IDthatro mitt 4rnrrrMugs iu 1ar1iinuut,
Horse or LORDS, Monday, July 22.—Duchy of 3fodens ; Lord Normanby's motion for papers; Revision of the Liturgy ; Lord Ebury's motion. Tuesday, July 23.—Salmon Fisheries Bill ; second reading—Irremovable Poor Bill; second reading. Thursday, July 25.—East India (High Courts of Judicature) Bill ; Committee- Parochical School (Scotland) Bill; second reading—University Election Bill ; Com- mittee—Salmon Fisheries Bin; Committee—Irremovable Poor Bill; Committee— Criminal Proceeding Oaths Relief Bill ; second reading.
Friday, July 26.—War in New Zealand; Lord Lyveden's question—Bankruptcy Bill; the Commons' amendments discussed.
Horn OF COI/MONS, Monday, July 22.—Galway Subsidy; Mr. O'Malley Irwiu's Petition—Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill; Consideration of the Lords' Amend- ments—Supply; Vote for the British Museum—Durham University Bill passed through Committee. Tuesday, July 23.—Inland Revenue Bill; Committee_Public Employment (India); Colonel Sykes's motion—Ecclesiastical Law; Mr. H. Seymour's motion—Fires in London ; Mr. Hankey's question—Civil List Pensions; Mr. Stirling's Supply; Civil Service Estimates.
Wednesday, July 24.—Church Rates Law Amendment Bill, Church Rates Com- mutation Bill, withdrawn—Lunacy Regulation Bill; second reading—Lace Factories Bill; Committee—Episcopal and Capitular Estates Act Continuance Bill ; second reading—Publie Prosecutions Bill ; adjournment of debate on second reading. Thursday, July 25.—Supply; Supplemental Army Estimates—Indian FIDIIDCS Sir Charles Wood's Statement—Supply ; Civil Contingencies, Friday, July 26.—Drainage of Lands Bill—Committee of Supply—Lord C. Paget on the Navy—Discussion on the Slave Trade—Grievances of the Mercantile Shipping —Royal Navy; Committee of Supply.
MONDAY, JULY 2211D
House of Lords.
Ductrv OF MODENA.—The Marquis of NORMANBY in moving for papers and despatches relative to the affairs of the Duchy of Modena during the years 1855-8, complained of she conduct of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in bringing unjustifiable accusations against the Duke of Modena, and giving them the weight which attached to his position as a Minister of the Crown. The noble Lord read in full a long correspondence which had taken place between himself and Mr. Gladstone on the subject, especially with regard to an assertion of the latter, that the Duke of Modena had, by an ex post facto edict, altered the law of Modena, which does not sanction capital punishment under the age of twenty-one, so as to procure the execution of a youth named Granaj, of Carrara, who had been found guilty of murder or man- slaughter. In a letter, Mr. Gladstone had since repeated that asser- tion, and he (Lord Normanby) again contradicted it, and ex- plained that the edict referred to, though issued in consequence of the escape of Granaj, on account of his age, from the punishment he de- served for an atrocious crime, had not a retrospective operation, and further, that Granaj actually never was executed.. Lord WODEHOUSE said, though no doubt it would be very disagree- able to the accusers of Mr. Gladstone to meet him face to face, still it would only have been fair and just to him to have made allegations affecting his personal accuracy in the House of which he was a mem- ber. The noble Lord remarked that Lord Normanby had treated the Granaj case (with regard to which Mr. Gladstone admitted that he was mistaken as to the execution) as if it was the most important of the accusations complained of, whereas it was only one of many to which the noble Marquis had never alluded. The Earl of DERRY said that, though the course pursued by the Duke of Modena when a reigningprince was not of importance to that House, still it was of great importance to the character of this country that a Cabinet Minister should not take advantage of his position to throw out,. against a deposed sovereign,on no sufficient evidence, a charge which the person accused had no opportunity- of meeting. Lord Granville had quoted from a volume of published official documents which he held in his hand, and then asked the House whether those documents were forged. Not having seen them, he could not say, but if they were authentic, they had been obtained in the basest and most unworthy manner. Even if correctly published, they did not bear out Mr. Gladstone's charges. "With regard to the case of Granaj, as an indication of the animus which dictated this charge, I may observe that Mr. Gladstone stated that the Duke of Modena had directed this edict to be acted on by a commission com- posed of Austrian officers, and that this commission was directed not to refuse the evidence of soldiers. The not refusing the evidence of soldiers where the population was in insurrection, and the place was in a state of siege, was made one of the gravamina of the charges against the administration of the law under the Duke of Modena. But my noble friend has shown conclusively that whereas the Duke of Modena was charged with causing Granaj to be executed, the fact was that he never was executed. He was charged