Vrauittra.

Lord Palmerston has paid his vacation visit to the electors of Tiverton, and made the speech to which anticipations were directed by floating paragraphs last week. The speech was characteristically clever, but did not contain the Ministerial manifesto on Reform which had been too hastily expected. The two Members for Tiverton, Lord Palmerston and Mr. Heathoote, were entertained at a banquet in the Assembly-room on Wednesday ; attended by a party of one hundred and fifty. Prelimi-• nary topics were disposed of in a smart reply to the toast of "Her Majesty's Ministers." When his own health was given, and received with "cheers upon cheers," Lord Palmerston entered upon the expected. revelations on subjects of "public and national interest."

In these late years, Providence has happily guided the nation through great difficulties experienced at home, and great convulsions witnessed

abroad. The domestic difficulties have passed away; and the convulsions abroad have been succeeded by a calm, outwardly denoting peace, though in the opinion of some men covering the germs of future dissensions. Cau- tiously disclaiming the responsibilities of prophecy, in rceTect of the year 1852, which is peculiarly looked forward to with alarm, Lord Palmerston thought he "might venture to say, I am strongly inclined to hope that that year may pass over without any of those calamities which some gloomy- minds anticipate that it will bring." The success of Prince Albert's "vast notion" of the Exhibition of Industry has indeed just now afforded a striking example that anticipations of a gloomy character may prove unfounded, by the result. Perhaps the most important result of the Exhibition will be the great strength which the mutual intercourse of men of all nations congregating to London will have given to those bonds of friendship which secure international peace. Foreigners have been deeply impressed with the unvarying kindness that they have met with in this country ; and no foreigners more unexpectedly impressed in this way than "our cousins at the other side of the Atlantic." 't have had ample opportunities of knowing that there is not an American who has come over here who has not gone back with feelings of regard and affection for his cousins in this country; disappointed—in the sense in which they use the expression—agreeably disappointed, at finding himself the ob- ject of such kindness and courtesy and hospitality." But what has struck foreigners from the Continent, even more than the hospitality they have re- ceived, is the order which they have perceived in every part of the country. They have said—" What we admire most in England is the order; and we see no military, we see no gendarmes, with muskets, and bayonets, and sabres by their aides, enforcing order • we see a few very civil police- men with a bit of stick in their halids, anxious to help us on occa- sion, to inform us our way, and where we can see what we want to look at : we must say it is marvellous to us to see such a country as this, where the people themselves preserve such admirable order." When thus addressed by astonished and gratified friends from abroad, Lord Palmerston has found it easy to explain to them that which has seemed to them so great a mystery. " I have said to my foreign friends, who have thus spoken to me, in the first place, this is owing to the great good sense, to the goodness of heart, and to the noble qualities which belong to the British nation. But, beyond that, it is owing to this—that justice is well administered in this country ; that every one knows that between man and man justice is well and impartially administered, without favour or affection, without influence to sway it: that is one reason why men trust to the law, and do not take the law into their own hands, because they know that those in whose hands the law is will administer it with equality and with justice. Then, I say, another reason is this, that every man here is at liberty to express his opinions, whatever they may be. If he is wrong, he is met by those who are nght ; if he is right, he convinces those who are wrong. The conflict of opinion is a quiet warfare always going on, and leads to the happiest results." Another reason was, that the Government and Parliament of this country have for a great number of years past been laboriously, sedulously, and con- stantly occupied in looking out for, and carrying into execution, improve- ments. With this reference Lord Palmerston skilfully drew in a list of the political triumphs which the Liberal party has achieved in the last quarter of a century,—the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, the repeal of the laws which inflicted disabilities on Catholics, and the admis- sion of Catholics to all the civil and political rights which are enjoyed by their Protestant countrymen, the giving to the towns power over mu- nicipal affairs, and popular local self-government, [Parliamentary Reform is not enunciated,] the relief of agricultural industry from the burden of tithes, and last of all the removal of the import-duty from the food of man, and the removal of those restrictions on navigation which prevented our people from obtaining that food from foreign lands. In a parenthesis, the special achievement of Catholic Emancipation was particularly expatiated upon for the benefit of other Governments. "We have lately, indeed, in spite of that, been reproached by some. members of that body, at home and abroad,. with intolerance aud persecution, because we thought it right that no foreign sovereign should dispose of titles in this realm, and should cut up and quarter the kingdom into bishoprics ; encroaching thereby upon the prerogative of our Queen, and trenching upon the independence of the country. I said, in all other respects, in regard to every privilege and right, the Catholics are as free and upon the same footing as the Protestants; and I wish that the degree of intolerance and persecution of which some of our Catholic fellow-countrymen have complained wore the only degree of in- tolerance and persecution which Protestants have to experience in some of the Catholic countries of Europe—where Protestantism is an offence—where the inculcation of Protestant doctrine is a crime—where the Bible is reckoned a dangerous book, which no man is allowed to read, and which when seized is evidence of criminality- on the part of the person who was in possession of it. I speak of the South of Europe, of Rome, of Naples, of Tuscany, of Spain, of Portugal. I do justice to other enlightened Catholic countries, such RS France and Belgium, and even Austria, where a far different system, a liberal system, i pursued, and where (in the case of Belgium) the Catholic Government and Catholic Parliament give stipends to Protestant clergymen, who perform their spiritual duties to the British Protestant communities there,—a fact which, to the honour of the Belgian nation, ought to be known, because it shows that there is nothing in the most sincere belief of the Catholic religion that is incompatible with perfect toleration and liberty to those of different communions."

