with the principles which Parliament has al- ready deliberately adopted. I tell you, if, upon the other hand, you are about to

pursue a course of reaction—if you induce men to think that you doubt those prjn. ciples which you have already adopted, and that the shipping interest is not to be

left alone as the sole protected interest of this country, but that you are about, in favour of other interests, to restore that vicious system,—I say, then, you will be giving the signal to agitation of which indeed you may be proud of having mn. menced the operations, but of which you will not see the end without the deepest regret and sorrow." (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI seized Sir James Graham's illustration—that the motion before the House was the capital to be placed on the column that they had

been so long raising; commented on its rhetorical aptitude; and inferred from it that this great measure has been brought forward to round a theory. Our historical code is to be abolished, not on any popular demand, nor

from a general feeling of any great national inconvenience, but to complete a great experiment! A practical people requires that this plan, based on a theory, should be supported by a case. The Colonial case rests wholly OII Canada- " We have been informed by a very high authority on this subject tonight, thati if the 5s. duty is not given back to the Canadians, n all probability Canada will

cease to belong to the British Crown. Why, that was a grave responsibility, (ac.

cording to this statement,) resting on those who counselled you to disturb the arrangement you had made respecting the importation of Canadian corn. Asa

it is impossible that any one can believe, and still less did I expect that the right

honourable gentleman the Member for Ripon would have believed, that any pan7 change in the Navigation-laws can reconcile the people of Canada to your role, if

they feel that the taking away of that protection to their industry has, in fact, virtually dissolved every tie that bound them to you. It is well that the people of England should know tomorrow that solemn opinion of one of the greatest and gravest of public men; it is well that they should know tomorrow that they must be prepared for a rebellion in Canada, and that they must be prepared to lase that proud possession of the Crown, and mainly because the people of Canada have been deprived of that jest protection to their colonial interest which they have a right to expect. But I cannot conceive that the people of England can form any opinion on this subject other than to say, Wo to the statesman who plucked that jewel from the crown of England!' I cannot believe that they CAD for a moment suppose that the coming forward to offer to the Canadians some shuffling change in the navigation code of England, can be any compensation to the people of Canada."

The whole case for the measure was factitious, and had melted away under discussion and the influence of time and truth. Sir James Graham had given a political turn to the debate- " It appears that it was not merely the fate of the Government that exists, but of a Government that might possibly exist but does not exist, that seemed to ani- mate the advocacy of the right honourable gentleman. He has told us, that he considered himself as standing between reaction and progress; and that having to choose one, he decides in favour of progress. But progress to what? Progress to Paradise, or progress to the Devil? The people of England do not wish any longer to hear about this windy phrase of' progress.' They want to know where they are progressing to. ("Hear, hear, hear!) They want to know what you are at, what

you mean to accomplish; and then they will calmly weigh what you state, and will conclude that what they possess is more than your promises can obtain. With the

disciples of progress we have arrived at that point. We want to know what you ars after. The Manchester school of men frankly tell us whit they are after. They tell us that they will destroy the Church; that they will destroy the landed tenure; that they will completely change the election law, and do many other things which may be perilous or fatal to this country; but, at least, from them we know what we are to expect. In their ease we deal with manly foes, and I trust in God we shall defeat them. (Cheers.) But dilettanti disciples of pro- gress are very dangerous opponents. And here I mast express my regret that one so eminently practical as the right honourable gentleman is determined to take his stand where he is, because it requires no gift of prophecy to announce at this moment that where he is he is likely to remain." (Laughter.)

Mr. CAMPBELL and Mr. MOFFATT made ineffectual efforts to speak; and the former moved the adjournment of the debate, but did not insist

upon it. The House divided; and the third reading was carried by 275 to 214—majority for Ministers, 61. Mr. WAwN moved the addition of a rider respecting pilotage; which was negatived without division. The bill was then passed.

BRAZIL SLAVE-TRADE.

