7rhntr an Vrorrthiugn in Varlinnaut

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEER.

Horse OF EOSIN. Monday, March 22. Dissolution and Assembly of Parliament; Lord Brougham's Bill.

Tuesday, March 23. Law of Wills; Bill to amend, introduced by the Lord Chan- cellor—Rio de in Plata; Lord Beaumont obtains Explanations from the Foreign Secretary.

Thursday, March 25. County Courts; Lord Brougham's Bill to give them Juris- diction in Bankruptcy, &c. read a first time—Law of Wills Amendment Bill, passed through Committee—The Irish Debt; Select Committee granted to Lord Monteagle. Friday, March 26. Encumbered Estates Bill; the Machinery to be engrafted on the Irish Court of Chancery—Proclamation for Assembling Parliament Bill, read a second time.

House Of COMMONS. Monday, March 22. Mail Steam-ships to Sydney—County Courts Extension Bill, received from the Lords, and read a first time—Public Busi- ness; Statements by Lord John Russell and the Horne Secretary—Volunteer Corps; Sir De Lacy Evans's Motion, and Mr. Walpole's Explanation—Supply ; Army and Navy Votes agreed to—Copyright Amendment Bill, considered in Committee and reported—St. Alban's Disfranchisement Bill, considered in Committee and reported —Parish Constables Acts ; leave to Mr. Denies for a Bill—Mutiny Bills, Military and Naval, read a first time—Repayment of Advances (Ireland) Bill, to amend the Acts ; brought in by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and read a first time. Tuesday, March 23. Ministers-money in Ireland and Annuity-tax in Edinburgh; Legislation to be next Session—Metropolitan Sewers Act, to be continued—Hop- duty; Mr. Frewen's Motion, debated and withdrawn—Egypt and the Porte; Mr. Anderson's Motion, debated and withdrawn—St. Alban's Disfranchisement Bill, reported—Consolidated Fund (eight milhons) Bill, read a third time and passed. Wednesday, March 24. Dangerous Animals; Mr. Frewen's Bill debated on second reading, and withdrawn—County Rates; Mr. Freshfield's Bill, to be referred to a Select Committee—Corrupt Practices at Elections; Lord John Russell's Bill, read a second time—Common Law Fees Regulation Bill, considered in Committee. Thursday. March 25. Metropolis Water Bills ; Announcement by Lord John Manners — M aynooth Endowment ; no Government bill to repeal—Parliamentary Re- form ; Mr. Hume's Motion debated, and negatived by 244 to 69—Copyright Amend- ment Bill, passed through Committee. Friday, March 26. Limited Partnership Liability; no Government measure— Committee of Supply; Minis Rifles—Committee of Ways and Means ; Interest on Exchequer Bills—Foreign Deserters Bill, read a second time—Charitable Trusts Bill, passed through Committee—St. Alban'a Disfranchisement Bill, read a third time and passed—Bribery at Elections Bill, passed through Committee pro formi, to be printed.

• TIME-TABLE, The Lords.

Hour of Roar of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 6h .... bh 40m

Tuesday 6h . . eh 30m

Wednesday No Sitting. Thursday 5h . . 7h 25m

Friday bh eh 45m Sittings this 'Week, 4; Time, eh 20m Sittings this Week, 6; Time. 34h Om

— this Swabia, 22; — 42h 30m — this Sesaion, 27; — 1536 15m Pilaw:tem OF PUBLIC BUSINESS.

The explanations given last week by the First Lord of the Treasury and the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the Government course of policy, were made the subject of remark by Lord Joan Rossms, on Monday. He recalled the steps he had taken to extract those explanations. On Monday, at the end of a debate, being ver7 unwilling that there should be any vote to limit the Supplies by a resolution adverse to the course the Go- vernment were about to pursue, he asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer Whether the Government would consider before Friday what course they would pursue. That was a fair and conciliatory course. But he was an- swered with taunts and sarcasms. On Friday a statement was made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; but that statement was somewhat ambiguous. fin the debate of Friday, Lord John characterized the treatment he received in the answers to the questions he then put as that of " contumely and au- perelliousness."] But elsewhere, the noble Lord at the head of the Govern- ment had made a statement indicating more clearly the course which the Government intended to pursue. " He did not complain at all of the ques- tion being put to him' by those " with whom Lord John has no party

The Caeunons.

Roar of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 4h .0p.) lh SOni

Tuesday 4h 811 30m Wednesday Noon lh 45m Thursday 4h .(m) lh ibm Friday 4h .(eil lh Om

connexion" : he stated in answer, what he was perfectly right in stating, that he could not bind himself or his colleagues to dissolve Parliament at any particulaz'moment, kat that when urgent and important measures were proceeded with be woulkadeke her Majesty to dissolve Parliament with the view of reassembling before the close of the autumn. Lord. John now thought that statement " so far nitisfactory " that they should proceed at once to Consider the liktimates ; and he trusted that the necessary Supply votes would be " agreed on without much further discussion or delay " ; for theta will now be such an election ferment throughout the kingdom, that it would be of great convenience that the dissolution should not be delayed longer than the exigencies of the public service require. Only one measure besides those absolutely necessary had been mentioned by Lord Derby—that with regard to the Militia. With respect to it, Lord John said—"Now that is a measure which, so far as I am concerned, I should be most willing to see introduced. I shall certainly not, therefore, interpose any obstacle in the way of its introduction ; but of course I cannot now pledge myself on the subject. When the measure is before the House and the country, it will be for the House to judge whether it is a measure which they can adopt ; and of course I must, as others will, be at liberty to form my opinion upon that measure." With reference to any other measures which the Government might introduce, as the House might postpone thee if it did not deem them urgent, be need not extend his inquiries about them. He proposed to'the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that another day in each week be giveife to the Government for the forwarding of their measurer— Thursday for example—on which their business should have precedence. [The "Votes and Proceedings" of the House do not indicate that any resolution was adopted for acting on this last suggestion.]

ARMY AND NAVY ESTIMATES,

The vote passed in Committee of Supply on Friday was not for the mu of the Army, as by error was stated in last week's Postscript, but only for the number of men in the Army-101,937, being an increase of 2233 men beyond the vote of last year. The money-votes were taken in Committee of Supply on Monday. Mr. BERESFORD, the Secretary at War, stated that the charge for the Land Forces is 3,602,0671., against 3,521,0701. last year—an increase of 80,9971. A portion of this increase is attributable to the Cairn war. Upon the vote for the Staff, Mr. Fox MAULS expressed his hope that the suggestion of the Committee of last year, that it might be possible for one medical establishment to serve the whole Army, instead of one for the Ordnance and another for the Army, might turn out well-founded. Mr. BERESFORD said that the Committee was sitting upon the subject, and he would give his best attention to any recommendations they may make.

