SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

ESITOSICAL ILLUSTRATIONS,

Original Letters illustrative of English History ; including numerous Royal Letters: from Autographs in the British Museum, the State Paper OflIce, and one or two other Collections. With Notes and Illustrations, by Sir Henry Ellis, NH. F.R.S.

• See. SA., Principal Librarian of the British Montan. Third Series. Vols. I. H.

ktruorrozas, Bentley. .Twenty-four Years in the Argentine Republic ; embracing the Author's Personal Ad- ventures, with the Civil and Military History of the Country, and an Account - of its Political Condition before and during the Administration of General Roses; his course of Policy, the causes and character of his Interference with the Govern- ment of Monte Video, and the circumstances which led to the Interposition of England and France. By Colonel J. Anthony King, an OMeer in the Army of the Republic, and twenty-four years a Resident in the country.. .Longman and Co.

STATISTICS,

South Australia and its Mines; with an Historical Sketch of the Colony, under its several Administrations, to the Period of Captain Grey's Departure. By Francis

Dutton Boone.

BIS HENRY ELLIS'S ORIGINAL LETTERS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH HISTORY.

Taxan volumes differ from the generality of collections, by their dis- tinct purpose, and by the editor's qualifications for the task he has un- dertaken. Of course there are many letters which will have no striking attraction for the common reader' and some whose illustrative utility may not be immediately clear to the historical student ; but the main bulk of the epistles support the character claimed for them' and throw a strong light upon the persons and events of history, as well as upon manners and private life. In the main selected from the writings of Statesmen, diplomatists, -and inferior persons engaged in the actual business of life, they bring US into the closest connexion with historical actors, and, so far as even the most powerful can follow their own wishes, with the seeret springs of actions. They -often exhibit the greatest historical per- formers, if not absolutely au aaturel, yet before they have dressed for their parts ; and contain many incidental notices of foreign manners, and glimpses of the condition of Europe in the time of which they treat—the quintessence, as it were, of travel. The letters (very often the begging or complimentary letters) of private persons, which chiefly begin with the Tudors, have not so much matter in them ; but they often display tits of personal character, or let us into the daily life of those times, in form contrasting so strongly with our own.

The introduction and annotations are as characteristic as the selection. The preface contains in a few pages a succinceview of the coMmence- rnent and progress of English letter-writing, and an analysis of the first "polite ktierwriters" : the editor's biographical sketches • of the different authors, With his notices of historical circumstances, and con- temporaneous events or publications, not only illustrate the text, but furnish very curious information. It is possible that an account of some of the public events. illustrated Might have been More judicious ;" for al- though " Sir Henry Ellis may conceive that the readers of such a work are acquainted with history, it might save the trouble of reference. Where persons have been noticed in a former series, it would have been more con- venient to repeat the substance of the information than to refer the reader to the pages of a previous volume. The letters in these two volumes commence with the Conquest, and ex- tend to the thick of the Ecclesiastical Reformation (and spoliation) under Henry the Eighth ; but for the sake of distinctness they may be divided into three periods,—from the Conquest to the reign of Henry the Fifth, at which time letters began to be written in English instead of Latin : Henry the Fifth to the accession of the Tudors, (or, in Sir Henry Ellis's classification to the reign of Henry the Eighth,) during which period English and letter-writing made great advances : the period subsequent to the death of Richard the Third or of Henry the Seventh, from which time letter-writing was a not rare accomplishment amongst the middle and upper daises, and our language acquired its present form. During the first of these periods the epistles are not numerous, and are chiefly selected as specimens or samples of the three centuries and a half over which they extend. The space occupied by the dynasties of York and Lancaster is something like double that of the previous section. Those from Henry the Eighth fill nearly four-fifths of the volumes, and form by far the richest portion of the selection. It is to this part that our criticism on the letters themselves chiefly applies, as it is in this alone that anything like broad and continuous historical illustration will be found.