In bringing forward his motion on the subject of our relations with Brazil, Mr. AilLIIER GIBSON said that he was animated by no spirit of at- tack or hostility against the Foreign Office; as he felt in all sincerity, that the unsatisfactory state of our relations with Brazil is solely traceable to the intervention of the British Legislature in passing the Act 9 and 10 Victoria, cap. 22, which had roused the indignation of the Brazilian Go- vernment, and driven it to cancel the treaties giving protection to British subjects. He cited the history of our treaty engagements with Brazil on this question. In 1826, Brazil made a convention with the Government of the United Kingdom, containing several articles. The first, the only one which has not expired, was a general and permanent declaration to the effect that after a certain time named, (the 13th March 1830,) it should be unlawful for any Brazilian subject to carry on the slave-trade, and that carrying on that trade under any form or pretext should be treated as piracy. What is the true construction of this article? For a series of years our own diplomatic construction was this—that the Brazilian Go- vernment had made an "engagement," as Lord Palmerston said, to induce its Legislature to pass a "law" rendering it illegal for its subjects to en- gage in the trade, and to give the force of a municipal law to the engage- ment that the carrying on of the trade should be deemed piracy. But in 1845, Lord Aberdeen adopted a totally new construction: he said that by this engagement Brazil gave the right to the Queen of England to capture Brazilian slavers and treat them as pirates amenable to British law. . NOW the mere declaration of the Brazilian Minister—who afterwards lost his place—could not make his countrymen pirates; the declarations of &treaty could not enact a criminal law. Yet the act which we passed in 1845 was to the effect that Brazilian slave-traders should be tried by all like rules applicable to British slave-traders; should be bound by the Bri- tish Acts 5 George IV, 11 George IV, 1 and 2 Victoria, and 4 and 5.Victoria! Even if by a strict interpretation of international law they could strain it so as to justify their course of proceeding, it was in itself so inefficient, and so ill calculated to effect the object in view, that the sooner it was aban-

doned the better. When the act was passed by Parliament, Lord Aber- deen declared that he brought it forward with great reluctance and would be ready to repeal it the moment the Brazilian Government evinced the lightest disposition to join in a real and friendly cooperation to abolish the

slave-trade. Since that promise, the Brazilian Government had proposed each a treaty as Lord Aberdeen would have accepted if completed and ra- tified. But on Lord Palmerston's accession to office in 1846, he did not approve of the treaty of which Lord Aberdeen had approved. In June 1847, he sent a draft treaty to Lord Howden, and a letter of instructions as to the language he should hold to the Brazilian Government. The draft was similar to that proposed and accepted by Portugal in 1842; and Lord Howden was not to change one word. His language was to be—that the British Government deemed itself justified in passing the act of 1845, and desired no substitute for its sufficient provisions; but as the Imperial Government objected to it, her Majesty's Ministers would accept the draft treaty in exchange for it. Mr. Gibson thought such instructions not cal- culated to be successful in restoring the cordial coiiperation so desirable between the two countries.

In conclusion, Mr. Gibson referred to the decision of the point of law re-

asmed by the Judge at the trial of the Brazilian slavers in Exeter, the Queen sargi8 Serva: the slavers had been captured and given in charge to a British officer; they rose against him, slew him, and liberated themselves: at the trial, the Judge held that the prisoners had been properly captured as pirates, .and that their crime in killing their captors was murder; but all the Judges in the Court of Error, with the exception of Lord Denman and Baron Platt, held that the men were justified in freeing themselves, and had been illegally convicted of murder.

Sir FREDERICK THESIGER declared that Mr. Gibson had fallen into

errors. The act of 1845 did not give power to the courts of this country to deal with the persons of Brazilian subjects, but only with vessels and cargoes. In the case of the Queen versus Serve, there being no slaves on board the Felicidade; there was no right of seizure given by the treaty; and the only question was, whether the Felicidade was in the lawful pos- session of the captors, in which case she would have been within the juris- diction of the British Government. He contended, that when a sovereign entered into a treaty, it was not necessary to consider what was the muni- cipal law of the state which he represented; it was a binding treaty, which might be enforced. The treaty of 1826 placed this country in a position in which it was entitled to legislate on the subject, and to substitute for the Mixed Commission Courts other tribunals which might enforce the per- formance of that treaty. Lord PALMERSTON replied to arguments founded on what seemed to him to be a jumble of ideas arising from a confusion between international piracy and conventional piracy. Slave-trading is not piracy by the law of nations; but it may be made so by convention—

In this case, two countries, Great Britain and Brazil, had agreed that it should

be deemed to be piracy; and that convention gave to both parties to the treaty the right of treating as pirates Brazilian or British subjects engaged in the slave- trade. So long as Brazil was content to allow the Portuguese treaty to be ap- plicable to her ships and subjects, there was no objection; but when, in conse- quence of the interpretation which Brazil put upon the Portuguese convention, the Portuguese convention was held to have ceased, and all the machinery of the Mixed Commission and other arrangements have ceased also, then the late Go- vernment was justified in proposing to Parliament, and Parliament was justified in adopting upon their recommendation, the act by which slave-dealing, when committed by Brazilian subjects, was brought under the cognizance of British tribunals.