The reduction in the Rilmsinham establishment at Dublin, which was made last year, was again complained of by some Irish Members, led by Mr. Ga.00.ax. Mr. BERESPORD said, the question had been decided on by a Committee ; and though he had opposed the reduction as a Member of the House, he should not feel himself justified as Secretary at War in going against the recommendation of the Committee. In the course of time, however, the decision might be reconsidered. Mr. Fox MAPLE said, he could understand how the Members from Ireland might feel sore at the reduction, but he could conceive that the building might be devoted to other public purposes more useful to the Irish people. The object of the late Government was neither more nor less than to do away with the establishment, and the letter he wrote was to prevent vacancies being filled up. Mr. DISRAELI went beyond Mr. Beresford, and assured his friend Mr. Grogan that the subject should be reconsidered, and that if the Government could consistently with their duty keep up the establish- ment in Dublin, they would be happy to do so.

The Army votes were agreed to.

The Navy Estimates were rather more fully debated, and a few points of general interest were evolved. Upon the vote of 134,6331. for the expenses of the Admiralty Office, Sir GEORGE PECHELL made a speech containing many queries, intended to elicit "whether the new Board were prepared to carry out in favour of the profession those views which while in opposition they so loudly and so repeatedly expressed." What was to be done with reference to steam war-ships ; to patronage in dockyards ; to the African squadron ; to the retirement system—which last year, on two marked occasions, four noble members of the new Administra- tion denounced as "mischievous trickery and delusion" ; and to the system of permitting specie to be smuggled home in ships of war, so discreditable to all who in their nepotism fostered it, so degrading to the service in the eyes of foreigners, and so injurious to the revenue, and to those public boas [Chelsea Hospital] which are entitled to participate in the benefit of the freight when legitimately administered ? Mr. STAFFORD, Secretary to the Admiralty, besought indulgence for his inexperience. He thought he might say, though he would make no definite statement yet, that "there would be an indisposition to continue the construction of iron 'war-steamers." He has always deplored the system of patronage in the dockyards : since he has been in office he has adopted the principle of filling up no appointments in the dockyards, except upon the express opinion in favour of the party of the officer in command, or of the superintendent or master under whom the candidate had worked. He was prepared to remedy, as far as he could, the system of advancement by "step to step without re- ference to qualifications' -, a consequence of which has been, that in general our dockyards are behind other dockyards with regard to the latest inven- tions. The African squadron—" if it be maintained, about which he would not at that moment give any opinion "—should be maintained efficiently. The nominating of cadets, the Government will make strictly limited ; therein following the course of the late Administration. The evil complained of with regard to the freight of specie is curing itself; less and less is coming that way: so there is no urgent necessity that an Administration hardly in office ten days should come to a determination about it. Admiral BERKELEY made a general defence of the late Board of Ad- miralty against sundry outcries raised about them; disposing of the "in- famous stories" invented about the Megaara, of the abuse about "the subject of the stinking meats," of the incredible stories and notions about the transport of troops to the Colonies, of the untrue statements as to the relative number of break-downs in the Royal steam navy and the mer- cantile steam navy, and of the outcry about the defenceless state of our coasts. On the last two points he made these statements. "It was said they managed matters so badly that their steamers were al- ways breaking down. Now, he held in his hand a return which showed that out of their large steam fleet only three vessels broke down in the muss of the year 1860-51—the year particularly referred to in the complaints which were made against them ; while from another return he found that in the six steam-packet companies, which had not one-third the number of vessels at sea that the Government had, the number which broke down in the same period was twenty." He was "surprised at the gullibility of the pub- lie During all the time of the outcry about the danger of a surprise and the inefficiency of the Navy, although the Admiralty did not make any fuss about their proceedings, yet he would stake his existence that if the ne- cessity had arisen they could in twenty-four hours have covered the Chan- nel from the North Foreland to the Channel Islands with a fleet of steamers within signal-distance of each other. So much for the danger of a surprise." This concluding statement being received with incredulity by some Members, lay and professional, Admiral Berkeley repeated it— "If they had been asked for steamers, within four-and-twenty hours such steamers would have been manned and armed in all respects ready for sea, and would have been at sea, oovering the Channel from the North Foreland to the Channel Islands. He repeated that statement. The same means were in the power of the present Admiralty, and they could do it if they pleased. Ho did not claim any credit for this for himself, or those with whom he acted, because the scheme was originally commenced, he believed, in the time of the late Sir Robert Peel." The assertion seeming still to be doubted as it stood, Sir FRANCIS BARING explained, that Admiral Berkeley had referred to "advanced steamers,' which if necessary could have been manned and at sea in four- and-twenty hours. Mr. WILLIAMS—" That's quite an explanation." Sir Fume= &mum- 1, Well, that's what you want, isn't it. " (Laughter.) Mr. WILLIAMS- "Yes, yes." (Renewed laughter.) These vessels were in a state of advance, capable of being ready when wanted. The men were ready, and the ships were ready.

Sir Francis took praise for reducing the Navy Estimates by 1,500,0001. There were those who thought further reduction might be made ; he hoped it could.

Captain SCOBELL criticized the excessive numerousness of our lists of Admirals, Captains, Commanders, and Lieutenants. He ridiculed the alarms about invasion. All of the invasion panics had been raised, he had observed, "by soldiers," from the illustrious Duke downwards ; whereas a naval man knew that if we did justice to our Navy and drew it home, no enemy could land here in any force : he might always be cut to pieces by a sufficient force coming across, or landing, or on shore while he was still as sick as a dog. Mr. CORRY approved of the proposed naval re- serve, but urged that it should be larger ; out of a reserve of 6300 only 3000 would be available : 3000 more should be added. Captain Hanrus complained that the recommendations of the House in favour of Naval Assistant-Surgeons were not carried out according to their spirit.

Mr. STAFFORD said, that the present Board think the naval reserve, though valuable in principle, would not be peculiarly adapted for a crisis ; still they are perfectly willing to carry it out fairly ; but its results will be some time coming. As to the recommendations of the House in favour of Navy Surgeons, it is the animus of the Board to treat the Naval As- sistant-Surgeons as gentlemen ; and it is intended that the spirit of the recommendations of the House be acted up to.

The votes and other Navy Estimates were agreed to without any chal- lenge.

AMENDMENT OF THE LAW OF WILLS.

The Lorin CHANCELLOR explained, at the stage of second reading, his bill for amending the law with respect to wills.