The concluding items in the triumphal list—those of Free-trade legisla- tion—were dwelt on more fully. Lord Palmerston felt bound to admit, that in reference to them "there is not that unanimity of opinion" which ob- tains on the others; "a very considerable number" of persons regard the late legislation as injurious, and they "look to the reimposition of the Corn- duty under the general term of 'protection to agriculture.'" He joined issue with the holders of such opinions. " Gentlemen, in all human affairs, it is a great point of wisdom to be able to distinguish between that which is only difficult and that which is absolutely impossible. To encounter that which is difficult is a very noble pursuit ; it excites the faculties, it de- velops the energies of man ; it is by struggling against difficulties, and by overcoming them, that everything that is great and glorious has been achieved. But when men attempt that which is impossible, they only lay up in store for themselves disappointment, and waste their energies upon a fruitless pursuit. With regard to the reimposition of import-duties on corn for the purpose of proteetion,—that is to say, for the purpose, the specific and avowed purpose, of raising the price of food, for the purpose of increasing the profits of the owners and occupiers of land,—I venture, with all humility, to say, that when you see the river Rae running up from the sea to Tiver- ton, instead of running down from Tiverton to the sea, you may then look upon it that protection is near at hand." No man can deny that the cheap- ness and abundance of food is eminently advantageous to the labouring classes; but no man can deny that the labouring classes are the most numer- ous portion of our population ; and those who feel that the comfort and well- being of those classes is the foundation of the welfare of the classes above them, must feel that the repeal of the Corn-laws and the cheapness of food is really a benefit to all. The farmers themselves are too apt to assume, that because wheat has fallen they have lost all the amount of the fall. But they ought to take into account the other side af the balance, and to see how much the cost of production and their outgoing: have diminished at the same time that the price of wheat has fallen. 'Now, will any man look, on the one side, how ranch he has lost upon an acre of wheat at market, and on the other, how much he has gained in producing that acre of wheat. First of all, the cost of his seed is less ; the wages of labour are less ; he gets manure cheaper and of better quality, and has a greater command of it ; all his ma- chinery is cheaper than it was and better in its quality. His poor-rates are less. His composition for tithes is gradually diminishing in proportion as the averages of the cheap years are beginning to tell upon the amount which he has to pay. His rent in most cases, where it was not very low indeed, has been diminished. Besides that, there is that increased skill which I am happy to say is extending rapidly over the whole country ; and by attending to the progressive development of science as bearing upon agriculture, he is enabled to produce a greater quantity out of the same extent of land than he produced before. And therefore when we look at all these things, I think the farmer even will find that if he strikes a fair and accurate balance his loss is far less than he imagines it to have been. But after all, in the long run, it is perfectly certain that it is a question between landlord and tenant. The farmer hires the land of the owner; he employs a certain amount of capital in working it ; he must make interest upon his capital, or he cannot live ; and therefore the bargain must ultimately be so adjusted that he can make his fair interest out of his capital under the new and altered circum- stances in which he is placed."