He held the existing act to be perfectly borne out by the treaty of 1826; and he was convinced that if it were abolished, the question would be at once solved whether the slave-trade should be allowed to revive.

He corrected Mr. Gibson as to his supposition that a treaty had been

proposed by Brazil of which Lord Aberdeen had approved. The statement was new to him. ("Hear, hear!" from Sir Robert Peet) In February 1846, a draft had been communicated, of a treaty drawn by a Government not then in office; but it was not officially proposed by the Brazilian Mi- nister. The conditions proposed by Lord Palmerston in return were not accepted, and the Brazilian Government intimated their intention to send a counter-project. The counter-project has not been received. A com- munication was made by the Brazilian Minister some time ago, that he ex- pected to be able to make an official communication; but as yet none had been received.

Mr. Gibson's motion was supported by Mr. URQUHART, Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. CHISHOLM ANSTEY Mr. HUME, Mr. PAGE WOOD, Mr. COBDEN, and Colonel THomrsoff; and opposed by Sir EDWARD BUXTON, Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, Sir ROBERT PEEL, and Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER. On a divi- sion, it was negatived by 137 to 34.

THE RIVER PLATE.

The Earl of HARROWBY moved for copies of extracts of all instructions given to her Majesty's envoys in the River Plate for their guidance in the intervention of Great Britain for the pacification of affairs in that river since the time when the instructions were first given to Mr. Ouseley. He supported his motion by a rapid sketch of the three formal missions and two irregular communications which have occurred since the frank expla- nation of affairs given by Lord Aberdeen in 1846. At present, Mr. Southern is the envoy sent by the British Government for the management of the negotiations; and all that is known of his proceedings is, that as yet he has not been admitted officially to the presence of President Roses; but the latter has nevertheless taken the occasion of his presence in Buenos Ayres to hold language in his Parliament of such insult to the Ministers and the Crown of England as no foreign power had ever ventured on be- fore. This was all that was officially known, but Lord Harrowby stated that negotiations were not really pending; they had terminated, and he was sorry to say unsuccessfully: the two most powerful Governments in the world had proclaimed that they would put an end to the war in the Banda Oriental, but General Roses had defeated that intention. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE declined to accede to the motion. The negotia- tions, with some modifications, are still proceeding, and are now assuming a very promising aspect.—Motion withdrawn.

ELECTION BRIBERY.

The motion of Sir JOKE PAKINGTON, to go into Committee on the Bri- bery at Elections Bill, was opposed by Colonel SInTnonr, with an amend- ment to postpone the Committee for six months; but, on a remark by Sir GEORGE GREY in favour of the Committee, and on the intercession of friends, he withdrew his motion, and the House went into Committee. On clause 1, Mr. VERNON Slum moved an amendment, to omit the words " that every person ": he had great repugnance to the declaration proposed to be administered to Members at the table of the House, and thought the clause should be expunged. Lord Manox spoke at considerable length against declarations: after much research and thought, he had concluded that they are inefficacious to restrain the unscrupulous, and injurious in their bearing upon the scrupulous. Sir GEORGE GREY, Sir ROBERT PEEL, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL, concurred generally in this view, and opposed the clause. Mr. HUME, amidst laughter, quoted experience in favour of the ballot and an extended suffrage, as the only remedy—he meant Conti- nental experience. The clause was supported by Sir FREDERICK TEES! GEE, Mr. NEWDEGATE, and Mr. BROTHERTON. Ultimately it was nega- tived, by 146 to 54. Sir JOHN PAKINGTON said that several clauses hung immediately on this one, but with others he still wished to persevere; and, at his request for time to consider what step he should take, the Chairman reported progress.

SUNDAY TRAVELLING ON RAILWAYS.

The second reading of the bill for regulating Sunday travelling was moved by Mr. LOCKE, with a speech developing in detail the incon- venience and hardship of the present restrictions placed by some Scotch railway companies on passenger-travelling on Sundays. His bill proposed only to enact that the directors of railways should be obliged to attach passenger-carriages to the mail-trains which already run on a Sunday. This would cause but little additional employment, and a great deal of la- bour occasioned by the want of railway accommodation would be saved. He illustrated this by examples.