with having passed an ex post facto enactment authorizing him to be executed—it was shown that no such ex post facto legislation was passed; he WRS charged with having caused him to be tried by a commission of Austrian officers—it was proved that for eighteen months there had not been an Austrian officer in his dominions; he was charged with having enforced an ex post facto law, by which persons under twenty one years of age were executed—it was proved that there were only five persons executed under that law, each of whom had committed offences punishable with death under the civil law of the country, and not a single person under twenty-one_years of age was punished with death then or at any other time." The noble Earl concluded thus : "And I trust what has passed in this House will afford some reparation to that unfortunate and injured sovereign—into the merits of whose government I will not enter—for the grievous wrong and injustice which have been perpetrated upon him in the other House of Parlia- ment." (Loud cheers.) Earl GRA.NVILLE said that Mr. Gladstone's charges against the Duke of Modena formed part of a legitimate line of argument, which was employed by Mr. Gladstone in the course of a discussion on the Italian question, chiefly turning on the point of the right of resistance on the part of the people against the constituted Government. "I think if it could be shown that the Government of the sovereign of that country had a revolutionary tendency—and there is no course more pregnant with revolution than a rule systematically opposed to the established law of the country—it would have a very material bearing upon the discussion. And such was the line of argument adopted by my right honourable friend. But one single point of his argument and his charges has been impugned. After a correspondence with the noble Marquis, and after a careful examination of the facts, he came to the conclusion that he had been mistaken in one respect, and had drawn a wrong inference. He thereupon went down to the Hou.se of Commons and made a statement exactly to that effect. Anything more incorrect than to say that all Mr. Gladstone's statements had been scattered to the winds he never had heard.
Lord BROUGHAM accused Lord Normanby of having read his own letters to the House with much more emphasis and distinctness than those of his adversary_ When the noble Marquis read his own letters he heard every syllable, but he had certainly not heard Mr. Gladstone's at all. The volume of papers which had been so often alluded to was not inaccessible. It had been for twelve months exposed to shame, and accessible to any one. After a few words in reply from Lord NORKANBY, the motion was agreed to. Rnvisioar OF THE LITURGY.—Lord EBURY, in presenting a petition Praying for an address to the Crown for a royal commission to consider such alterations as may be safest and best for improving the Liturgy of the Church, of England, gave notice of his intention, next year, which would be the two hundredth anniversary of the "fatal and re- vengeful Act of Uniformity," to propose that the forms of subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles should be relaxed. The Bishop of Loxporr was not authorized to state that Convocation would be likely to take up this subject. He was glad, however, to see that the question had become a little more clear thanit was originally. It always appeared to him that this subject was greatly complicated by the mixing up of three questions which had very little tg do with one another. One was whether the services of the Church could not be made more elastic and shtrter; another was whether any alteration should be naade in the doctrine and formularies of the Church; and the third, whether the terms of subscription should or should not be relaxed. He was glad to hear that the noble Lord intended to confine
his attention to the third of these questions, but he thought the noble Lord would be more likely to attain his object if he had adopted the course pursued on a late occasion by a noble Earl (Earl Stanhope), when an alteration was made in regard to certain services. On that occasion those services were distinctly pointed out, and their Lord- ships knew the exact question with which they had to deal. The noble Lord, however, had always pressed the necessity of a general revision of the Liturgy. That was a course which had only been taken after periods of great revolution, such as the Reformation, the Restoration, and the Revolution of 1688, and it was out of the Question to propose such a course now. He deprecated the motion of which the noble
Lord had given notice, on the the of the general unsettlement of the opinions of members of the Church of England, which would result from the throwing the Prayer-book into the hands of a com- mission with power to alter it in a way only necessary after a re- volution. There were many modes in which the services might be shortened ; but the great obstacle was the feeling of the laity, and not of the clergy. After a few words from the Marquis of WESTMEATH and Lord DUN- GANNON, the discussion dropped.