The bill was intended to remedy three defects in the present law. The first defect is this. Under the Statute of Frauds, passed in the reign of Charles the Second, which regulated the execution of wills of real property until the existing wills act was passed by the late Lord Langdale, it was sufficient if the name of a testator appeared at the beginning of his will— "This is the last will and testament of me, John Styles, &c." • no additional signature at the end of the will was necessary. But the existing Wills Act requires a signature before witnesses at the "foot or end " of the will ; and this requirement has been interpreted so strictly, that if the signature be more than an inch from the last line of the testament, the testament itself is not deemed to be sufficiently signed " at the foot or end thereof." The case is tried not by the rule of law, but by the rule of space ; and the will so signed is held to be void. By that construction hundreds of wills have been held to be invalid, and misery and wretchedness have found their way where there should have been wealth, peace, and comfort. Lord St. Leonard's said- " I believe that nothing can be more desirable, as people die daily, and as men must make their wills, and as a great majority of wills would be held to be valid but for the rule of law I have referred to ; and indeed, I know that many of your Lordships, in consequence of what you have heard, have done exactly what I have done myself, namely, I have looked at my own will to see whether it was executed so as to carry my own intentions into effect,—having a very great doubt in my mind whether the appearance of the thing upon paper might not invalidate it, for I might have put m name a little lower than the rule of law required. And I think, my Lordsy , that it is of the utmost importance that a man's will should be considered valid and sacred where the mere form only is in question, and the substance is not in question." His proposition was, to amend the present law by providing that where the name of the testator is found after the will, so as to give, by its place and situation, a sanction to the will itself—so as to show that it was intended to sanction the will by the signature after the will—that shall be held to be valid. About this provision he thought his noble and learned friends would feel no doubt. Therefore he proposed to carry the measure through all its stages then, that they might be able to pass it before Easter and send it down to the other House immediately.

The second point was this. The signature must be made, or acknow- ledged, in the presence of two witnesses. Upon this it has been held, that as the statute requires that the signature, and not the will, be made or ac- knowledged in the presence of the witnesses, unless they have seen the sig- nature the will is void. Now, when a man wishes to make or acknowledge the signature to his will, he often desires that the witnesses should not see any part of the provisions of that will. "Suppose, for example, that it is written on a sheet of letter-paper ; you have it before vou, and two servants, perhaps, come into the room to witness the will, and the testator desires that they should not read any portion of the will by glancing over that part which is above the signature ; that has induced a man frequently to fold down the will ao as to hide from the witnesses the portion above the signa- ture, and in doing so they have folded down the signature itself." But as it is the signature and not the will that must be acknowledged, that acci- dental folding down of the signature makes the will void. The Legislature never meant that ; and therefore he proposed to enact, that "if the signa- ture of the testator be in its proper place, and it is not proved to have been placed there after the witnesses affixed their signatures, and if the testator at the time acknowledges the instrument to be his will, that that shall be sufficient."

The last point was this. The attestation by the witnesses that they have seen the testator sign, or seen him acknowledge his signature, must be signed by those witnesses in the presence of the testator himself. Now, it often happens that when the testator is dying, the witnesses go into the next room to finish the attestation. If they do that, so strictly has the law been read, that it is necessary the door between the rooms be open, and that the line of sight be a straight one between the table on which the witnesses sign and the testator's eye. Indeed, the law is so inexorable as to be ludicrous; for the rule is the same where the testator is Mind—it has been held to ap- ply in the case of a blind man. Now these anomalies ought not to remain disgracing our law. He proposed to enact, " that where witnesses, without fraud, and as part of the same transaction, without quitting the house or place where the will is signed, do sign a will after seeing the testator sign it, all due solemnities being. observed, that shall be held to be a valid will."

These latter provisions might, however, be open to observation : his noble and learned friends might apprehend, though he, after deep consideration, does not apprehend, that these clauses might open the door dangerously to fraud, and the substitution of one will for another. If they were objected to, he would withdraw them, in hopes of proposing them again on some fu- ture occasion.

In conclusion, Lord St. Leonards hinted the advantage of a more sweep- ing alteration of the law of wills than either of those he proposed. The old law allowed the testamentary disposition of personal property without any witnesaes at all ; but now no man can give five pounds, or alter a certain legacy, without calling in two witnesses. "It was said of a great man that the faults which we denounced in him died with him ; but I might say with greater truth, that, owing to the difficulties which the law throws around them, many codicils die even in thinking." These were points which they might consider hereafter.

Lord Ilitonciazx agreed to the first clause ; and he had no objection to give a second reading to the whole of the bill, and to leave to a Com- mittee the correction by amendments of any serious objections. Lord Cntiewonvir concurred.

In Committee, on Thursday, the Loup CHANCELLOR struck out the last two clauses, and said ho would bring them forward as separate measures. The single clause was then considered; but it did not meet with the smooth progress Lord St. Leonard's had expected for it. The demurrage will be understood when it is explained that, for the simple purpose of enacting that the leaving of more than an inch of space between the sig- nature of the testator and the will itself should not invalidate that will, a clause of no less than thirty-seven lines of small print in a single sen- tence had been inserted. Commencing with a " whereas," it went on to say that a signature "so placed that it shall be apparent the testator intend- ed it to give effect to his testament," should be enough ; and then it added, under a long string of " althoughs," an enumeration of various circum- stances under which decisions have said that a signature is now bad, but under which the signature shall henceforth be good. Lord CaaNwonTs gravely doubted whether the clause would not "increase a hundred times the present difficulties." The Loan CHANCELLOR seemed ruffled by this remark, and said, if it were well founded, " he must be a very bad draughtsman indeed, and had better hand over his work to his noble friend." He had not expected this opposition to his bill. The Earl of ELLeNnoriouou quizzed the multitude of adverbs, somewhat contradic- tory, in the clause ; but suggested, as the matter was a serious one, that the phraseology should be settled in Select Committee. The LORD dHAN- cELLoR again complained, that he had not been led to expect opposition to this clause, when be had abandoned the other two. Lord BROUGHAM came a little to his aid, by saying he objected to sending the measure to a Select Committee. Tho bill was allowed to pass through Committee.

IRLSH MINISTERS-MONEY : EDINBURGH ANNUITY-TAX.

In answer to Mr. JOHN Rue-sows, Mr. WALPOLE stated that the Go- vernment does not propose to bring in a bill during the present session to settle the vexed question of Ministers-money in Ireland ; but they think the question ought to besettled with as little delay as possible, "regard being had to the nature of the claim and the interests involved" ; and they do intend to endeavour to bring in a bill next session.

Mr. Fox MAULE having asked a question relative to the Annuity-tax payable in Edinburgh, Mr. WALPOLE said that he had given some consi- deration to that subject: he was not prepared to say he would adopt the recommendation of the Select Committee, but he would go through the papers and see if he could suggest a plan of settlement.

NATIONAL EDUCATION IN IRELAND.

Lord jonx RUSSELL referred to the statements recently made by the Premier and the Home Secretary about the inquiry purposed by Govern- ment into the National system of Education in Ireland.

He understood that there is to be an inquiry with regard to the system pureued by the Irish Education Board. He feared, if any alteration were made of the kind he had heard suggested, that combined education would cease to be the rule, and would become the exception, and that separate education would become not the exception but the rule. Such a change would be a great misfortune. He hoped that the vote would not be altered this year, but, would be made according to the rules now existing ; and that no change in the Irish Board of Education would be made without some inquiry, and some proceedings in that House in sanction of any proposed change. Mr. WALPOLE said, be was surprised that there was any misapprehen- don—

He had already stated, that there would be no inquiry this session ; and i

that if any such inquiry were made next session, it would not be made to disturb the existing rule of combined education—it is desired that combined education should be the rule and not the exception—but only to modify the distribution of grants so as to give satisfaction to parties, including the clergy of the Established Church, who do not now participate in the grants. No alteration in the vote was now proposed, and none would be proposed till a Committee had inquired itatl,piade its report.