On Easter Sunday, he counted the vehicles attending four kirks or meeting- houses in Lothian Road, Edinburgh: there were 31 private carriages, 13 one- horse carriages, and 149 public cabs; while only five cabs were required for the Caledonian train which arrived at the same time from the South. A Member of the House, posting to Dumfries to vote on Monday evening, was disappointed of a train, and obliged to take post-horses. The postillion wished him good speed to oppose "this wicked bill"; and when asked why, he answered, "Sunday was the only day they had any work at all." (Laughter.) The excessive amount of petty crime in the great cities of Scotland is mainly due to the want of Sunday ocen- pation, which is reduced to setting.

Mr. COWAN led on a strenuous opposition to the bill. Referring to the numerous petitions against the measure, and denouncing the violation of the national feelings which it would cause, he moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Ministers and other Members conceded to the prevalent feeling in Scotland. The bill was supported, among others, by Mr. HEALD and Mr. ?ETC, both distinguished for their zeal in diffusing religion. On a division, the amendment was carried, by 131 to 122—majority against the second reading, 9: the bill was therefore lost.

THANKS TO THE INDUN ARMY.

The thanks of the House of Lords to the Governor-General of India, the Commander-in-chief, officers, and men of the army of the Punjanb, for the services lately rendered by them, were moved by the Marquis of Lasts- DOWNE, in a speech of recapitulation and eulogy.

He narrated the remodelling of the Moulton Government ; the ousting of Mool- raj, Dewan of Moulton; the perfidious murder of Mr. Vans Agnew and Mr. Anderson; Moolrays openly taking the lead of the rebel movement, and the spread of the insurrection throughout the Punjanb, hordes pouring forth to contest the power of the East India Company. By the zealous efforts of the Governor-Gene- ral, a great army was brought to the scene of action. Then followed a succession of murderous and desperate conflicts, which exhibited in a striking point of view the courage of the British army. At the end of these, in February last, there arrived a period at which Lord Gough felt himself in a situation to attack the united forces of the enemy. "I say, the united forces of the enemy; because it is a remarkable characteristic of the conflict which took place, that, for the first time in the history of India, there were brought into action and concert together the two most warlike nations of that country, the Sikhs and the Affghans--people professing a different faith, but both remarkable for having attained the greatest discipline which has ever been acquired by the troops of any Native Government, and which was obtained by the instruction which they derived for many years from the assistance and control of European officers." Against the united army, of about 60,000 men and 59 pieces of cannon, Lord Gough led an army of 25,000 men and 100 pieces of cannon. The battle of Goojerat resulted in the total rout and destruction of the rebellious army, and the complete dispersion of that cloud which threatened not many months ago the future tranquillity of India. Our success was not confined to the field of Goojemt. Moultan—a place strong in position, strong by nature, and under the command of a most able chief—was subjected to a siege, the conduct of which reflected the highest honour on the British army before it, and more especially on the Artillery, for the great skill and science which they displayed. Not fewer than 26,000 shells were thrown into this place before it surrendered to General Width. Eight or nine months after the barbarous transactions by which Mr. Agnew and Mr. Anderson were foully bereft of life, were seen the bodies of those brave men exhumed from the grave into which they had been thrown, and carried with military honours through the breach formed by the gallantry of the English army in the walls of Moulton, to receive a Christian burial in the citadel of that fortress,—a token of the vengeance required by British honour for the injury done to it in the persons of these un- fortunate gentlemen. Every one must have been struck with the effects of the Indian wars in eliciting not only in commanders, in generals, and in leaders, but in subaltern officers, qualities of the greatest possible value—qualities not called forth in the same amount or in the same degree, perhaps, in any other service. "These subalterns are sent out of this country at a very early age, and are not unfrequently called upon to exercise their judgment and abilities when detached from the authority of others, and compelled to act in a great degree for themselves—compelled to use their own discretion, not merely in exposing their lives and those of their followers—not merely in the exercise of that military discipline and authority' which it is to be hoped every British officer has learned to exercise but also in dealing with the passions, the prejudices, and the feelings of populations with whom they cannot have before been familiar." One name was already familar to their Lordships—that of Major Edwardes, who about nine years ago was a mere boy in India. It is only eight years since he received his appoint- ment; he was in the year after appointed aide-de-camp to Lord Gough, whom he assisted in every action since his appointment in India, and in one of which he was wounded. That officer having, then, been recently appointed assistant in the management of the country in the neighbourhood of Moultan, and finding him- self at the head of a single Native regiment, conceived the design of driving bRolraj into his fortress, and rescuing the whole of the country round Moultan from his grasp. He effected it, and he effected it without the assistance of a sin- gle European force. Such was his character—such was the confidence which he had inspired among the Natives—such was the revenue that he raised at the moment in this very country that he was rescuing from the grasp of the treache- rous Moolraj—that he was enabled to unite a very considerable force, that force entirely Native, composed entirely of new levies; he was enabled to pay those levies, to arm them, and to drive back that chief within the very walls of that 'mimes from which he had issued to obtain possession of the surrounding country. He did so, after defeating him in successive actions, in every one of which Lieu- tenant Edwardes was himself personally engaged, inspiring confidence among the troops by his exertions, in more than one instance actually seizing the gun with his own hand, and by his uniform good conduct and ability commanding the affections and the respect of the Natives who followed in his army. Such conduct deserved the warmest approbation of the country.