The East India Council 13111 was read a third time, and the House adjourned.
House of Commons.
Mr. CONINGHAM (Brighton) moved that the petition of Mr. (Y Melly
Irwin be referred to a Select Committee.
Sir GEORGE GREY (Morpeth) quoted precedents to show that when in similar cases, the accused member of that House denied the impu- tations made against him, and those imputations were, of a nature which it was competent for the parties to have tried in a court of law, the House had not further investigated them. Mr. LEVER (Galway) replied to the allegations of the petition at length, and then, in accordance with the custom of the House, quitted the House.
Sir J. PArcrircrox (Droit-wieh), hoped the House would unanimously refuse to refer the petition to a Select Committee. (General cries of " Hear, hear .1") Mr. CONINGHAM refused to withdraw his motion.
Sir G. LEWIS hoped Mr. Coningham would not press his motion to a division.
After a few words to the same effect from Sir J. GRAHAM (Carlisle), the question was put and negatived without a division. Rorsiturrey AND INSOLVENCY Bria,.—On the order of the day for resuming the consideration of the Lords' Amendments to this bill, on Clause 21, on which the Lords had increased the number of official assignees from five to eight, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought the amendment of the Lords would entail useless expense on the country, and he moved that the House disagree to it. Sir HUGH CAIRNS (Belfast) entered into the whole question of the amendments relatiag to the creditors' assignees, and said that, though there was much force in the opinions expressed by the House of Lords, yet, considering the period of the session, and that the point was not absolutely essential, he should not ask the House to divide against the Attorney-General's proposition. After some discussion the ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied, and men- tioned five cases of official assignees who had defaulted . the amount of their defalcations being no less than 110,000/. Creditors' assignees would bring to the fulfilment of their duties a commercial knowledge and a personal interest. Nor would they be likely to incur the charges of ne,glect and fraud to which they were liable before 1831, as they would be under the vigilant supervision of the official assignees. A. great number of chambers of commerce were urgent for the restoration of the clauses relating to the creditors' assignees.
The Lords' amendment was then disagreed with. The Lords' amendment to the 101st clause reinserting the pro- vision that no non-trader should be made a bankrupt in respect of debts incurred before the passing of the bill, was agreed to. Several important amendments having been disposed of,
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved that a committee be appointed to draw up reasons for disagreeing with the Lords' amendment, and so manage a conference with the other House.
The motion was agreed to, and the committee nominated as fol- lows: The Attorney-General, the Solicitor-General, Sir. G. C. Lewis, Sir G. Grey, Mr. Murray, and Mr. Malins. Surrix.—The House then went into Committee of Supply.
Mr. WALPOLE (Cambridge University), as one of the trustees of the British Museum, moved the vote of 75,000/. for salaries and expenses connected with that establishment, and entered into all the financial and other details, and especially into the question of opening the Mu- seum at night, which he did not consider practicable, as the employ- ment of gas which it would necessitate would, in the opinion of com- petent authorities, damage the collections seriously, besides exposing the building to the usual dangers of fire and explosion. Mr. GREGORY (Galway County) censured the existing arrangements of the British Museum, and sug,gested that Mr. Newton's line of dis- tinction between Pagan art and Christian art should be carried out, the former beingretamed in the British Museum, and the latter re moved to Kensington. He deprecated any rash and extravagant scheme for building either at Bloomsbury or Kensington, and spoke highly of Mr. Oldfield's plan—the rearrangement of the British Museum—which would save the enormous expense of a removal to Kensington, by arranging the sculptures chronologically, and giving up the whole of the second story to the natural history collections. Mr. LAYARD (Southwark) said what was wanted was the union of all the art collections under one head and one system. We should then have the finest museum in the world. Next session he should move a resolution to that effect.