JEFF:MILE OFFENDERS.

Sir Ionx FARINGTON has stated, in answer to a question by Captain Frrznov, that since accepting hie presentlaborious office, he found it im- possible to undertake the prosecution of the inquiry into the present mode of treating juvenile offenders. He might go further, and venture to express a kribt,whether such an in- quiry, if undertaken by another Member, could he satisfactorily conducted during the present session. No one could be more convinced than himself of the increasing importance of the question,—with respect to which, he was sorry to say, we are lagging behind other civilised nations of the world ; and he hoped that another year would not pass without the attention of Par- liament being directed to it.

THE NAVIGATION-LAWS.

In the midst of the small debate on the motion about Volunteer Rifle Corps, Mr. Ercaano brought up what he thought was a discrepancy between the statements about the Navigation-laws made at different The Premier has said that it was not his intention to attempt a reversal of the policy of 1846 with reference to the Navigation-laws; but the President of the Board of Control has lamented the increased percentage of foreign ton- nage, and conveyed an impression that Government does intend to try and reverse the policy of 1846 in respect to the Navigation-laws. Mr. Hsam expressed astonishment at 31r. Ricardo's misapprehen- sion of his recent words— Not only did ho not say what Mr. Ricardo supposed, but he said the very reverse. He declared that the policy of 1848 was not reversible, and used the quotation " vestigia nulla retrorsum." If, however, Mr. Ricardo wished to know whether any means could be found for mitigating the distress of the shipping interest caused by the legislation of 1848, Mr. Herries begged to state he believed it possible to devise such means.

Mr. LABOUCHEICE said, he had received Mr. Herries's speech to his constituents as the funeral oration over the Navigation-laws. He added some facts about the flourishing state of shipbuilding, which he thought proved that shipowning could not be in such a dejected condition as ship- owners pretend. Speaking from documents which Mr. Herries has now in his office of the Board of Trade, Mr. Labouchere said, "never was there greater activity in the shipbuilding yards of this country than at this moment" : "he would venture to say, that in the Thames alone they were at present building a greater amount of tonnage than had been built by foreigners during the whole of last year."

Mr. GEORGE FREDERICK YOUNG gave this statement a direct and posi- tive contradiction— The only exception to the most disastrous condition "of the shipbuilding trade, is the foreign orders now executing for ships of war, and not for the merchant service." If the state of public business and his health had per- mitted, it was his intention to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the effect of the repeal of the Navigation-laws on the navigation of this country. He hoped that inquiry was only postponed ; and, if it pleased God, he pledged himself to bring this subject under discussion in a new Par- liament. Meanwhile, he hoped the House would "suspend its judgment."

ST. ALBAN'S DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL.

In Committee on the St. Alban's Disfranchisement Bill, Mr. JOHN STUART was to have moved an instruction which would have allotted the two forfeited seats to the Scotch counties of Inverness and Lanark ; but Mr. WALPOLE stated that the present bill was one simply of disfranchise- ment, and that a separate bill would be brought in for giving the Members taken from Sudbury and St. Alban's "to some place or places which ought to have Members conferred on them" ; so Mr. Stuart withdrew his intended motion. Mr. JACOB BELL then made one more attempt to avert the fate of his borough. Presenting a petition from two hundred electors who were not implicated in the corruption, praying that they the innocent may not be involved in the punishment of the guilty, he enforced their petition in his characteristic manner.

The attack on his borough would have all the appearance of vengeance, and none of the benefits of example, unaccompanied as it was with any mea- sure against the general corruption. The attack was commenced by the late Government ; everybody joined in it, and had his fling at poor St. Alban's ; and at last, the late Government having hunted down the game, the present Government, most of them keen sportsmen, eagerly ran in for the brush. But what would be the benefit to the public ? Were not the Blaggs and the Edwardses already in renewed activity throughout the kingdom ? Had not the inquiry at St. Alban's suggested new dodges and artifices to them ? Was it not notoriously the opinion of the Parliamentary agents that the coming election would be the most corrupt ever known ? A large number of boroughs had been offered to him at various prices. (" Oh, oh !") It was true : he wished not to be personal, and had no desire to dilute the dirt which hung to himself by spreading it over others. As the Reform Bill had been withdrawn, and the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill alone remained, and as he was pre- pared to show that the sting had been taken out of that, he thought it evident that nothing beyond vengeance against his borough was intended. St. Alban's was to be got rid of; and after the elections were over, and Members had settled their bills with the Edwardses and the Blagg,s, then there would be time enough to bring in a real bill to stop corrupt practices at elections. If he had the ballot he would be sure of a majority. But he sympathized with those who wished to appear adverse to bribery and corruption. Fearing that the bill would be but a screen to the past and a cloak for the future—a sort of basin of water in which all might wash their hands and seem pure—he would move an amendment that would effect the object of the bill without injustice to the innocent : he would move to add certain places to the bo- rough of St. Alban's.

This diversion, however, proved technically irregular ; and the bill passed through Committee.

[It was ironically remarked that Mr. Roebuck did not, according to promise, move for the appearance of Mr. Coppock at the bar to be exa- mined searchingly.] CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS.

The second reading of the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill was moved by Mr. VERNON SMITH, in the absence of Lord John Russell. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, the Government did not oppose the second reading, but of course reserved the right of introducing amendments in Committee.

Colonel Srwrnonr denounced the bill, as very dangerous, yet very mean.

It was probably introduced by some one whose conscience was uneasy ; for conscience did make cowards of us all. It would create a class of men going about as spies in every city and borough in the kingdom. It was a cowardly, dastardly measure, and full of meanness. He was determined that nothing should prevent him from exercising that Christian hospitality to his fellow creatures which he had always practised—even at the risk of being brought before a Committee of the House. By this bill it would be dangerous to give an elector a piece of bread, or even a pinch of snuff. It was mere claptrap— a pretence of purity, and of coming there with clean hands : but he suspect- ed it would take an immense quantity of soap to cleanse some of them. (Laughter.)

The bill was road. a.aeronel time.

THE HOP-DUTY.

Mr. FREWEN moved a resolution, that in any remission of taxation the Hop-duty ought to be considered ; and supported his motion by a state- ment moderate in tone but strong in facts. He showed that, in a farm of 503 acres in Sussex, where the average quantity of land under hops for the last years was only 26 acres, the average hop-duty was more by 81. in each year than the whole rent of the farm ; and' wiling figures to show that the duty for all Sussex has varied from 280,11y. to 80,0001. in a year, he dwelt on the gambling evils engendered by an impost of so variable an amount.

times by the President of the Board of Control and the First Lord of the Treasury.