Such having been the success of Government at home, Lord Palmerston proceeded to state to his present hearers, what he did not say he had added to the explanations given to his "foreign friends," that he thinks it, the next place, our duty—the duty of this nation—to employ that influence which a great and powerful country like this always possesses, for the pur- pose of promoting and securing peace among the other nations of the world, and endeavouring, as far as we can with propriety do so, to persuade other governments to extend to other countries as much as possible of those civil and political blessings of which we ourselves are so proud." The people

have nobly this th duty, and the Government have not been "backward in performing what belonged to them." One instance of success was the influence which they interposed "to prevent a foreign Sovereign from being compelled to violate the laws of hospitality by sacrificing the men who had thrown themselves upon him for protection. I am happy to say that the last of those exiles are now on their way either to the shores of England or to the shores of the United States, according to their own choice and wishes." But an object precious to this nation, far longer endeavoured after, and which will make its name honoured to the latest ages—the ex- tinction of the slave-trade—is now nearer than ever to a glorious consum- mation. "We have succeeded in inducing the Government of Brazil, which was the great culprit of late, to alter its course, and to go in the way of jus- tice as far as it has been able to do. I do nut mean to say that we ought to be so confident of its repentance as to entirely trust to its spontaneous exer- tions; the thing requires that we should be watchful and active." The recital of this "glorious success" was a good conclusion : with a pleasant spirit the happy Viscount assured his audience, that if the length of Ins discourse were at all commensurate with the grateful feelings of his heart, "they would have to breakfast there tomorrow morning, instead of returning by daylight to their houses." (Huth cheering at the end and at many points of the speech.)

At the dinner after the yearly show of stook and implements by the East Cumberland Agricultural Society, at Carlisle, on the 18th, Sir James Graham, who presided, made a speech on agricultural subjects, praising the energy of farmers, and stimulating landlords to the vigorous execution of their duty in experimental improvements. • The show of stook was be- low the average of former years in numbers, but beyond it in quality. The display of implements was remarkable for the extent to which local inventive talent had contributed to it. One of the most notable features, however, was the American reaping-machine. Sir James Graham cri- ticized it frankly and fairly.

"From what I saw yesterday, I should say that the reaping-machine is susceptible of improvement, and yet is undoubtedly an instrument of great promise. I doubt not that the present thrashing-machine was subject to as much adverse comment when first introduced, and yet see how universally it is now applied. It is true it was made on the other side of the Atlantic, and for that very reason I think it is entitled to especial attention in England. It is the work of those whom I regard as distant brothers, employed in the same occupation, and contending who shall bear off the palm of success. This is the rivalry which I should wish to see between the two nations. We are brethren by nature, and brethren in our love of independence and free institutions. Their institutions stand upon the same bases as our own, and any suggestions coming from that quarter are entitled to our respect and consi- deration. I think that the experiment of yesterday was a very severe trial to the machine. In the first place, the crop upon which the cutter was era- loyed was not such a crop as would lead me to suppose that the Agricultural hociety of East Cumberland had done all for the benefit of the agriculture of the neighbourhood. (" Hear, hear and laughter.) In the next place, it was not one of the cleanest of crops ; it was certainly not one of the nehest of crops ; and, judging from the appearance of the soil, it struck me that it was very much exhausted. If we look at it as exhibited in the second field, we find it operating upon ground in still worse condition than the other from recent alterations. It was full of stones and old hedges whose roots had not been eradicated. This was the land set aside upon which to test the power of the machine ; but after all, its working was not unsatisfactory. I think there are imperfections in that machine ; and no doubt, the skill of the Eng- lish, their knowledge of mechanical science, and never-failing industry in improving every invention whether native or foreign, will overcome these difficulties. I think, upon the whole, the cutting of the machine was clean and excellent. I do not think the mode of delivering the sheaf satisfactory; I should be glad to see some device for superseding the raker, the second man; and I do not despair. Notwithstanding these what I call imperfec- tions, I think, upon the whole, it is a very useful implement—I think it is a very promising implement, and I am glad I had an opportunity of attending and seeing it at work."