Mr. Mimas (Pontefract) hoped the Government would decide one way or the other on the question of the removal to Kensington. lin also thought the reading-room night be opened in the evening withoat damage or danger from the gas employed. The C,irsiweizon of the Biome:aura assured Mr. Layard that the Government would endeavour during the recess to hit upon some Plan in concert with the trustees by which the condition of the British Museum might be rendered more satisfactory. Mr. WALPoLz replied, in defence of the trustee system, against several remarks adverse to it which had been made in the course of the debate.
The vote was then agreed to. The Durham University Bill was passed through Committee, and the House adjourned.. TUESDAY, JULY 23.
House of Lords.
&occur FISHERIES BILL.—Lord STANLEY OP ALDERIZY moved the second reading of this bill, the object of which is to protect the salmon fishery from the numerous iinjurious influences to which it was exposed; and in consequence of which salmon had altogether ceased to exist in many rivers, and bad diminished in others. The bill provided a remedy against the establishment of fixed engines, pollution of water, and illegal modes of fishing. It also enacted a closing season of from the Tat of September to the 1st of February, and made it illegal to offer for sale any salmon during that time.
The.Earl of MALMESBURY, the Earl of LONSDALE, and Lord Luse. emit supported the bill, but suggested several slight alterations. The bill was then read a second time.
IRREMOVABLE Poon BILL—Lord WODEHOUSE moved the second reading of this bill, and stated the anomalies and hardships which it proposed to remedy, and denied that it sought to introduce union rating with regard to the settled poor, but only to make the area of the union the limit within which a residence of three years should make a person irremovable. It would not be a sound argument that because their Lordships were not prepared to abolish the law of settlement, or to adopt a system of union rating, therefore they were not to make any amendment which the existing law required. Lord LIFFORD was convinced, from the able speech of Lord Wode- house, that the bill was the first step, and that not a small one, towards a system of general union rating, and he should, therefore, move that A be read a second time that day three months. The Earl of DEVON cordially supported the bill, which he believed to be merely a just and equitable extension of the Poor Law Act. The necessity for facilitating the circulation of labour had been recovized by all political economists, from Adam Smith downwards. There could be no question that it was of the utmost importance that the labourer should move freely from one part of the country to another, according to the fluctuations of demand and remuneration, and that after the lapse of several years he should not be liable, in the event of sickness or any accident, to be returned to the distant part of the country from which he originally came. He denied that the bill necessarily led to union rating. The Earl of STB.ADBROKE opposed the bill, as the first step towards a system of union rating. Lord REDESDALE hoped that Government would not press a bill of such great importance at that late period of the session. It would seriously affect the value of property throughout the kingdom, in one union perhaps increasing the burdens is. in the pound, and in another lessening them by the same amount. This was certainly too violent a settlement of the question, and their Lordships ought not to make such a great change unless convinced of its justice. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that the argument, that it was too late in the session to consider this bill, was plausible, but not of any real weight. If any subject had ever been thoroughly investigated, it was this. Besides the recommendation of the committee of 1858, of which Mr. S. Estcourt was chairman, and which sat for three successive years, their Lordships had, individually as landowners, great oppor- tunities of considering the subject. The noble Lord who moved the rejection of this bill spoke of this as the first attempt to upset the parochial system of En.gland and to introduce the principle of a union rating. This was not the first attempt to upset the parochial system, in any respect whatever. That was done by the acts of 1846 and 1848. This 'bill carried the principle no further, but only altered certain de- tails. The noble Lord spoke of the "fine end of the wedge," but that was introduced by Mr. C. Boiler; when the bill of 1848 made the assessment for the irremovable poor chargeable to the union, instead of the parishes, the principle was initiated of which the noble Lord complained. Be also believed the effect of the measure would be very beneficial, and encourage landowners to build cottages on their pro- perty. Ile hoped the House would pass the bill by a decisive ma- jority. The Earl of CARNARVON objected to bills being brought up from the Lower House so late in the session, and hoped Government would not persevere with a measure of such importance. The House then divided, when there appeared : for the second read- ing, 40; against it, 31. Majority, 9.
House of Commons.