The CHArressixon of the Exemantrisa assured Mr. Frewen, with Ames of impressive tenderness for agriculture, that most certainly the reque4 of consideration would be complied with Even in case of a more limited review of the fiscal condition of the country being taken with a view to ascertain merely the practicability of improm, the general incidence of taxation, it was impossible that the hop-duty shopg escape consideration. Only yesterday (Monday) a deputation presented a memorial to Lord Derby and himself: the Government would -bestow fell consideration on that memorial—as they would on any memorial, from en, portion of her Majesty's subjects, relative to taxation. He hoped Mr. Frewen would not ask a more detailed statement, but would now rest satisfied with having very ably and temperately put the case of his constituents fairly be- fore the Government and country. Mr. Rusts supported the motion; but acknowledged that Mr. Disraeli could not say more, before his financial statement. Mr. COBDEN tried to stimulate Mr. Frewen to take a division ; promising him Free-trade as. sistance, and hinting that the nearness of the general election would give him a surprising accession of votes. But Mr. Faxwzu refused to take a course so unaccommodating to the Protectionist Government : he said he was satisfied ; and withdrew his motion.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

The debate on the motion of Mr. Hums was long, but a great deal of the matter used was already familiar ; it was more interesting in its per. sonal aspects than in its political bearings. The motion itself was as fol. lows— "That leave be given to bring in a bill to amend the national repre. sentation, by extending the elective franchise in England and Wales, so that every man of full age, and not subject to any mental or legal disability, who shall have been the resident occupier of a house, or of part of a house as a lodger, for twelve months, and shall have been duly rated to the poor of that parish for that time, shall be registered as an elector, and be entitled to vote for a representative in Parliament : also, by enacting that votes shall be taken by ballot, that the duration of Parliaments shall not exceed three years, and that the proportion of representatives be made more consistent with the amount of population and property." At the outset, Mr. Hume touched on that reference made by Lord Derby to the democratic compact of Cheshtun Place, in which he said that his Government would "oppose some barrier against the current of democratic influence that is continually encroaching, which would throw power nominally into the hands of the masses, practically into those of the demagogues who lead them." Mr. Hume took this epithet of "de- magogue" to himself; and observing, with some little soreness, that he found by Johnson that the word demagogue means " a ringleader of the rabble," he "threw back the imputation, not with contempt, but as wholly unworthy of Lord Derby" : for Mr. Hume, though oftener at the head of large bodies of his countrymen than any man in this country, has never led a rabble; he has been a peacemaker; and he will still strive to pacify men who meet in large numbers under 'a sense of injustice to demand their rights. From this personal point he went, by a transition hinging on the phrase he had used " demand their just rights," into an argument that the suffrage is a right and not a privilege. This he much insisted on ; quoting Blackstone, and referring to Sir Thomas Smith of Queen Elizabeth's time, in support. Then, from the ground of abstract right, he passed to his final ground of political ex- pediency ; and this he fortified by quoting Lord Chatham's opinion that the restoration of a genuine House of Commons was the only remedy against the system of corruption ; and the opinions given in Parliament in 1792 of Mr. Lambton, father of Lord Durham, and the then Duke of Richmond—men certainly not " demagogues "—that making the House of Commons a real representation of the people, freely chosen and inde- pendent of the Peers and the Crown, and amenable at short intervals to the judgment of their constituents, would be a safeguard against, and not a step towards, the disturbances then already arisen in France.

Sir Josiros. WALMSLEY seconded the motion ; and supported it by a speech which advanced the main facts and arguments against the un- reasonable and inequitable distribution of the Parliamentary representa- tion, and the impolitic restriction of the suffrage. He showed in detail, that the distribution of Members is neither in proportion to the population nor to the wealth of the districts and populations nominally represented, and that the number of votes (not voters) is scarcely greater than the pro- portion of one in seven of the whole adult male population. Then referring to our advance during the last twenty years, in commerce, wealth, know- ledge, arts, and civilization—in all that distinguishes a civilized, industri- ous, and growing people—he put in broad contrast to this the fact that there has been during that time no advance or improvement in our repre- sentation or rights of self-government. He besought the House to pon- der, in this time of tranquillity, on the folly of treating with contumely the reasonable demands of millions of irritated subjects.

Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND varied the debate with suggestive criticisms, going to the principles at the root of institutions. Objecting to the Re- form Act of 1832, that it had no principle—it chose ten pounds, and now they proposed five pounds, though there is no more principle in connecting the right with 51. than with 41. 19s. 64—he for himself propounded the rule, that the elective franchise should be coextensive with direct service to the state; giving the poor man who has nothing in his pocket to tempt the tax-collector, but who has rendered his own personal service as sol- dier or militia-man, the right after his discharge to vote. The ballot ho thought a matter to be left to the electors themselves. The varieties in our representation he somewhat defended ; and the property qualification he specifically upheld, not on the ground often taken, that it is evaded— that is a bad ground, which goes towards impairing the obligation of an oath and the conscientious duty of jurors and others—but on a sort of anti-communistic principle, which he illustrated in his own way.

Wherever there are two animals, and one has got something to eat and the other has not, unless the one that has the something to eat were stronger

than the other, depend upon it there will be a battle between them. So, if there are two men alongside each other, one rich and the other poor, and the rich man has not something or other wherewith to defend his riches, there will be a free trade between them pretty quickly. Property and power must be considered together ; for the power of civilized society is alone constituted to preserve acquired property.

He observed that the narrowness of the basis of the late Administra- tion had been complained of perhaps justly, but the choice of constituen- cies had to be recollected : the statesman alone who forms an Administra- tion knows how difficult it is to take the beat men only. It would be well that the Premier were freed from the rule which pre-

dudes him from placing the best men in the fittest places ; if at the same time parliament had the full power to call the Ministers before it, to inter- ,.seste them as to the business of their departments. "In fine, Mr. Drummond said that if he became a Parliamentary Re- former, he should find his work in the House of Lords. oat is "the weakest part of our constitution, which requires most to be lengthened." The power of the House of Commons had increased and was increasing : it ought to be diminished, and he wanted to strengthen the Rouse of Lords to withstand that House. In particular, he would abolish voting by proxy ; and would diminish the evil of having pauper noblemen, by giving life-peerages to men who have done real service to their country, but have not the means of transmitting to their posterity wherewithal to nphold the dignity of the Peerage. Sir PAOR Woon, like Mr. Hume, opened with a reference to Lord Derby's fling at Democracy ; but his reference to it was not made so much to disclaim the epithet of "demagogue" as to give a framework to a con- trast between the principles of Democracy and those of Absolutism. potting out of his view the many "military occupations" now seen in Europe, he divided the governments into those high Monarchical ones in which the sovereign is a paternal despot and the people have nothing to do with the laws but to obey them, and those few governments in which, With an hereditary sovereign and an upper chamber of legislation, the people are generally invited to look after their own interests, and govern themselves. ' These latter are nations governed by the "Democratic prin- ciple" - they are governed by the principle of enlightened confidence : the others are governed on the principle of fear. He described the at- tributes of the British constitution, and showed that; its principle is one of life and progression. Ile had lately met with a beautiful illustration—that it is only the dead tees of the forest which remain uniform and unchanged through the sea- sons. " We live in a vast corporation of the whole nation. That corporation is a living thing. We find certain means and appliances by which we can legitimately accomplish such changes as may be necessary, and every man sets to work to effect those improvements and reforms to the best of his ability, without occasioning any disturbance whatever." instanced nstanced one nation of Europe which ranks by our own side- Belgium—to show that this one is safely constitutional because it is Demo- cratic in its local institutions.