There were others also deserving of similar approbation; in particular, Lieu- tenant Abbot, Lieutenant Lake, and Lieutenant Herbert. Lieutenant Herbert was left entirely detached in the command of an important fortress, Attack, with none but Native troops with him. Against a greatly superior force, that officer for months maintained possession of that fortress.

"In properly estimating the value of such services, we are laying the foundation of future prosperity for our empire. It is upon the formation of such characters, sent from this country at an early age, acquiring, as those officers have acquired in that service, the first elements and knowledge of their profession, that the fu- ture hopes of this country must be formed with respect to the success of our In- dian empire and the command of that great kingdom which Providence has, in its mercy, Placed under our protection."

Lord Lansdowne moved the following resolutions-

" That the thanks of their Lordships' House be given to the Right Honourable the Earl of Dalhousie, Knight of the most honourable order of the Thistle, Governor- -General of India, Mr the zeal and ability with which the resources of the British empire in the East Indite have been applied to the support of the military operations in the Puolanb: to General the Right Honourable Lord Gough, Knight Grand Cross of the most honourable military order of the Bath. Commander-In-chief of the Forces In India, for the conspicuous Intrepidity displayed by him during the recent operations in the Iffinjanb, and especially for his conduct on the 21st February 1849, le the battle of GoOjerat, when the British army obtained a brilliant and decisive victory : to Major- General Sir Joseph Tbackwell, Knight Commander of the most honourable military order of the Bash; to Major-General Sir Walter Raleigh Gilbert, Knight Commander of the most honourable military order of the Bath ; to Major-General William Samson Whish, Companion of the most honourable military order of the Bath ; and to Briga- dier-Generals the Honourable Henry Dundee, Companion of the most honourable mili- tary order of the Bath ; Colin Campbell, Companion of the most honourable military order of the Bath; Hugh Massey Wheeler, Companion of the most honourable military order of the Bath ; and James Tennant, and to the several officers, European and Native, under their command, for the Indefatigable zeal and exertions exhibited by them throughout the recent campaign; to the non-commissioned officers and private withers, European and Native, for the service rendered to the British empire, by the signal overthrow of the numerous enemies combined in arms against them ; and that the opinion of this House be signified to them by the commanders of the several corps to Major-General William Samson Whist', Companion of the most honourable military order of the Bath, for his eminent services in conducting to a successful issue the siege or the city and fort of Moultan: to the several officers, European and Native, under the command of Major-General Whisk, and to tbe officers of the Indian Navy em- ployed upon that occasion, for their gallant conduct during the siege of bloultan : to the non-commitutioned officers and private soldiers and seamen, European and Native, for The bravery and fortitude manifested by them during the siege of Moulton.

" That these resolutions be transmitted by the Lord Chancellor to the Governor- General of India; and that he be requested to communicate the same to the several officers referred to therein."

Lord STANLEY briefly interposed, and, with language of emphatic grati- tude, suggested that the words " nemine contradicente" be added to the resolutions: which was done.