The other main topic of his speech was the prospect now offered to agriculture of a new and profitable crop in flax. •

Of the four main feeders to our immense manufacturing industry—cotton, silk, wool, and flax—two are beyond our reach ; but the others we can pro- duce. Concerning wool, they. would observe well, that no article has gone on so steadily improving in price, and no article has paid the farmer so well : in his opinion, "the sheep which produce the wool are, under proper ma- nagement, the keystone of the improved cultivation of the soil." "If you have the smaller quantity of land under cultivation, producing with that smaller quantity a larger amount of produce, the saving is immense in the wages of labour and the cost of production, and in everything which bears on the profits on the outlay of capital in cultivation. I say, therefore,,,f,"In number of your sheep, and increase the quantity of your wooL" enceatage the highly the small quantity of land you have under the plough; growth of grass laid down on the best order of land well c eanccl ; add to the With regard to flax, it would be premature to say much ; but Sir James avowed a strong opinion, considering the great increase in the demand for British linen and British linen thread, that farmers may increase the culti- vation of flax in this country on second-rate soils with the utmost advantage to themselves and to the country. "This matter is in its infancy, and it is the duty of landlords rather than tenants to lead the way in the experiments to be made. I know, for a certainty, that flax of the finest quality may be grown in this county, even on inferior land. When a very young man, I remember almost on every farm a small quantity of flax was raised for do- mestic use. It was a growth quite familiar to the farmers in this county, and to that limited extent was successful. Circumstances are now altered. It was not then profitable on a large scale, ut now the demand for flax for manufacturing linen alone is almost boundless. Its exportation is immense ; and a great question is pending, but it is unsettled, whether flax may not be favourably mixed with wool and cotton in textile fabrics. If that should tiim out successful, then the growth of flax will be prudent on the part of agriculturists." He sketched the nature of "the difficulty" ; which lies in the fact that the straw of the flax is very bulky,. and that the duty of mani- pulating.it is a difficult and tedious and expensive one, not properly within the province of the farmer, but more strictly a process of manufacture. This process has generally been that of soaking the flax in pools of stagnant cold water ; lately an improvement has been introduced in Ireland which includes the use of boiling water and a chemical process. Now a new mode has been invented by M. Claussen, which if successful will reduce this process from a duration of weeks to that of fewer hours. There is very sanguine hope that the process will be wholly successful. Sir James recapitulated his explana- tions, and proceeded to say,—" If I have made myself intelligible, it is plain that the straw cannot be conveyed to a great distance to undergo this process, and that the manufacturer must be brought to the door of the farm- er. Such is the enterprise, the skill, and I would almost say the patriot- ism of the manufacturing interest of this country—not without reference to gain, but combined with gain, which is the real incentive of all improve- ment—that if you can show that any such process will pay the manufacturer, that manufacturer of the raw material will establish a mill in the neighbour- hood ; and I hold it to be one of the duties of landlords to ascertain whether this mode of dealing with flax be not feasible, and, if it be feasible, to make an effort to introduce in their neighbourhood the machinery and the manu- facture requisite for the extended growth of so important and useful a crop as flax. I was delighted to hear a sentiment which fell from you, Mr. Vice- Chairman, [Mr. Hodgson, M.P.] You said you did not despair of the pros- perity of the agricultural interest. You said that agriculturists must meet increased difficulties with increased exertions. You added, that Heaven al- ways favours those who help themselves, and that the agricultural interest would not be the last interest to make the requisite exertion. It is only ne- cessary that that exertion should be well directed. It is the duty of land- lords to lead the way in respect to all these improvements and experiments : the landlords of England must not be left behind in the race of exertion : and, if we be an united body, then I say,

Nought shall make us rue, If England to itself do rest but true.'" At the annual meeting of the Vale of Evesham Agricultural Society, "just held" in Worcester, Mr. Foley M.P. expressed a frank opinion on one of the failings of the county agriculture ; and Mr. Woodward, a lo- cal Protectionist notable, exhibited waverings in his creed. Mr. Foley thought they attached too much importance to the price of corn, and to its being kept up to a certain standard ; and did not think sufficiently of the cost, quantity, and quality of other sorts of produce. Mr. Woodward praised the cattle show, and said, that to see what they were doing in these times of depression was almost enough to make a pro- fessed Protectionist sceptical in the correctness of his views. But then, the farmers of Evesham were peculiarly situated—they were dwellers in the land of Goshen.

Mr. Gough, a farmer—" I'm sure we ain't." Mr. Woodward resumed. He would not detract from the force of Mr.