Why had the representative system thriven there ? Because the Govern- ment could have confidence in the people, who had been educated for ages in municipal government. The great municipalities of Ghent, Bruges, and other towns, had given the people habits of political-education and thought; sad in that country, better than in any other on the Continent, had the re- presentative system succeeded. The Belgian people had also another quality which he believed had been singUlarly favourable to this country. The Eng- lish people are a strongly religious people—a people deeply imbued with re- ligious faith. Now the same thing exists remarkably in Belgium. He was glad to make the admission that the people of that country are a deeply religious people, professing as they do the Roman Catholic religion, because during the last session he had shown that he was not disposed to favour any encroachments on the part of that faith. He believed this had been to them a great security, and sure he was that it would be a vast security to this country in any reform or extension of the franchise.

Having expressed his approval of the general bearing of Mr. Hume's motion, and his specific approval of one portion of it—that referring to the ballot—he said he should not do more. There was no possibility of the measure being carried this session ' • and he would reserve to himself a perfect freedom as to any and every specific measure.

Mr. NAPIER argued temperately against the motion.

It was evident that a limitation must be made somewhere; and the question was whether they would not derange the constitution by making a lower property qualification the means of increasing the franchise, instead of using the means of education to enable persons to qualify themselves to exercise the franchise, and partake of the benefits held out to them by the constitution. He did not say that he was averse to such an ex- tension of the franchise as was consistent with the adjustment of the balance of the constitution, but he thought the lowering of the property qualification would merely tend to increase the influence of power and corruption. His object would be, not to multiply numbers, or to give power to unprincipled men, but to increase the independent intelligence of the country by every fair means.

Mr. Roszincx. went over the whole of the topics in the motion; but his chief point was the right of the instructed artisan to franchise.

As Sir Page Wood had done before him, he confessed that he relied on no abstract right—he thought that there is no abstract right in question : but he asked the franchise for the instructed artisan living in a lodging, first, because he is a man who by honest industry gains his subsistence ; next, because he is instructed ; and, thirdly, he is a moral man • and upon these three qualities—independence derived from obtaining his subsistence

i by his own individual exertions, intellect sufficient to guide him in the judg- ment he ought to form upon the government of the country, and that mo- rality which ought to pertain to the constituency—he was to be placed upon a line with any other class in this community, and worthy to be a consti- tuent.

Mr. Disnasta uttered a phrase or two of sarcasm on the general cha- racter of the debate up to that point; saying that the speeches had seemed to him to be mainly addressed, not to the motion on the paper, but rather to that still more elaborate though evanescent proposition which, with a due regard for the feelings of Lord John Russell, Members opposite should have had the delicacy not to allude to ; and that Sir Page Wood's very elaborate speech "was evidently prepared'to support a Ministerial pro- position." He then took the four propositions of Mr. Hume's motion, and canvassed them seriatim. The portions of his speech which the Ministerial benches cheered as most triumphant were those relating to the distribution of the representation, and to the ballot. On the first point, he assumed that Mr. Hume's objections to the present system are principally directed against the unfair predominancy of repre- sentation which the territorial interests obtain, compared with the municipal interests. This he denied ; and he supported his denial by a contrast of the Population and Members of Parliament of the rural districts in the manu- facturing and agricultural regions of England with the population and Members of Parliainent of the great towns in the same regions, showing that the towns, absorb the greatest portion of the representation of those regions.

In North Cheshire, the population of the two great towns Macclesfield and Stockport, amounting to only 92,000, has four Members; the rest of the population, 249,000, has but two Members. In South Cheshire, the town, Chester, has two Members for its 28,000; the rest of the county no more for their 178,000. In South Derbyshire, the capital town again takes two Members for its 41,000, and the county gets but two Members for its 125,000. And so on, through South Durham, West Kent, North Lancashire, South Lancashire, and the East Riding and West Riding of Yorkshire. The last instance ho described as the most glaring of all. " If I were to seek an in- stance in which to show that the distribution of the representation was not arranged with a desire to promote or to maintain the preponderance of the landed interest, I would seek it in that celebrated West Ming. We have there nine considerable towns, all of them important and distinguished for their industry and manufactures. Among them there are Leeds, Halifax, Huddersfield, and Wakefield. The urban population of the West Riding is 500,000, and the rural population is 800,000; and yet the town population is represented by sixteen Members, though it is only 500,000, and the rural population, which is 800,000, is represented not by sixteen, but by two Members. This, then, is a summary of the great scenes of our modern in- dustry. In North Lancashire, every 70000 of the urban population have a representative, while for the rural population there is one representative for every 257,000. In West Yorkshire, there is a representative for every 32,000 in the towns,. while in the agricultural districts every 400,000 of the popula- tion have a similar advantage ."

Lest he should be accused of selecting instances, he gave the result of a summary of the population of 107 large towns having a population of about 6,500,000, and represented by 187 Members, in contrast with the re- maining population of the 'United Kingdom and their representatives : this result was, that the population of these boroughs had one Member to every 35,000, while the rural population of the United Kingdom had one Member to 36,000. So that, on a "complete and comprehensive view," the town population is better represented than the rural population.

posting on the success of this demonstration, Mr. Disraeli declared all the statistics of Mr. Hume and his school to be founded on partial instances and fantastic combinations, conveying inaccurate impressions, and not justifying the policy they are brought to support.

The attack on the ballot was made chiefly in the form of quotations from an American correspondent, once a Member of that House, who had filled im- portant situations in the service of his Sovereign, and whose name if he were to quote it would be received by gentlemen on both sides with universal respect. The writer gave prominence to this passage in the speech of the Governor of New York State, where the ballot is now in use. " The increase of bribery at popular elections demands your serious attention" ; and then he proceeded to describe himself the violence which had occurred at a recent election in the process of voting by ballot. "Individuals were not merely beaten from the polls, but were knocked down, beaten and stabbed, when pro- ceeding about their ordinary occupations in open day in distant parts of the city. The police appeared to have been utterly inefficient, and the 100,000 citizen soldiers, of whom the New York papers boasted so much, were con- tent to remain at home, while a few gangs of ruffians commanded all the approaches to the polling-booths, and in one instance destroyed the ballot- box."

