MR. KRUGER IN FRANCE.
WE suppose a hail of telegrams does at last irritate the mental skin, for our people are growing too sensitive to the wind. Why in the world should they worry themselves over Continental receptions to Mr. Kruger? Every people sets up foreign heroes for itself, the English more especially claiming that liberty. They were wild with enthusiasm for Kossuth when official and popular "Austria '" both thought him a demon ; and were ready to set up a statue to Jeff Davis, who Mr. Gladstone thought had "made a nation," at a time when Northern Americans considered he ought to be hanged. Nothing will be done for Kruger anywhere which will compare with the wild welcome given by London to Garibaldi, who was regarded by all Catholics as a sort of Anti-Christ, by all Continental Conservatives as a dangerous revolutionary, and by all Sovereigns except his own as a "successful brigand." The ex-President of the Transvaal may have a popular reception in America, where a hero in home- spun, who does not talk and who raises militiamen to fight soldiers, is from tradition always appreciated ; but even there the admiration will be sentimental ; and in Europe it will not be even that. The Dutch will no doubt express a good deal of feeling against the English, who have, they think, barred them out of a profitable career; and the Belgians, as they showed in the Sipido case, like to manifest to Great Britain, for no reason unless it be that they are par excellence the clericals of the Continent ; but most of the great nations will be more restrained. The Austrians may be misled for a moment by the tradition of Hofer ; but the Germans will not forget that they are just now in alliance with the British ; and in Russia men wait for the Czar, who is coming, it is said, to the Clyde. It is only in France that there will be any furore, and to under- stand that we must understand the momentary temper of average Frenchmen, and their view of the circumstances of the hour. They are by no means in love with Kruger, who belongs to a type which throughout their history has never attracted them, and has never risen to leader- ship—M. Grevy was the nearest approach, and he was essentially lawyer, and not, as Kruger is, essentially peasant—and if the Marseillais acclaim their visitor, it will not be out of personal regard, but to express feelings which we may not like, but the source of which we might understand a little better than we do. Part of that feeling, as M. de Blowitz writes every day, is mere dis- content with the Republic and wish for a change ; but most of it comes, we suspect, from a somewhat deeper impulse. The truth is, not only that the French are sore, but that their soreness has sense in it. They think it the right of France to be in the stream of events, and the stream of events has for a quarter of a century passed them by. They have lost ground in Europe owing to their defeat, to the accidental want of a great man to lead them, and to the formation of the Triple Alliance, which bars them from European venture, and which is not made up to them by the rather useless alliance they have contracted with Russia. This latter contract makes them safe from invasion, but safety from invasion is not what France has usually been content with. They feel as a man feels who thinks he has a right to the Cabinet, but remains only a Minister, and are so panting for appreciation that a few kind and just words from an English Admiral about the valour of their sailors gave them exquisite pleasure.
To add to their annoyance, the rival Powers of Europe are not resting on their oars, but are embarking in great adventures which France watches with an in- tentness born of admiration as well as jealousy. Russia is visibly moving, though at the pace of a glacier, and with its irresistibleness, towards the Pacific. Ger- many is asserting herself to great purpose in China, and talking loudly of her full intention to become at once, to-morrow, a great "world - Empire." Britain has "conquered," or at all events established herself in, South Africa, which the French, who have a curious shopkeep- ing side to their heads, reckon to be of almost fabulous value. They believe that Britain as a kingdom will get milliards upon milliards out of the Transvaal. Even America has "manifested herself," and has struck down an ancient European kingdom which marches with France, and is therefore known to her, and has acquired "heaps of islands," one of them rich. All this while they themselves, who at heart do not care for transmarine adventure, and had rather annex Pied- mont or Catalonia than all China, are compelled to sit quiet, cannot seize Fashoda without a war, and are not permitted to absorb either Siam or Yunnan. They do not want to absorb either, do not for the most part know where they are, but they want while every one is stirring and prospering to do something and be felt greatly in the world. The sense that they cannot be so felt without too great sacrifices makes them bitter, and the bitterness is necessarily discharged upon Great Britain. They can- not attack Russia, for she is an ally ; they must not scarify Germany, for the Emperor will not bear it ; and so they vilify England, which will not declare war for words, which, moreover, is everywhere, which is just at present offensively, odiously fortunate, which is detested by the Papal zealots now so powerful among them, and which, if Mr. Chamberlain can manage it, means in their fancy to clutch something of theirs, probably Madagascar, because that island is South African. If any one, say M. Yves Guyot, warns them that to be so abusive is dangerous, they ask when they lost the right of free speech ; or if remonstrated with on grounds of pretty behaviour, they quote the language used about them in the Dreyfus case, which, to be sure, was neither complimentary nor restrained. It is all rather melan- choly and disheartening, but remembering the past history of France and her present position, it is not unnatural, and our countrymen should tranquilly shut their ears or pardon an outburst which can in itself do them no injury. Their fidgetiness under abuse is undignified, and of evil omen besides, for it shows that with increased intercommunication popular temper is going to be a frequent cause of political difficulty. It is surely time enough to become exas- perated when Governments begin to be impertinent. The demeanour of the Republican Government of France has been absolutely correct throughout the South African War, and indeed M. Delcass6, the Foreign Minister, is accused by his political enemies of being too forbearing, and even subservient, towards England. We may surely set the courtesy of a Ministry against the revilings of a mob. Even, however, if that is not the case, and if we are to take the expected demonstration at Marseilles as a manifestation of genuine popular ill-temper in France, it becomes us to display the old national characteristic, that power of silent endurance which has in it some- thing of the sense of justice, and something of cold dis- dain. To fret and fume and fuss because France, angry with fate, not us, expresses her anger in abuse of us as the nearest victim, is to grow wroth because an actress, disappointed at her want of success, relieves herself by telling the audience that they are barbarians. The audience assisting at such a scene should not laugh, but also they should not rage. The dignified role for them is patient silence, to be followed by a serene forgetfulness. Let Rochefort write with vitriol if he pleases. If one does not read, vitriol is no worse than ink.
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