In one point these letters have a more antiquarian character than some selections lately published—the original spelling has been preserved literatim. In some of the earlier letters the very singular orthography is inconvenient ; but it more truly exhibits the acquirements of the writer, and throws a much clearerlight upon the state of the language in those days' and upon the education of the letter-writer himself. Where this had been licholastic—where literature was the writer's profession—there is really little difference between the style or the spelling of those days and ours, beyond what originates in the mental character of the age and mere fashion—such as induced printers of the last century to begin every sub- stantive noun with a capital letter. Men who had not had this education seem to have spelled as they could, and very often oddly enough, guided by the sound and their own notions of conveying it. Many cen- turies had to elapse before a uniform orthography and a common episto- hry style were school-taught. The letters of the Ambassadors from abroad are among the most interesting epistles; and one of the most curious is John Clerk's report to Wolsey of Leo's reception of Henry's book against Luther. It is not often that we can see a Pope, and so polished i one, receiving the work of a royal author. The letter has been damaged in parts, but it is for the most part intelligible. Pnttyng his Holynes in remembrance what antis in tymes past his Grace had done with his sword, for the defence of the churehe: and how that now he had

with his pen without great labor and stvdy diuysid and mad a . . . . the confutacion and totall extinction off the erronyo detestabillopinyons

of Martyn Lenther, and therapo Kyngs Grace is behalf delyverd his H . olynes bokys . . . . theym covered with clothe of gold, the other with . . and . . ...... with a very amyabill • ing the said bokys of me and beholdyng the portenr, fascio . . and tryme deckyng of the said bokis (whiche he semyd to lyke veray well) opennyd the boke coverd with clothe of gold, and begynning the prohem, redde therof successyvely v. lefes with oft in- terruption; and as I suppose, if tym and place and other of no small importante busynes had not lett hym he .wold never a ceassed tyll he had redd it over. His Holynes in redyng, at soche place is as lykyd (and that seernyd to be att every second line) mad ever some demonstracion, eel nutu eel vetio, whereby it apperyd that he had great pleasure in redyng. And when his Holynes had redd a great season, I assur your Grace he gaff the boke a great commendacion and sayd there was therin mocha wytt and clerkly conveyance, and how that ther wer meny great clerkis that had wryten in the matter, butt this bokeshold seem to passe all them. His Holynes sayd, that he wold nott a thowght that soche a boke shold bane corn from the Kyngis Grace, who bath been occapied necessarily in other feattis, seeyng that other men whiche bath occapied them selffis in stody all ther lifts, cannot bryng forth the lyke. I shewyd his Holynes that it shold be for the Kyng's Grace is great confort that his Holynes lykyd his boke so well, and taking the boke in myn band, tornyd to the end thereof and said vnto his Holy grace to.the intent that the affection which he be . . . his Holynes shold mor fully apper, had mad ij. versis . . . his Holynes; and wryten them with his awn hand ther . . the end of the boke: and by cause the Kynge Grace had wryten the saydversis with a very small penne and by cause I knew the Pope to be of a very dull sight I weld hane redd vnto his Holynes the sayd versis and his Holynes, quad= auiditate legendi toke the boke from me and redd the sayd versis iij tymes very promptly to my

great mervail, and comendyd them singlarly. • • • .

"And to retorne to my porpose, when the Popis Holynes lokyd apon thes bokys, now in the on, now in the other, now shett, now open, hoar on cliapitre and ther a nother, as men that be lothe to departs do often take ther leff."

There is a very interesting series of letters written by Norfolk and Wareham Archbishop of Canterbury, who were Commissioners in their respective counties for raising money under what Wolsey called an ami- cable grant. The- pretence of this demand, without authority of Parlia- ment, was to enable Henry to conquer France after the battle of Pavia and the captivity of Francis. The demand itself met with great resist- ance, especially from the commonalty. This resistance, and the means taken to overcome it, are the burden of the letters both of Duke and Arch- bishop ; though it is easy to see that Wareham, if not both the Com- missioners, were at heart with the people. Wareham's letters are not only full of popular evasions and complaints against paying 'any Money, but of cogent reasons against the very purpose for which the Money was wanted. Some of the reports are brooght to the Archbishop, as he Says, under secrecy.