Mr. Disraeli followed up his quotations by this expression of his own opin- ions—" I believe it to be a growing sentiment in the convictions of English- men, that corruption is the consequence of men not being properly brought up. You may pass laws, ostensibly to prevent corruption in countries where nothing is secret, or in countries where nothing is open ; but corruption cannot be stopped by law.- it can only be stopped by elevating the tone of the community, and making men ashamed of the thing itself."

The other two points of Mr. Hume's motion were also criticized ; but Mr. Disraeli's objections to them were couched in guarded language. In reference to the suffrage, he was careful to say, " for himself and his colleagues," that they " do not consider an extension of the franchise to be synonymous with the extension of the democratic power." " I repudiate the assertion that we are a party opposed to all reform unless we listen to propositions of the kind now before us." But he and his party would now " stand by the settlement made in 1831," as one which, though not made by them, nor favourable to them, has yet, now, under remedial influences, proved capable of giving good government and freedom to the people. Lord Joust Russram, in a speech of some length, went over the ground he usually traverses on these occasions ; dwelling on the merits of the existing system, but admitting the possibility of improving it. He showed some little advance on one point—the ballot : he admitted "the present popularity of the proposition" ; but he said he thought its ad- mirers had not considered all its consequences : for instance, the labour. ing classes now influence votes, but if voting were secret they would no longer know whether they did so or not, and that might make discontent. He took up a phrase Mr. Disraeli used—that he would not sanction a new advance till a "clear necessity" for it arose ; and, reading that as equivalent to the rejection of all change till there was " clear discontent ; " he said such a principle implied that the House should never move on- wards, but on the impetus of agitation and dangerous crises.

Mr. WeLsoix rose after Lord John Russell, simply in order that it should not go to the country that Mr. Disraeli had used the expression " dear necessity " as synonomous with " discontent and disaffection "; and in the course of his correction he manifested some favour for a pro- position that the depositors in savings-banks should have votes—he saw no reason why, "as time advanced," they should not receive the fran- chise.

Mr. WILLIAMS now moved the adjournment of the debate ; which Mr. Hoanousa seconded. But Mr. HUME saying that he would be sorry if he were the means of taking up the House by having the debate ad- bourned, Mr. BRIGHT agreeing, and the Cues/mm.0n of the EXCHEQUER acking the desire for an immediate conclusion, the debate was wound up. Mr. HUME said that the statistics of Mr. Disraeli were directed against assertions he had not made, or they were altogether incorrect; they were chiefly the latter—incorrect. On a division the numbers were—For the motion, 89 ; against it, 244 ; majority against the motion, 155.

DISSOLUTION AND ASSEMBLY OF PARLIAMENT.

Lord BROUGHAM laid on the table of the House of Peers a bill "to re- move a great oversight of the law touching the assembly of Parliament," by reducing the period of fifty days, which the law at present requires, between a dissolution and a new assembly of Parliament, to a pe- riod of thirty-five days. The first period was fixed by usage and statute under circumstances which have ceased to operate. After, explaining this bill, Lord Brougham added some earnest words, im- ploring their Lordships to take immediate and stringent measures to put down bribery and corrupt practices at elections ; especially counselling that efforts should be more than hitherto directed against the giver of the bribe, and expressing his opinion that nothing done would be effectual till the Legislature made it compulsory upon every Member of Parliament on taking his seat to take a thoroughgoing oath that neither directly nor indirectly, neither by himself nor by his agents, had he been guilty of bribery. The End of DERBY said there would be no objection to the bill introduced by Lord Brougham. With reference to the policy of putting an end to the increased and he feared increasing bribery at elections, he stated

his hope that the bill introduced in the other House by the late and adopted by the present Government, was likely to be passed this session. EASTER RECESS.

Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR begged for as many Easter holydays as the Government could give consistently with the due progress of public busi- ness. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had every anxiety to comply with the wishes of the House; " but, looking to the interests of public business, he felt it his duty to move the adjournment from the usual day —Thursday the 8th of April, until Monday the 19th of April." Sir ROBERT Imams said, it had been the custom for many years to adjourn on Wednesday in Passion Week, and not on Thursday. The Casson- Loa of the EXCHEQUER said, he was most desirous to consult the preponder- ant feeling of the House : he would " ascertain" if the House adjourned last year on Wednesday ; and if he found that they did, he would act on the precedent this year. On Thursday, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE- .QUEIL said he found that Tuesday had been, the day of adjournment last year ; and intimated that he would follow that precedent.

Comm- Comps Juittsrateram La BANKRUPTCY, &e. Lord BROUGHAM introduced to the House of Peers on Thursday a bill which be explained to be for consolidating the two systems of Bank- ruptcy and Local Jurisdiction into one, and for enabling the Judges of the County Courts, in going their circuits to decide on debts, to work out the fiats in bankruptcy in the same districts in whioh the creditors of the bankrupt resided.

LONDON WATER SUPPLY.

Lord Joint MANNERS, President of the Board of Works, stated on Thursday, in reference to the Metropolis Water Bill, that he will not pledge himself to support the measure introduced by his predecessor, be- t:ails° in one important item—that relating to the scale of charges to be made by private companies—the present Government dissents altogether from what was proposed by Lord Seymour. The Watford Spring Water Company Bill got through the stage of second reading on Thursday. It was supported by Mr. H. T. HOPE, Mr. B. COCHRANE, and Sir R. Pam, Mr. M‘Gmeiort, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, and Mr. HUME ; and Mr. R. STEPHENSON thought that it was worthy of the consideration of a Select Committee. Mr. DUNCOMBE said he had heard that the private companies had eighty-six Members of the House among their proprietary ; he and Mr. Kuntz suggested that these Mem- bers should retire during the division. The second reading was carried b71,96 to 65.

METROPOLITAN SEWERS.

Mr. WALPOLE has informed Sir BENJAMIN HALL that the Government intends to bring in a bill to continue the Metropolitan Sewers Act.

Tits 'aim DEBT.

4urns to show the large sums which Ireland had before repaid, which had been advanced to assist her in former times pf destitution—sine() 1837 minutes providing for the repayment of the debts no from counties and riod not exceeding forty years. In supporting his motion, he quoted re:

unions in Ireland by the imposition of a consolidated annuity for a pe- Lord MoserraoLit moved for a Select Committee an the Treasury ehe- hes repaid 7,000,0001. sterling ; that since 1848 the land of all Ireland was flaltn. in value from 13,076,0601. to 11,680,000/., and the land of Munster and Connaught has sustained a depreciation of 1,026,0001. on a valuation of 6,199,0001., or 20 per cent ; and that, notwithstanding these great drains from old burdens, and the terrible losses from the latest and greatest calamity, no less than 94 per cent of the assessments made to the poarlrate have been punctually paid—in fact, after proper deductions, only 2 per cent has been lost. The Earl of Dram' consented to grant the Committee with an appearance of readiness, and with expressions a aym- patty calculated to raise hopes among Irish landlords. He said, there 'had doubtless been unavoidable waste of the advances made, and it is right that those who have to repay should have a full account of the ,particulars of the charges : but he added, while on the one hand the Com- mitteewould make due allowance forthe abuses and the waste, they would consider that great aid bad been granted to the people of Ireland in a time of utmost need, for the repayment of which Government has claims that neither justly nor equity can resist. The Committee would strike the balanustly between the parties ; and then report to their Lordships

ce the result, with a view to some further Parliamentary provision. being

made on the subject. VOLUNTEER Coats.