The Earl of GAILOWA.Y called upon the Ministers and Bishops to advise the Sovereign to appoint a day of general thanksgiving for the great mer- 6es vouchsafed to this country, accompanied by a deep acknowledgment of its natural unworthiness.

This was set aside by the Duke of Witmareorori, as not exactly the ob- ject of their Lordships' discussion on that occasion; at the proper time, if such a proposition were made, he had no doubt their Lordships would take it under their consideration; but the object for which they had been sum- moned that day was to take into consideration the propriety of voting their thanks to the army which had brought so much honour to this country by its late achievements. He entirely concurred in the approbation expressed.

The Duke reviewed in detail the progress of the treachery and rebellion against us, and of our preparations against these, down to the march of the Bombay di- vision to reinforce General Whish's besieging army at Moultan. "A force was sent from Bombay to Moultan; and arrived there, under the command of Briga- dier-General Henry Dundee, on the 26th of September. On the very next day, the citadel of Moultan was attacked by General Whish, with the assistance of the force from Bombay, under Brigadier-General Dundee; and those Bombay troops carried some of the works of Moulton, and took possession of parts of the town. I mention this circumstance, my Lords, in order to induce your Lordships to vote to Brigadier- General Dimdas your thanks for the capture of Moultan, and also to vote your thanks to the troops under his command. These troops were marched to Moultan at tbe very worst period of the year; but still they arrived in such an effective state as to be put into line to make the attack on the following mom- lag. I say, my Lords, that this is creditable to Brigadier-General Dundas, and to the troops he commanded during those operations." The siege proceeded; and Lord Gough formed a corps to cover and protect the siege operations, and keep the country in tranquillity; and at the head of this corps Lord Gough had occa- sion to fight the two brilliant actions to which Lord Lansdowne had adverted, and which he fought with uniform success. "The loss which we have sustained in those actions has been spoken of; but, my Lords, when it is recollected that Moultan was taken without loss, that it was surrendered upon capitulation when the breaches were made, and the storming party was prepared to mount those breaches—when I tell you that this place fell into the hands of our army without loss—I think we may set it down that, on the whole, our successes have been ef- fected with as small a loss as could be expected under any circumstances." (" Bear, hear! ") After the fall of Moulton the army engaged set forward to join Lord Cough's army. "They made forcamarches, and joined at the vegmoment at which the junction became most important. The last troops had joined on the very day previous to that on which the battle was to be fought, and on the very following morning they were again in a state to be able to take their station in line against the enemy in the battle which was fought on the 21st of February. My Lords, I cannot but think that General Which, and the officers who assisted him on that occasion, are worthy of your Lordships' commendation." (Cheers.) He had received a report of the result of inquiry made respecting the cir- cumstances under which some censure was passed on the Fourteenth Regiment of Dragoons. "This corps of cavalry had been planted over the country, which was much broken by ravines,. and by rough jungles, which rendered it impossible for the troops to move in their usual regular order. It happened that the officer commanding the brigade of which this corps formed part had been wounded in the head during the advance, and was obliged to quit the field ; and the next in command to him being at a distance, was not aware that his commanding-officer had been obliged to withdraw from the field. Under those circumstances, the word of command was given by, some person not authorized, of whom no trace can be found; and some cceifuston occurred, which, under the circumstances of the ground, could not be easily remedied, but was remedied at last; and the corps got into order, and has since performed its duty as I have seen it perform its duty on other occasions. ("Bear, heart") It happened that a movement in retreat was made instead of a movement in advance; and I imagine that it was owing to one of those accidents which mast happen occasionally: but that corps is now perfectly worthy of confidence, and has been since worthy of it."