INLAND REVENDE BILL.—At twelve o'clock the House went into Committee on this bill, and disposed of a number of the clauses re- lating to the Legacy and Succession Duties. PuaLic EsteLoncuNT, INDIA.—Colonel SYKES (Aberdeen) rose to move a resolution to the effect that British subjects, born in India, should be allowed to compete for public employment under the Crown upon the same footing as other British subjects, and especially com- plained of the exclusion of certain Indian students from a competitive examination for the office of Assistant-Surgeon in the royal army. They had been granted tickets of admission, but two dais only before the examination they received a communication from Dr. Gibson to the effect that henceforth all employment in Her Majesty's medical service would be for general service, and not local service in India, and that in consequence they could not be allowed to compete. Upon an appeal made by two of the rejected candidates, it was decided by a niecbc.al board, consisting of Dr. Gibson, Dr. Liddle, and Sir R. Mar- tin, that they were constitutionally unfit for the various climates in which they might be called upon to serve. Now, one of these gentle- men was three-fourths European, had been sent home in childhood, and bad spent nine_years in Scotland without the smallest inconvenience. If natives of India were admitted to compete there was no occasion to send them to Canada or other cold climates. It was necessary to have acclimatized persons as medical officers to the troops in India, and the unsuitableness of the Indian constitution for service in northern climates was a mere subterfuge. Considering the large sums that were spent on education in India, he hoped the House would not disappoint the hopes that were raised in the native mind of obtaining employment in the public service of India. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LAYARD (Southwark) seconded the motion, which he said was one of great importance, as affecting the good faith of this country towards the natives of India, who had understood from the Queen's proclamation that there was no qualification as to either race, consti- tution, or anything else; and some of whom had, in consequence, ex- pended large sums of money on the preparation of themselves or children for competitive examination, from which they were afterwards excluded.
Mr. T. G. BARING observed that the latter portion of the proposed address was a censure upon the Secretary for War for prohibiting these gentlemen from competing for medical appointments in the army. This was not a simple question of employment in India, but these gentlemen were prohibited from competing for general service in the British army. With regard to natives of India of native parentage, the Secretary for India in Council had communicated to the Secretary of War an opinion "that natives of India of native parenta.ge were unsuited for general service in the British army ;" and after that opi- nion the Secretary for War, acting in the public interest, would not have been justified in allowing these gentlemen to compete for general service. A. similar opinion had been expressed with regard to the gentlemen of half Asiatic blood to whom Colonel Sykes had alluded.
The motion was ultimately withdrawn.
Mr. H. SEYMOUR (Poole), in rising to move a resolution in favour of the amendment of the Ecclesiastical Law, enumerated several of the scandals of the present system. In two instances ladies had actually held the office of registrars ; in ninety cases the official duties of judges and registrar had been discharged by deputy ; seventeen minors, some of them as young as three, five, six, and seven years, had been ap- pointed registrars. The expense and delay attendant upon a case in the ecclesiastical courts were very great, and the ecclesiastical law constituted a system by which 25,000 of the most influential persons in this country. were specially governed. If a clergyman became a curse to his parish and a scandal to the Church, there was great diffi- culty in effecting his removal. A very short time ago, when it was desired to use the name of an archbishop in a suit against a clergy- man, the archbishop obtained a bond for 10,0001. to indemnify him for costs before he allowed the use of his name. That was a very irregular proceeding, and only to be justified by the scandalous state of the law.
Sir G. C. Limn said he could not maintain that. the present state of the ecclesiastical law was at all satisfactory, but owing to the great number of subjects on which Government were called upon to legislate, he could not give any formal .pledge as to the introduction of any measure of the description which the honourable gentleman desired.
FIRES IN LONDON.—Mr. HANKEY (Peterborough) called the atten- tion of the House to the state of the law respecting the prevention of fires in the metropolis. Within the district of the Metropolitan Board of Works the value of property exposed to danger from fire was 600,000,000/. This property was left practically without any mu- nicipal regulations whatever for its protection against fire. The fact was almost unexampled. In every continental city, and in Edinburgh, Dublin, Liverpool and Manchester, the extinction of fire was provided for by municipal arrangements. He hoped Government would take the matter into their consideration during the recess. Sir G. C. LEWIS, without entering into the question of any altera- tion of the law, suggested that if those arrangements, which are now simply parochied, ivere combined, and if the persons who are now em- ploye.d by the several parishes were brigaded, the means of extinguish- ing fires would be much more efficient than at present. He thanked the honourable member for the manner in which he had brought the subject under the notice of the House.