Foley's remarks on the means and necessity of i cheapening the cost of agri- cultural productions; but, notwithstanding theimprovements, he feared the foreigner would still overtake them if the Legislature did not interfere in their behalf. If they were prepared to offer their wheat at 328. a quarter, then he thought he might say they would be safe from foreign competition, though he would not guarantee that they would have none of it even then. By general consent, they had now just harvested one of the finest crops of gram that had ever been grown in this country. The year had commenced with a considerable surplus in hand, not only of foreign but also of British wheat ; and under these circumstances, he felt convinced that the average of 38s. per quarter, which they had been getting for the last two years, must be still further reduced from 2s. to 4s. per quarter. From what he saw, he thought they paid a little too much importance in this part of the country to the growth of wheat, and not enough to other things. They still got a good price for their mutton and the produce of their dairies. He thought they iliould put more dependence for their profits on these portions of their produce. They no doubt had to thank the prosperity of the manufacturing districts for the good prices they get for these articles. That the manufac- turing population was in a high state of prosperity, he was not ashamed to confess, because it was a fact; and the agriculturists immediately round the towns of Lancashire and Yorkshire got good prices for their produce. There was little distress but he sadly feared that in remote districts the distress must continue. The absence of railway communication was a great bar to many districts. Whether or not they could continue in this state of things which the Legislature had forced upon them, without a great addition to the burden of pauperism during the corning winter, he was not prepared to say ; but certainly another couple of years must determine whether it was possible to remain under this system of free trade, or whether they must re- turn to protection. Mr. Gough—" Why, they told us he was an out-and-out Protectionist, and here he gives half the population in a state of prosperity !"

The subalterns in the Protectionist camp are denouncing the treason of Mr. Disraeli's speech at Aylesbury. On Saturday, Mr. Paul Foskett, a sometime orator at Protectionist meetings, sent the following letter to the Morning Herald. " Sir—I have read with much pain some remarks in your leading article of this day i on the speech recently delivered in Buckinghamshire by Mr. Dis- raeli. It s right that your readers should know that there are men who do notlook upon the restoration of protection as a distant remedy' for evils of daily increasing and insupportable magnitude. "It shall not be supposed that, because men who are accustomed to mere Parliamentary hide and seek' appear unwilling to lead to victory the ad- vocates of a cause of justice, that, therefore such a course must indefinitely be postponed. No, Sir ; the British people Will yet have leaders to vindicate the cause of truth, and to procure for it a triumphant issue. 'W are determined to regain for every Brit& interest full and effectual protection from foreign competition. This is no idle assertion. We have means at our command legally and constitutionally to accomplish this re- I solve—means with which you will shortly be made acquainted.

"A suffering and oppressed people have, in the eleventh hour, learnt a lesson by which they can profit ; and it is not in the power of either elo- quent yet timeserving ambiguity, Parliamentary chicanery, or political cow- ardice, to betray them a third time. "I make no apology for requesting the immediate publication of a letter which is, perhaps, not precisely in accordance with your views. You are not implicated in any. way. I desire the responsibility to rest solely with myself

"I remain, Sir, your obedient servant, PAUL POSKETT. "Durham House, Brighton, Sept. 19."

The Protectionists of Hertfordshire lately presented an addres,s to Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, requesting him to be a candidate for their repre- sentation in Parliament on the next vacancy. Sir Edward has consented, in a letter which has been published as a sort of address. After atu- ments from the repertory of the Protectionist economists, he declass that he "does not disguise the pain" with which he now finds himself "separated from a party to whom he formerly rendered some humble service "—" at a time, indeed, when its chief seemed as much opposed to a repeal of the Corn-laws" as himself. But he is assured in his conscience that the time is now come when all who entertain his opinions must, whatever their regard for individuals who differ from them, "exert all their efforts to arrest the progress of a system which they believe to be destructive to the best interests of our country." He therefore accepts the support offered him, "in the same spirit with which they generously tender it."

"All practical public men recognize those principles of action by which minor considerations are merged in the union necessary to secure such mea- sures as they deem most essential to the safety and prosperity of the state. If returned to Parliament as your representative, you may rely on my zeal- ous endeavours to preserve and maintain for British industry that vital justice lost in the principle now pursued, which confounds free trade with free imports, and has for its object the compulsory reduction of natural prices in a highly taxed community to the level of foreign labour free from all burdens, and the encouragement of foreign markets rigidly excluding our products. Permit me to aril also, that regarding the rights, liberties, and glories of England, as the especial charge of English statesmen, I shall en- deavour, while friendly to all wise and well-considered measures for the improvement of our law, for the relief of taxation, for the more equal dis- tribution of burdens, and for the social prosperity of our people generally, to maintain the institutions with which those rights and liberties and that glory are inseparably identified : that while advocating freedom of conscience in religious opinions, I shall uphold that Church by which freedom of con- science was first established ; and, both as a Protestant and an Englishman, shall watch with jealousy and resist with firmness any renewed attempt of a Roman potentate to undo the work of the Reformation and render this king- dom of England subordinate to the Papal See."