'On the motion for going into Committee of Supply on Monday, Sir Da LACY EVANS moved his amendment, to the effect that it would be meon- Distant in Government to propose an increase of the armed and paid force of the country, while at the same time they refused, and 'in effect discoun- tenanced and discouraged, "the highly laudable, patriotic, and chivalrous offers of gratuitous service from various parts of the kingdom, having for their object the formation of rifle companies and regiments for the na- tional defence." Mr. Hume " had no objection" to second the amend- ment. In doing so, he referred with satisfaction to the statement made by Lord John Russell, of his opinion that the Government explanations of their intentions with reference to an appeal to the country are now satisfactory, and his desire to facilitate the despatch of the necessary Go- vernment business. Mr. Hume concurred in that opinion and desire; and he had therefore to state, that, " for the first time in his life, he was about to agree to the votes without opposition." 'fret he hoped the Go- vernment would not consider the Militia Bill one of the measures neces- sary to be passed before a dissolution. Mr. Fox MAT= deprecated en- terinfe on a discussion about the Militia, as the Government were going to bring in their measure on Monday next. The attention of the House being but vaguely fixed on the amendment of Sir De Lacy Evans, the debate wandered into a parenthetical discussion, larger than the original debate, on the Navigation-laws. At length Mr. WALPOLE reclaimed the matter formally in hand. Ile assured Sir De Lacy Evans, that nothing was further from the intention of the Government than to show any die, trust of the people of this country in reference to any volunteer corps which they might undertake to form in the event of a necessity for them; but as the Militia Bill would be introduced on Monday, and as, if such a law is passed, the members of the Volunteer Corps ought to be exempted from its operation, the House had better await the explanations to be given on Monday. Sir DE LACY EVANS withdrew his amendment.

THE " REFIICIEES" Coneseovnassen. Mr. Mostogrow Mttleas was to have moved on Tuesday an address to the Crown for copies of the correspondence between her Majesty's Go- vernment and Foreign States respecting the protection afforded to refo„ gees. But, on personal application to the Foreign Secretary, he had found that there was an unwillingness to comply with the motion, on the al. leged ground that the correspondence was not complete ; an excuse that may be applied to every correspondence, as some additional communication is always possible. So he confined hiss request on Tuesday to the islet despatch from Prince Schwarzenberg, the general form of which has been published in the newspapers. The CHANCELLOR of the Exonv,oueit_.„ premising that Mr. Milner appeared to be " of that school which believes that the essence of diplomacy is mystery, and that it is impossible, where a diplomatic interest is concerned, for anybody to give a straight- forward answer "—announced that the despatch was already being printed, and would soon be presented to the House by order."

MAIL STEAM-SHIPS TO SYDNEY.

In reply to questions, Mr. STAFFORD informed Mr. Farieca, that no contract has yet been made with the Australian Royal Mail Company, be- cause the Directors of the Company thought it better to wait till they had got their charter, and then to make the contract as a chartered company ; that the time for the departure of the first vessel has been postponed from the 1st of May to the 3d of June; and that, from communications with Mr. Cunard, there seems no doubt that the time thus fixed will be pure. tually kept.

RENEWAL OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER.

Mr. JIMMIES announced on Tuesday, that as the votes in Supply had made more rapid progress than was anticipated, he purposes to move on Monday for his Select Committee on the renewal of the East India Com- pany's Charter. But as Mr. Walpole brings on his Militia Bill that night, he might not be able te make his motion then,

EGYPT AND THE PORTE.

The subject of the relations of the Pacha of Egypt to his suzerain the Sultan of Turkey, in especial reference to the Tanzimat of the Sultan and the Railway project of the Pacha, was brought under review in the House of Commons by Mr. ANDERSON, on making a motion for an address asking-for correspondence. The CHANCELLOR of the ExeueQUER opposed the production of he correspondence, on the simple and intelligible ground that the transactions were in an imperfect state. Lord JOHN RUSSELL con- curred in the objection ; and on the suggestion of Mr. Hymn the motion was withdrawn.

Oun RELATIONS WITH THE PLATE RIVER STATES.

Lard BEAustoste made the recent news from the River Plate, of the downfall of General Roses, Dictator of Buenos Ayres, and the occupation of Buenos Ayres by the allied Montevidean and Brazilian troops, the basis of questions to the Foreign Secretary. Opening with a graphic contrast of the active and energetic race on the

Northern oontinent—' which seems destined to form the first nation and the finest people in the world," with the descendants of the Spanish and Portuguese settlers in South America—" a race always lagging behind, and BOW moping in ignorance and grovelling in superstition, —he sketched the history of the struggle which has raged for thirty years between Roses as .Dictator of Buenos Ayres and the Republic of Montevideo,

told of the fruitless interventions of England and France, dictated by the

interests of peace and civilization ; and then showed that the final and ef- fective intervention of Brazil is possibly prompted by the hope of recovering portions of her own former territory. Ile stated that the Brazilian flag now floats above Buenos Ayres as well as the Argentine flag, and mentioned ru- mours that the island of Santa Fe has been ceded to Brazil, and that other portions of territory are to be restored to her as the reward of her assistance. Were these reports true ? Had Lord Malmesbury seized the golden oppor- tunity offered of negotiating for the free navigation of the Parana and Para- guay, and opening up to European intercourse Bolivia, Paraguay, and the Banda Oriental ?

The Earl of MALMESBURY said, he had not received official information of anything but the battle of Santee Lug,ares ; and he discredited the ru- mours about Santa Fe and other territorial cessions. Acknowledging heartily the advantages of the opportunity for negotiations now offera4 he said he had most promptly embraced that opportunity : within twenty- four hours he invited the French Government to join us in renewing negotiations for the interests of peace, European commerce, and civiliza- tion. _ The Earl of ABERDEEN expressed his pleasure at this statement ; and panegyrised the good faith that the French Government, both the Monarchical and the Republican, has shown towards the English Go- vernment in all the joint negotiations between General Roses and the Republic of Montevideo. MISSION 'To Sure.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER informed Sir T. E. CoLzenooss, that there is an intention on the part of Government to renew the mission to. Siam, at a fitting opportunity ; and that recent circumstances seem likely to present the opportunity sooner than appeared probable a short time back.