" It bathe been shewed me in secrete inaner of my frends, that the people sore grudgethe and murmnreth, and spekith eursidly emong tbemselues as far as they dare; seying that they shall nenr bane rest of payments as long as some levithe, and that they hadd lever die. than to. be dine contynually handled; rekonyng themselues, theyr childrene, and wyfes, as desperats, and not greately caring whit they don, or what become of thayme. " Item it bathe ben shewed me, that some of the Commissioners fering the malice of the people, entendith-to shecie vnfo thayme the King Grac's commaund- ment, bnt playnely without any great furtheraunce; and in ma's theyfinde any manor of sticking or difficultie in thayme; not to wade verey far to persue4 thayme, but to remytt the hole Hundreds to. me. In which caas I desier year Grace to send me your connsell in writing what shalbe best- for Inc to do for if they woll not bee persuaded by me, I thinke it not beste to send a multyt:ude to the Kings Grace according to the Instructions. "Also it bath been shewed me to my face, that by mnche medling and per snading this metier to come to effecte, shall lose the fauor of the hole countter; which notwithstanding I shall contynnally do the best I can possible for the further- annce of the Kings pleasure in that behalfe, what so euer daunger or disidessur

thereof ensue vnto me. "

•

" I bane hard say more otter that wher the people be commannded to make fyers and tokens of joye for the taking of the Frenche Kinget diuerse of thayme bane spoken that they hace more cause to wepe than to rejoyse therat. And dinerse (as it bath been showed me secretely) haue wisshed openly that the Frenche King wer at his libertie agayne, so as ther wer a good peace, and the Kings Grace shuld-not attempte to wyne Frannce. The Wynnyng whereof shnld be more chargefull to England than profitable: and-the kepmg therof moche more chargefull than the wynnyng. . . "Also it bath been 'told me secretely that dienrse bane recomptid and repetid what infinite sourunes of .money the Kings Grace bath spent alredy inuading Fraunce; one in his own Bolin person; and two other sundry - tymes by his seuemll noble Capitains; and little or nothing in comparation of his costes bath prenailed in somoche that the Kings Grace at this bower bath not on fete of land more in Fmunce than his most noblelather hadd, which lakked.no riches or win- dom to wyne the kingdome of Frannce If he hadd thought it expedient."

Wolsey subsequently wrote to Wareham, advising him to deal with the likeliest first and separately. The Archbishop's reply had reason in it; but it seems difficult to suppose that Wolsey and the King did nOt

see through it.

Ffarther, wher your Graces mynde is that diners of the saddest sorte snobs as of likelyhode wilbe sanest induced shalbe first secretely practised with, iiij. vj.

i

or viij. tognedyr, for this graunte to th'entent specefied n your Graces lettres; veryly I pereeue your Graces mynde in that belialue to be very good and sub- stantial, but I fore that albeit that dinerse and many pod, honest, and well-dis- posed men mold gladly be contented to ayde the King's Grace to their power at this nedefnl tyme; yet it wilbe harde thus to induce them for ij. causes.- One, that none almost dar graunte for fer of the multitude that is vntowarde' for as- muche as dinerse which bane graunted alredy, bane be put in greate fere and iebardy by sediciose persons. And som suehe as bane graunted beeing very honest and substantisd, bane be in mynde, for fere of ill disposed people to departs oute of this realme for a season til the rage of snche malimose folks wer oiler passed. And it wilbe hard to make theym beleve that their grannts shalbe kept secret. And generally al the Commissioners of Kent be in greate grudge of the people for that they first graunted, sayeng that thorough their light grannting they wer occasion of al the trouble of the Commons, wher as if they had showed in what pouertie the people wer, the Kings Grace of his grete goodenes wold nener bane caused this metier farther tobe practised with theym. Th'other cause is that men seeing almoste al the people obstinatly sett not to graunte to the request that bath be made, wilbe lothe to gmnnte and also to pay their graunte; wher as they knoweth that other wil nother graunte ne pay. And surly they wil thinke theym self s not best entreated snehe as bane or she kyndely graunte, if they shad- be charged with the payment of their graunte, and suche as bane shewed theym- seines vntowarde and vilkynde shal escape and nothing pay. Wherupon I deem' your Grace to know- your pleasir whether we shah, the said causes notwithstand- ing, precede in secrete practising first with a fewe in numbre as it is aforsayd, or DO.