A great public meeting was held at Manchester on Wednesday even- ing, in the Free-trade Hall, to receive a deputation from the Parliament- ary and Financial Reform Association, consisting of Sir Joshua Walms- ley, Mr. W. J. Fox, Mr. George Thompson, and Mr. J. Williams, Mem- bers of Parliament, and others. Mr. George Wilson, the standing chair- man of the Anti-Corn-law League, presided. The size of the hall has been diminished by fittings for the purposes of dioramic and other exhibi- tions but the remaining space was crammed ; the audience present is es- timated moderately at six or seven thousand, and many more found no entrance-room at all.

The Chairman introduced business with a speech which referred to the Premier's promise of a new Reform Bill. He pointed out that no indica- tion has been given by Lord John Russell of the probable nature of that Reform Bill, beyond what may be found in a short speech intimating that he is not unwilling to abolish the qualification for Members of Par- liament; and then introduced one of the chief topics of the evening's speeches with a full illustration from Dad's Parliamentary Companion, of the large and unconstitutional influence possessed by the Peerage over the Commons House of Parliament. The details of the latter part of the speech seemed to have much interest with the audience, though the sub- ject has already been so often exposed.

Sir Joshua Walmsley then made his speech on behalf of the Associa- tion which he principally represented. "The plan of reform put forth by the National Parliamentary Reform As- sociation, and with the details of which they were acquainted, had the sanc- tion and support of most, if not all, the Radical Members of the House of Commons, and would increase the number of electors from 1,000,000 to 4,000,000, or thereabouts. It was safe, practical, and constitutional; and he trusted it was the least measure of reform with whi-h the people would be satisfied. They must practise in 1851 the lessons which their Whig advisers taught them in 1831, and do for themselves now that which they did for others then. They must crowd the table of the House of Commons with their petitions, that there might be no mistake either as to whether the peo- ple required reform or as to their determination to have it." The following resolution was moved by Mr. J. C. Dyer, and seconded by Mr. Heywood-

" That the First Minister of the Crown having intimated his intention to introduce a measure of Parliamentary Reform during the next session the people should lose no time in giving effective expression to their wishes. This meeting doth therefore declare, that any measure which does not re- arrange the electoral districts, extend the franchise to every occupier of a tenement, protect the voter by the ballot, shorten the duration of Parliament, and abolish the property qualification required of Members will fail to sa- tisfy the just expectations of the people—will be ineffectual in preventing the corruption, intimidation, and oppression now prevailing at elections, and in securing the full and free representation of the people in the Commons House of Parliament."

The eloquent periods of Mr. W. J. Fox were employed in amplification of the points here advanced.