The Duke cordially concurred in the approbation expressed of the conduct of

Major Edwardes and other officers. " Those officers were employed at Lahore to assist the Native officers in the levying of certain inhabitants of the country, and of certain disbanded soldiers of the late Sikh army, in order to aid in the defence of the Rajah's Government, and to preserve tranquillity, if possible, in the country. I must say this, that the duty was not only performed with advantage to the pub- lic, and in a manner creditable to themselves, but they have immortalized them- selves by their conduct; and it is impossible to speak too highly of Major Ed- wardes and the other gentlemen who have been engaged in those transactions." (Chem.) Lastly, the Duke wished to draw attention particularly to a corps mentioned by Lord Stanley—the Scinde Horse. " In Scinde, and ender the superintendence of my gallant friend who has been lately sent by the East India Company to com- mand its army, that corps was formed; it has been raised but a few years, and yet in those great battles, when opposed to cavalry by no means to be despised, they distinguished themselves highly. These are the circumstances in which your officers are placed in those countries. They are under the necessity of train- ing the natives to arms, and of disciplining them in the European manner, con- trary to their manners, their customs, and their prejudices. They have to bring them to that pitch of discipline, and to make them feel such confidence in them as their officers that they will follow them anywhere, even to the cannon's mouth. This Scinde Horse affirds a remarkable instance of their success. I was aware that that corps had performed most important services under Sir Charles Napier in Scinde; but I was not aware, until I saw the accounts of those transactions, that they could be so confidently relied upon in attacking such a formidable cavalry as the Sikhs and Afrgbans." (Cheers.) The Duke of RICHMOND offered his hearty congratulations to Lord Gough, and especially to that splendid artillery to which he sofradkly and liberally ascribed the chief instrumentality in obtaining one of his best and most splendid triumphs.

Eighteen-pounders were then seen manceuvering with the celerity of field- guns. " Two elephants were harnessed to each eighteen-pounder, and they car- ried the guns with the greatest facility over every ground without any assistance. That practice was first resorted to in the campaign of 1846, when the heavy guns were brought up 360 miles, and were carried on every occasion without any trouble; and he believed that had never before been seen in India." He paid a tribute to the memory of Colonel Cureton, who had served for many years as a private soldier in the Fourteenth Dragoons. It was his (the Duke of Richmond's) good fortune to know him during the Peninsular war as a non-commissioned officer, and to have witnessed his zeal and steadiness, by which he had raised himself up to one of the highest stations in the army engaged in the Indian campaign. Ere felt that Colonel Cureton's example should be held up to the private soldiers of the British Army, to show them that, if they only did their duty, they would be able to attain even the highest command. Connected with the Fourteenth Dra- goons there was the name of an officer whom his noble friend must have well re- membered in the Peninsula—he referred to Colonel Havelock, who was destined never to lead any but the bravest men.

Viscount HARDINGE joined in the special tribute to the Artillery, and hoped their Lordships would never consent to cripple that noble arm of their service. He complimented Major Edwardes, from personal know- ledge of his sense, intelligence, and cleverness: and included in his praises Lieutenant Lake, Lieutenant Herbert, Lieutenant Taylor, and Lieutenant Pollock, a student of King's College.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH reviewed the campaign, and appended some remarks on future policy— Our position in India was by this victory altogether changed. We had for many years been tmdonbtedly the predominant power in Hindustan; but we bad had a very numerous and powerful enemy, with a numerous and well-served ar- tillery, capable of contending with us. That enemy's army WBS now no more; we now stood in India, in all the countries watered by the tributary streams of the Indus and the Ganges, the sole military power capable of controlling all things by our own single strength. We had grave responsibilities attached to us in con- sequence of our power; responsibilities not without dangers, different in character perhaps, but nevertheless quite as great as those which had attended mein our long progress towards this preaminent position. But let us not add to those dan- gers by blindly permitting the reconstruction of the army we have twice bad to subdue ; let no not, by pusillanimity in our counsels, deprive ourselves of the re- sult of our victories in the field;,let us not again have to contend for that domi- nion which we had twice won; and in that contest let us not again risk our pre- sent position and empire in India.

The vote of thanks was unanimously agreed to.

To a question nearly inaudible by Earl GALLOWAY, relating to the ap- pointment of a day of thanksgiving, Lord LANSDOwNE was "understood" to reply, that he could not undertake to give any promise on the subject.

In the House of Commons, a resolution generally the same with that passed in the Lords, was agreed to unanimously, on the motion of Sir JOHN ROBEIOUSE, seconded by the Marquis of GRANBY. The resolution in honour of the Governor-General was made to stand separately; and upon his judgment, temper, and persevering industry, Sir ROBERT PEEL spoke an especial eulogy. We select from the several speeches some of the more interesting remarks or points of facts. Sir JOHN HOEHOUSE—" A curicuscircumstance happened to Lord Gough him- self. It is stated in a private letter which WBB written by one who had an op- portunity of observing the action. 'Thirty Afghan horsemen, armed in mad, were appointed with orders to capture Lord Gough. Watching their opportunity, they made a dash, and were met by the body guard, commanded by Lieutenant Stannue. Our men, finding their swords made no impression, sheathed them, and took to their fire-arms and a hand-to-hand conflict ensued, which ended in the destruction of the Affglans, one man excepted.'"