Cnn Lisr PENSIONS.—Mr. STIRLING (Perthshire) called attention to the pensions on the civil list, the system of granting which he characterized as merely a refuge for the poor relations of wealthy families. He also went into the case of the pension granted to Mr. Close, and severely censured the conduct of Lord Palmerston with reference to it.
Lord PALMERSTON defended the selection of recipients for pensions which had been made, and entered into some explanations with regard to Mr. Close.
The House then went into Committee of Supply for the remainder of the sitting, and disposed of a number of votes.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 24TH.
House of Commons.
CHURCH RATES LAW AMENDMENT BILL.—MT. CROSS (Preston) moved that this bill be withdrawn, as he saw no possibility of passing it during the present session.
A short discussion then took place, when Sir G. C. LEWIS inter- posed, and reminded the House that the motion before them was one for the discharge of thirty-three orders which stood on that day's papers. The question of church rates had been amply discussed during the session, and he hoped they would not turn the House into a mere debating society.
CHURCH RATES COMMUTATION BELL.—MT. SOTHRRON EBTCOURT (Wiltshire) said he was commissioned by Mr. Mood (Surrey) to move the withdrawal of this bill.
The bill was accordingly withdrawn. LACE FAL-roans 'km—The House then went into Committee on this bill the clauses of which were agreed to with the exception of Clause 4, which provided that women, young persons, and children, may be employed till half-past five on Saturdays, and Clause 6, which enacted that the provisions of the Factory Act regulating the times for meals should not apply to lace factories.
These two clauses were expunged by majorities of 13 and 10 respec- tively.
EPISCOPAL AND CAPITULAR ESTATES ACT CONTINUANCE, &C., ELM' —Sir G. C. Lzwis moved the second reading of this bill. House of Coniutous.
On the motion for going into Committee of Supply on the Supple- mental Estimates,
General PEEL (Huntingdon) complained of the excess of the ex- penditure for the army over that provided for by the Army Estimates. There was now a deficiency—after allowing for the savings on some of the votes—of 878,394/. 16s. 2d., and he maintained the Government were bound to make provision for that expenditure, which they must have seen was prospective. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER and Mr. T. G. DARING denied that the Government had any knowledge that an excess of expenditure over the estimates was probable at the time when they introduced those estimates.
After a short discussion on Sandhurst College, the House went into Committee of Supply, and a vote of 75,000/. for civil contingencies was proposed, an item of which was one of 644/. 4s. 8d., which Mr. OSBORNE (Liskeard) disapproved of. It would be a dear commission at the odd 4s. 8d. (.,1 laugh.) "Si quaris monumentum—" (pointing round the building). It being now ten minutes to four o'clock, the CHAIRMAN interrupted the honourable member in the midst of his quotation by a call of " Order, order I" amid the loud laughter of the House.
The House resumed.
Mr. OsnonNE (amid much laughter) asked when he would have an ePEortunity of going on with his "eircumpiee?" The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said his honourable friend was not so oddly situated as a certain Mr. Andrews, who was stopped on one occasion, not in the middle of a sentence, but in the middle of a word. (laughter.) He presumed his honourable friend would have M opportunity of taking up .eircunmpice in the evening, when the Speaker had again left the chair. (Laughter.) The sitting was then suspended.
The House resumed at six o'clock, and went into Committee on the East India Loan.
Sir CHARLES WOOD moved a resolution empowering Government to raise an Indian loan of 5,000,000/., being the difference between the sums of 8,000,000/. which would be required this year for the railways now in coarse of construction in India, and 3,000,0004, which, at the Mr. HENLEY (Oxfordshire) called attention to the "beautiful hieroglyphic '&c. attached to the end of its modest title," by means of which matter and substance was introduced into a contmuance Sir G. C. LEWIS was prepared to strike the objectionable clauses out in committee, and the bill was read a third time. PitosEarrioNs EXPENSES BILL.—On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mr. HENLEY thought it even a worse bill than the one they had just been discussing. It empowered Government to sanction a higher scale of fees than at present existed, but the dif-
ference of costs would be borne by the counties. • Sir G. C. Lxwis defended the bill, and a discussion ensued, which was adjourned on the arrival of a quarter to six. Several bills were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, JULY 25TH.