At the outset, Mr. Fox declared that the labours of the last session had been exhausting to Members. It had been a very laborious session. (" Hear, hear I " and laughter.) The House of Commons heaved with the throes of the mountain in labour, and brought forth the little black mouse of a theo- logical enactment. But if Mr. Hume and Mr. Bright needed the renovation of fresh air, how much more must Lord John Russell need it! Mr. Fox thought the atmosphere of that meeting would have benefited Lord John's constitution. If he could be put under a course of Manchester meetings, his weak sickliness might give way to the strength and energy of a real Reformer, and he might become "strong enough for his place.' This reference to the peculiar atmosphere of the Manchester meeting sug- gested more elaborate comparison with that of "another place." The fact could not be denied, that the atmosphere of that meeting, and of any large meeting of the people of England, was a different one from that of the House of Commons. A. different clam of feeling prevailed ; other principles were asserted, other objects were contemplated, other sympathies were glowing in the bosom. For proof of this, they had only to look at many of the leading questions which now interested the pubfic mind of this country and of Eu- rope. In the Home of Commons, the sympathy was with large military and mind armaments; and their enthusiasm was unbounded when a lucky officer won a victory and got a pension and a title; while the sympathies of the peosde were with peace and the works of peace. The people looked for that which the majority of the House of Commons regarded as chimerical and utopian—they were desirous of that one brotherhood of nations when swords should be beaten into ploughshares.. In the Howie of Commons, they always found a readiness to vote away millions of the people's money, almost as a mere formal matter ; while, in such meetings as that, the sympathy was with those from whose bones and sinews were extracted these naMona which they wished to see, and which they- had a right to see, rigidly economized. In the House of Commons, there was too much sympathy with the despots of the Continent ; while the sympathies; of such meetings as that were with the patriots of the Continent. In the House of Commons he had heard a Mem- ber ask, with a sneer upon has hp, whether the Commons, of State was aware that such a person as Mazzim was in this country ; m such a meeting as that, the question was, when would not only Measini. but Kossuth he among them? In the House of COIRMODS, Members spoke respectfully of • "his Catholic Majesty the King of the Two Sieilies," and of "the Emperor of All the Rusesas ; while there were some in that meeting who agreed with him that it would be no unpleasant sight to see a gibbet of two arms with. the Czar dangling at one end and the Catholic King at the other. (Great cheering and (aughter.) The aristocratic constitution of the Commons House was then again dis- sected after the manner of the Chairman, but with the antithetic point pecu- liar to Mr. Fox himself. Here is a specimen. "The House of Commons is called representative. Representative, he would like to know, of what ? Supposing an intelligent foreigner were brought into the House of Commons, and looking round him, marking one man and another, were to ask, What worthy and trusted Commoner ie that ? ' the reply might be, 'Oh, Sir, he is a Marquis; we have six Marquises in the House.' The foreigner would think this rather odd : but if he asked about another man he would be told, Why, that is a Viscount; we have eight Viscounts in this House.' H he inquired about another Member' he might be told, 'Oh, he is an Earl ; we have several Earls here.' If he asked about another, he might be answered, 'He is a Lord ; there are thirty-six Lords in the House, and at the back of these we have sixty-one Baronets, besides twelve Honourables ; altogether, 274 persons connected with the Peerage and the aristocracy.' 'And this,' the q,uerist would say in amazement, you call i your House of Commons ! what, then, is your House of Lords? Why, this only a sort of junior or journeyman House of Lords !' " The inequalities of the electoral distribution having been exhibited in ef- fective contrasts, it was concluded that such anomalies as exist are no longer to be endured. But the fear is, that the Ministerial remedies to be proposed next session will be petty and insufficient. "The fear is, lest Lord John Russell should stick too closely to the little and accommodating way in which he achieved Parliamentary Reform in 1832—that he should be peep- ing about in society to see whether there is a class here or a class there that may be, as it is called, safely admitted within the boundaries of the consti- tution. The course pursued ought to be directly the reverse of this. There is a prima facie right to the franchise in all ; and, instead of inquiring on Whom Parliament should bestow a boon which it is not the property of Par- liament to give, they should show good cause in every instance where the flanchuie is withheld or denied. It is a privation, a punishment, a degrada ton that should not be inflicted milers incapacity forits use were fully de- monstrated against the excluded individual. ' In reference to the alarms which timid Reformers entertain, Mr. Fox said —"The Monarchy would be perfectly secure under any reformation contem- plated by the moot thoroughg,cang Democrats of the country- The Rouse at Lords would be quite as safe as it deserved to be. (6'heers aud laughter.) As to the Established Church„ he was not sure that every voter should be pledged, as his Lordship seemed to wish, to the support of that institutiom. It arose on grounds of policy : it had been reformed and modified on grounds of policy ; and the time might come when, on grounds of policy, it might be further reformed or entirely abolished. (Loud cheers.) Church, Peerage, Royalty, only exist by the people and for the people. Their claim to exist- ence and to respect is when they properly discharge their funetions, and- show themselves in their several spheres truly- subservient to the general good. While that is the case, they are entitled to the respectful notice and support of the pee*. When that ceases to be the ease, they are only en- titled to the sentence= Cut them down ; why cumber they the ground?" (Loud cheering.) Anticipating a not remote and triumphant success from this union of the middle and operative classes for the common right of both, Mr. Fox perorates" with a tribute to those united classes, as the power which had struck down the tyranny of feudalism, realized the Reformation, and asserted the rights of mind and conscience when bigotry and hypocrisy in high places would have trampled both under foot.