Another letter from one of Lord Gough's aides-de-camp gave a graphic descrip-

tion of a charge and of the pursuit after the battle. A splendid regiment of regular horse, headed by an Afghan chief, one of Dust Mahomed's nephews, came down to the attack, and were charged by a wing of the Schode Horse and a squa- dron of the Ninth Lancers in the most gallant style. They met us, and were cut down and driven back like sheep, their chief and a host of others killed. Those who witnessed it say it was the most dashing thing ever seen. Our cavalry and horse artillery pursued the enemy for some fifteen miles, cutting up immense numbers; they did not stop till it was dark. I followed, with Lord Gough, for five miles, and never beheld such a scene. The whole country was strewed for three miles in breadth with property thrown away to hasten their retreat: such a medley you can scarcely fancy—tents, clothes, ammunition, carts, camels tobacco, opium, trunks and boxes, silver-mounted riding-whips, palanquins, champagne, women and children, guns and timbers, camels and mules swords, pistols, and a host of other things too numerous to mention. The Sikh; can never stand again; they are utterly routed and dispersed. Nearly half have gone to their homes, the greater portion of which are regular troops."

Sir John found by a return from General Which, that every one of our 100 guns was commanded by Addiscanthe pupils. " Addiecombe has reason to be proud of the conduct of her scholars on that occasion. For three hours they kept up a centime' fire from their field-batteries and their heavy guns; but not from one poaiticin only, for they continued to advance as the Sikhs retreated, taking up ' fresh positions as they advanced, which of course, to some extent, would impede the celerity of their fire. Yet, notwithstanding these movements, they fired upon an average, General Whish says, forty rounds an hoar; and, Sir, having made inquiries upon the subject, I am enabled to state that this was the average rate of the firing at Waterloo." In a letter from the Governor-General, these words were quoted from a secret despatch—" Captain Abbott has been heard of up to the 2.5th of February; at which time he was quite safe, and confident in his resources, although at that time he had not heard of the decisive victory at Goojerat It is a gratifying spectacle to witness the intrepid bearing of this officer in the midst of difficulties

no ordinary kind—not only maintaining his position, but offering a bold front, at one time to the Sikhs, at another to the Affghans--notwithstanding that reli- gions fanaticism must have been at work to seduce his Mahometan levies to de- sert his cause. He mast have secured the attachment of the wild people among whom he has been thrown, by his mild and conciliatory demeanour in times of peace, as well as by his gallantry as their leader in action; thus enhancing the credit of our national character, and preparing the way for the easy occupation of an almost impregnable country." Sir James WEIR Hocsa on Lord Gough's career, &c.—It was thirteen years since Lord Gough proceeded to India. For two or three years he commanded the army at Madras; for nearly three years- he commanded the expedition in China ; for nearly six years he has had the command of the army in India. During that period he has fought fifteen pitched battles, and succeeded in every one. (Cheers.) It would be some satisfaction to the House to hear that not one man of the four Sikh regiments under British officers had deserted the service or left his post. 'Let the Sikhs be well treated, well paid while in service' and conscious that when worn out or disabled by wounds they would receive liberal pensions; and upon these, like the other natives of India, we might confidently reckon, as able, zealous, and faithful soldiers." Sir ROBERT PEEEr—" It was with the utmost satisfaction that I saw that that noble soldier had closed a long career of victory and of glory by an achievement worthy of his former exploits. He has now, I believe, for fifty-four years served the Crown of the United Kingdom as a soldier. If at the earlier period of this campaign there were any doubts as to the ultimate result, in three doubts I never shared. I felt the utmost confidence that in its re- sult that campaign would redound to the honour of Lord Gough, and would give new security to the British dominion in India. (Cheers.) . . . . I rejoice at the proofs that glorious exploits have been performed, not by veterans inured to the service, but by young men, assuming great responsibilities, and giving examples worthy of the name of Englishmen. When such things are done by the aged, and such examples are set by the young, I never will despair of the security of our Indian empire. I trust the House will excuse me for bearing tes- timony to the services of Lord Gough. I cannot permit his military services in India to close without taking advantage of a fifth occasion to repeat the satis- faction which I have derived from the contemplation of his services." (Much cheering.)