Some letters from the Envoys to the Emperor Charles the Fifth exhibit Wohey's singular haughtiness and violence of speech, and

contrast very strongly with the policy and dignity of the Emperor. Tunstall, Wingfield, and Sampson, are reporting an interview with Charles. "His Majestic seyd allso that your Grace bath namyd hym to be a lyar, ob- serving no maner off feith or promesse; my lady Margarete a rybawde; Don Fer- nando his brodyr a childe, and so govemid; the Duke off Burbon a creature. And this reporte was browght be Monsr. de Bewreyne now callyd Monsr. de Memo, at his last being in Englond. When he desynd eyde off the Kings High- nesse ffor Monsr. de Burbon of ijC. M.• ducats for his entree in to Burgendie, afftir the presence off the Ffrence King in Italia, then he seyd that your Grace aunsword that the Kings Highnesse had othir things to doo with his money, than to spende it ffor the pleasor off such iiij. personages, expressing the forseyd words. His NIaiestie seyd morovyr that som things accordyng to the treatie he bath not observyd, the which he confessith. Notwithstanding it hath not ben for want off good wyll, but extreme nede bath causyd hym that he coude not accomplis all his promessys, the which schnld not be arrectyd to his onfeithfullnesse be ony frende, considering that it was not in his power. This Sir, with othir words his Majestic spakke, be the which we perceyvyd that off your Grace dyvers tyms he bath harde grevos reports, and estemith the sam demeanor very estrange."

The Ambassadors make excuses, to which Charles replies.

"His Maiestie seyd and this repetyd twyse, that be the deads now folowing he schuld perceyve whethir thes reports ware spokyn vndyr such maner us we asstiryd or othirwyse. And morovyr he seyd that thee words must neds precede, owttur that yowr Grace thowght os yow seyd, the which he condo not well beleve, for so much that he had gevyn yew no such cause, or weld be loth to doo; or els that yor Grace spekith such words to threate hym, be such meanes to induce hym to your purpos, the which is not the wey to led° hym; or els when your Grace is movyd with colem such words passith yow in a fume and hast, the which he most belevyd be Othir tyrns that he hath known yow in lyke passions. And moreovyr he seyd that in case he thowght hyinselff so blameworthy and fawtyve os your Grace reportith, he weld be more angrye."

Notwithstanding the submission paid to authority in those days, and the rigid distinction of ranks, great freedom of speech seems to have pre- vailed. The substance of the following letter of demand from Vaughan to Cromwell, on hearing that the King designed sending him to a new legation, would startle the Foreign Office now; though it is by no means certain, so far as clearness of instructions go, that it might not properly enough be addressed to them. "And that beyng so purposed by the Kynge, I then desyre and pray yow to pronyde that I have no heuyer burdens charged upon me then I am able to carye. If any legacOn by me be to be done on the Kyngs behalf to any Prynce or other personages, lett the same be sent me in the same tongue from yow, that you wolde I shulde do yt, and that myn histruccions be not suche as maye reyse on my behalf any doubts, but so playne and of such sentence and menyng as doubts may be putt awaye, withe suche other answers and objeccOns as the importance of the matter shall requyre. Of these two poyntts I pmye yow lett me be sure and that I fayle not of them: if yow will have my mynde strongly furnysshed to enter into any matter to say of parfait instruccOns, and my legacan sent in suche tongue as I shall nede to do the same. And whether (if the matter succede not, is the Kyngs Grace may desyre) I shall ymedyatly returne or abyde. Agayn, lett me be in no nede of money or sent owt lyke a wretche, or lecke spedy answer from yew. Thes thyngs or any of them lackyng or happenyng wyll sore pynch sue. If I go into Douche-land agayn, if you wolde helpe me to harm Shurlande sent hither to me, you shulde muche ease me, and shulde be a mete and good in- stillment for me in very many things to werke by, and with me shulde he muche better serve the Kyng then where he ys. "The Kyngs Hieghnes bathe hetherto had litle myude of my poore lyvvng, my charges in his servyce hathe farre surmounted my penmen. I never had hitherto but xon. judge yow whether so small a some hathe payd the same, if his Grace shortly inende it not, I am like to spende that poor and smallgeynes that my wyfe and all hers withe great care and labour do purchase and,gett; which hap- penyng shulde shrewdly discomfort her, and make her tbizik to have mett with an easy fortune. Those I se dayly that lest serve and deserve be soneste and best rewarded. Yow maye hereunto peradventure answer, his Grace will herafter lok upon me. I had rather have than hope. Prynces mynds be chauugeable, at in- Scrim ego miser crucior."