House of Lorcls.
EAST INDIA (HIGH COURTS OF jIIDICATURE) BILL.—On the motion for going into Committee on this bill, The Earl of EizzIrsonousu repeated the apprehensions he enter- tained with regard to the working of the measure. He objected to the proposed amalgamation a the Sadder Court and the Supreme Court, as he believed the judges of the latter wonld prove too strong for the judges of the Sadder, and would have errerything their own way. But his dislike to the measure was principally grounded upon the indefinite power of appointing barristers to the judgeships of those high courts proposed by the bill to be given to Government. He did not believe there were fly; much less twenty-five, men at the whole bar who could be safely pointed out as possessing the judicial mind re- quisite for these offices. Earl DE GREY ANn RIPON defended the bill.
Lord KINGSDOWN approved of the bill, but did not think sufficient provision was made for appeals. It might be taken for granted that one-half the deeds brought forward by natives were for:Leries, and nearly all the statements contained in them perjuries. Under this state of things the work of trying appeals was very heavy, and he thought it would be well if a tribunal were expressly constituted for appeals. The LORD-CHANCELLOR having replied to Lord KINGSDOWN, the House went into Committee, and all the clauses were passed.
The East India Civil Service Bill was then passed through Com- mittee, and was reported without amendment.
UNIVERSITIES KLEcTioN Bri.s,.—On the order for going into com- mittee on this bill, the Bishop of OXFORD objected to the bill. The member for a university was intended to represent the university itself as an institution, and not the country clergy, to whom this bill would transfer the predominance at elections. Besides, the system of proxies, which would throw into the hands of a few residents the votes of a number of non-residents, which they might either withdraw or present at their option was very objectionable. The Earl of DERBY thought the argument of the right reverend prelate rather contradictory. He objected to the bill because it gave undue powers to the non-residents, and also because the proxy system it introduced would give too great a power at elections by collecting a large number of voting-papers. He must remind their Lordships that the universities were themselves representatives bodies, and among other great interests they represented, was the Established Church. The residents might be an important and useful body, but they were not the whole body. The Bishop of LONDON opposed the bill, which, he said, would enable the county clergy to annihilate the votes of the resident mem- bers of the university,
After some more discussion, the bill was passed through Committee The Salmon Fisheries Bill and the Irremovable Poor Bill also went through Committee. Other bills were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned.
most was the lowest sum that .the railway companies would be able to raise themselves. The power he asked for was discretionary ; the money would be applied to no other purpose but that of assisting the railroads, and only so much of the sum asked for would be required as was necessary to fill up the deficiency in the 8,000,0004 He proposed to raise the loan in the same stock as the previous one, and he must say he found no indisposition en the part of the money market to fur- nish even more than he required. He had recently asked for 4,000,000/., and was offered 21,000,000/. He then proposed to make a financial statement with regard to India : " The accounts of the Indian revenue and expenditure for the year 1859-60, together with the regular estimate for 1860-61, had been laid on the table of the House, but there was, he was bound to admit, a very considerable discrepancy between the estimated and the real amounts coming under those heads. He found, for example, that the estimated amount of the expenditure for 1859-60 was 46,890,0001, • the actual expenditure, 50,475,0001.; the estimated revenue, 37,796,1)001.; the actual revenue,. 39,705,000!.; the anticipated deficit being thus in round numbers 9,000,0001.' the actual, 10,770,000!; while the actual income was larger than the estimated by about 2,000,0004, and the actual expen- diture more than the estimated by about 3,500,000/. That appeared to be incredible, but no explanation of the matter had been sent from India. An explanation had, however, been written for, and he had anticipated that it would be found to consist in the fact that the re- ductions made by Mr. Wilson in the military expenditure had not been brought into the accounts for the year, and would appear in the accounts for the years 1860-61." After some further explanations a the apparent discrepancy, he now came to the year 1860-61, the expen- diture of which Ng's, in round numbers, 46,000,0001.; the income, 39,500,0001.; deficff, 6,500,000!.; but, if from that amount were de- ducted the sums paid in the shape of compensation for losses incurred during the mutiny which did not constitute an annual charge and some other items, the actual deficit would be found to be reduced to little more more than 5,500,000/.