An address from the Association, asserting the " points " of its charter, and advising the practical course of organization which the people should take to realize that charter, was moved by Mr. Rupert Kettle, barrister; and seconded by Mr. John Williams, M P. Mr. Williams told a Par- liamentary anecdote, and ventured a political prophecy. They knew it was usual for men of business to take stock ; and, as they knew the public money was freely disposed of by the House of Commons, he wished, when he first went into the House, to know the motives which in.- duced Members to support such grossly extravagant expenditure. He said to himself one day, "Now, I will just take stock of these fellows." The first notice of motion he gave was for a return of the number of Members who held appointments in the Army, Navy, and Ordnance. Well, the meeting might be sure he got into very bad bread with the House. Onegallant officer dame up to him immediately after, in a bouncing manner, and said, "Oh.! oh ! I find you have placed a very invidious notice on the paper !"—and walked by him, thinking, no doubt, he would make him very little. Mr. Williams said, "Well, Sir, what's the matter ?" and the gallant Member re- pbed I shall put a notice upon the paper for a ieturn of the number of re- tail shopkeepers in the House." He told the gallant Member, that he could not do anything that would please the people of England, and especially the working classes of England, better : he dared him to carry out his threat, but the gallant Member had never done so. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Williams would venture to pledge himself, that if three millions of the un-

represented men of England would contribute the smallest sum to the Par- liturieutary Reform Association, in a very few months every man twenty-one years of age, who had been twelve months in a lodging, sheuld have a vote for a Member of Parliament.

Mr. George Thompson advocated theprinciples of the Association. Mr. Heywood moved, and the Reverend I. Schofield seconded, the following resolution- " That the cordial union and energetic action of all Reformers are now im- peratively requisite. That the principles advocated by the National Parlia- mentary and Financial Reform Association merit the support of the great body of the people of this kingdom; and this meeting, consisting of Reform_ era of every shade,_ pledge themselves to sustain the well-directed efforts of that Association. That the conveners of this meeting are hereby constituted a Committee (with power to add to their numbers) for the purpose of organs. zing a branch of the National Parliamentary Reform Association, to cooperate with the Council in London ; and that the Committee be requested to immediate steps steps for that purpose."

The proceedings closed with the usual vote of thanks.

Dr. Badeley, a physician of Chelmsford, and brother of the eminent Lon- don barrister, having been racked with toothache, rose during the night and went to his ;Andy to obtain some drug that might give relief. He took morphia, but, unfortunately, in too large a dose, which brought on apoplexy. Though every medical aid was obtainesl, he died next afternoon.

Mary Lowe, a young girl of Church, near Accrington, has committed sin. ride with arsenic, which she obtained on pretence that her mother wanted it to kill rats. A Coroner's Jury gave a verdict of "Temporary insanity." me„ Sefton, the druggist who sold the arsenic, has been prosecuted for not strictly obeying Lord Carlisle's Act. He sold the arsenic in the presence of a man who signed a bock as witness ; but he did not colour the mineral with indigo or soot, and Mary Lowe was under age. Mr. Sefton pleaded, that he did not know it was necessary to colour the arsenic, and he thought the pur- chaser was of age. The Magistrates fined him 51. only, the full penalty being 20d.

Younghasband, a young master builder of Manchester, was drinking in a beer-shop with his men, when a dispute arose between him and Thomas Gleesen. The quarrel grew so fierce that Younghusband ran away, and en- tered a butcher's shop ; Gleeson followed, seized a knife, and stabbed his employer in the left breast : death ensued in a few minutes. Two foreigners, man and wife as they said, have been seized at Man- chester in the act of plundering a draper. Herr Waalberg and his " wife " were well attired, and the lady's dress was exceedingly capacious. A sales- man sew her conceal two pieces of stuff, and the foreigners were arrested. When searched at the Town-hall, it was found that the lady wore, under- neath her drew, a strong skirt., or petticoa; the bottom of which was hemmed to her gown, but left open at the top, so as to form a capacious bag- or pocket capable of holding- a very large quantity of goods. In this receptacle were stowed the two pieces of stuff and three pieces of silk handkerchiefs. At the lodgings of the prisoners were found a number of pawnbrokers' tickets for pieces of silk and other articies.—Remanded.

A convict in Durham Gaol has chopped off four of his fingers with an axe, vainly expecting that it would save hint from transportation.

The Preston Chronicle states that "the Botanical Society of 'Wigan held an exhibition_ of flowers on Sunday last " ; and in another column, that "on Tuesday last two boys were fined 2e. each for bathing in the rives on. the preceding Sunday."