A singular light is thrown upon the bickerings and jealousies of con- ventual life, by a aeries of letters to Anne Boleyn and Cromwell, by Richard Lys; a lay brother of the Observant Friars of Greenwich. The members of this religious house had been favourites of Henry till the di- vorce business ; when some of them adopted the cause of Katherine, which eventually sealed their ruin. Lyst had the sagacity to adopt the strongest side at an early period; though he often complained to Crom- well of the difficulties his loyalty to his Majesty and the Lady Pem- broke (Anne Boleyn) drew upon him. Here we see some of the in- fluences at work upon the pulpit—the press of that day. "Syr, yowre Mastershippe shall undyrstand that Father Forest, whiche doth nether love nor favor yow, bath labured dyvers maner of wayes to supplant and brynge Father Larans, whiche ys the Kyngis faythfull trew subject, owt of favor, both with the Kiugis Grace, and wyth all owre fathers and brether ; and alsa, as 'moche as yn hyme ys, to expulse hym owt of ours Covent of Grenwiche; and hys orygenall and cheffe cawse ya, be cawse he knoweth that Father Larans ys pro- vyded, and also wyll preche the Kyngis meter [the divorce] when sea ever hit shall please his Grace to commando hym; and so the very trewth ys that Father Forest wyll not preche the Kyngis mater hym selffe to his honowre, nor yet suffer Father Larans by hys wyll see to do. Also yf yow here that Father La- tans have any commandment to goo from owre Covent of Grenwiche to dwell yn tiny other place, than goode hit were yow to mossyon the Kyngis Grace to geve yn contrary commandment, that he may remayne here styli at Grenwiche; for that shall be to the Kyngis honowre and to the comforde of us that doth favor the Kyngis Grace and cawse. Syr, yf the Kyngis Grace dyde knowe the geode qualytees and grace that Father Larans bath, both yn hys learnynge, preachynge, and pollytyke wytte, I suppose hys Grace sholde not esteme hym lytyll, and that shall hys Grace well knowe when he shall here hym preche, for he bath a corn- Inon custum yn hys prechinge ever to drawe the hartis of the Kyngis subjectis to favor hys Grace. Also I trust to Jean that Father Larans shall do the Kyngis Grace as moche honours and plesewere as Father Peyto, Father Elston, and Fa- ther Forest, and hys felows hath don the Kyngis Grace dyshonoure and dysple- we're. Also, farthermore, as towchinge the onfaythfulnes, yndyscressyon, and faynyd favor, as consern3rnge agaynst the Kyngis Grace of Father Forest, I dyd of unto my Lady Mamas of Pembroke, whiche I suppose hath suffycyently ynformyd the Kingis Grace and yow also. Also I have harde Father Forest dyvers tymes report that you dare not dysplese hyrn jor feare lest ht shulde barks agaynst yow and yowre dedys yn hys precheynge; and also he hath sayede many tymes that he wolde never take the Kyngis part, nor favor hys cawse, the more shame and confusyon to hym; for I have hard the Kyngis Grace say my selfe that he promessyd hym both to favor hys cawse, and to preche there yn. Also I suppose that yowre Mastershippe dyd here of the last indyscrete sennonde that Father Forest made at Powlles Crosse, where I was present my selffe with hym; howe ondyscretly he usyd hym wife, more lyker barkynge and raylynge * Two hundred thousand. than prechinge; spekynge and mylynge over large of the decays of this realme, and of polynge downe of Churches. • • • Also I thynke hyt were very convenyent and necessary that the Chewier of London were spoken unto no more to assygne Father Forest to preche at Powlles Crosse: owre fathers have often tymes assynyd mee too assosyst Father Forest when he bath goon forth yn pre- chynge, be cawse they have supposyd yn me som yntellyge.ns and learnynge, and many a tyme when he hath preched I have sytten undyr the pnlpyt wyth a payre of redde earys, be cawse I have battle hym see often brake Master Precyens bade; therefore yn my jodgement hit ys more convenyent for hym to syt at home with hys bedys than to goo forth and preche."

Many other interesting topics might be touched upon, and a great many passages are ready for quotation ; but we have already exceeded our space, and must close with heartily recommending the volumes to the historical reader.