—(Mr. H. SEYMOUR "Does that statement include home charges ?"—" Yes.") That being so, the committee would at once see that the expenditure for 1859-60 having been 50,475,0004,and that for 1860-61, 46,000,000L, a comparison of the expenditure for the two years slowed a re- duction in favour of the latter of, in round numbers, 4,400,0001. The right honourable Baronet then noticed the charge for guaran- teed interest on railways, less traffic receipts, which amounted to 1,773,0004, and the other expenditure, on account of the famine, of 600,0001., both of which items, of course, were not permanent. The duty on salt had proved to be highly productive; and the only duty about which apprehensions were entertained was, as usual, that of opium. He then stated the reduction which had taken place in the military expenditure. The following short paragraph from the last financial despatch from India would show the amount of the reduc- tion :—"Seventy-seven native regiments will have been broken up since 1859, and the native army reduced from 284,000 to about 140,000 men. Including military police, the reduction of native armed force since 1859 will not have been less than 200,000 men." (Hear, hear.) A. certain proportion of the soldiers had been absorbed in the police, and a considerable number had found employment in various ways. He thought that, considering the state of the country, the Govern- ment of India had gone quite as far and as rapidly as prudence would warrant. In 1858-9 the military expenditure was 24,750,0001.; in 1861-2 it was estimated at 15,500,0001.—showing a reduction since 1858-9 of no less than 9,250,000!. (Hear, hear.) He had no more to say on matters of finance ; but there were certain matters connected with the administration of Inclia upon which he wished to make a few remarks. First of all, there was the famine. Perhaps the best proof of the severity of the pressure was to be found in the price of grain. It was very remarkable that though the famine of 1837-8 was infinitely more severe, and infinitely more destructive to human life and cattle, than that which recently raged in certain districts in India, the lance of grain was never so high as it was during the last year. Taking the mean of the six districts where the famine was most severe, the average highest price of grain in common years was forty and a half seers per rupee; during the famine the same sum purchased only nine seers. Then there was the bad state of feeling between the indigo planters and the ryots. The cultivation of indigo during the present year had ceased to a great extent. There had been attempts to enforce by criminal proceedings the performance by the ryots of the contracts into which they had entered. A measure had been passed with that view; but of course that was only a temporary bill. No doubt the indigo planters would lose very largely, and it was natural that they should be exceedingly irritated at the present lamentable state of things. The Government, however, had done their duty in all cases by holding the scales as impartially as possible between the ryots and planters, and he hoped the question would be settled ere long on a satisfactory basis. The next point to which he would call attention was one which at all times was of the greatest importance, but at the present moment was of vital importance to this country and India—he meant the cultivation of cotton. (Hear, hear.) Ile need not say that his attention had been directed to this subject in former years; his atten- tion had been constantly directed to it since he held the office he had the honour to fill. Various opinions were entertained as to the capa- bility of India to produce cotton in the quantity required by this country. His firm conviction was that if proper means were taken in India by the Government, and by those in this country who were interested in the production of cotton, all co-operat- ing together—and it could not be done without—India might be made a source of supply which to a very large extent would render this country independent of other supplies. (Hear, hear.) He trusted before long that would be the case. So far as he could make out, the probable supply of cotton from India this year would be very large— considerably in excess of any previous supply. Upwards of 620,000 bales had already left India for this country ; from 300,000 to 400,000 bales more were expected; so that in al). there would be 1,003,000 bales, or 320,000 more than ever before were received from India. After entering into the question of transport for cotton, and alluding to the three Indian Bills introduced by Government this session, the right honourable Baronet concluded by moving a formal resolution,
That it was expedient to give power to the Secretary of State by way of loan.
After a long discussion the House resumed, and shortly afterwards went into Committee of Supply, when the consideration of the vote of 75,0001., for civil contingencies was resumed by Mr. Osborne, who did not, however, complete his quotation. A conversation ensued, which embraced a variety of subjects, though principally "bearing on the series of statues to be placed in the House of Commons, and the House adjourned.