Dthatts anb Vroccebinns ilt Varliament.

BIRMINGHAM RIOTS: STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Duke of WELLINGTON de- fended himself from the charge of exaggerating the injury done to the town of Birmingham from the recent riots. In another place, he had been accused of " exaggeration ;" a term not used among gentlemen in private intercourse ; but used on the occasion to which he referred as a

Parliamentary term, and in a privileged place— He had compared the transactions at Birmingham to certain other transac- tions, of which, certainly, he knew more than most of their Lordships, or than most of the Members oe another House. He spoke here of matters of which Ise had certain knowledge. Ile said what he firmly believed to be the truth, that Birmingham had been worse treated on the occasion in question than any town he had ever known or seen taken by storm. This was what he stated then, and what he would repeat now to he the fact, according to his opinion ; and he would tell their Lordships why he thought so. In the first place, the town was plundered, houses were plundered ; secondly, four houses were set on fire ; thirdly, three houses were what he called gutted—the furniture was carried out of them by the mob, placed in the middle of the street, then destroyed by fire, and the burning embers were carried back into the houses in order to complete their destruction by tire. These were the facts on which he grounded his com- parison, and he believed the comparison to be a well.tintuded one. He would repeat, that lie had never known or seen a town taken by storm—and he had taken a good many by storm—which was worse treated than the accounts represented Birmingham to have been. This was what was culled exaggera- tion! Exaggeration was the term applied to what he said! As he had gone so far into the subject, he would venture to observe, that it appeared a most extraordinary thing, that here, iu the year 1839, after nine years of a Liberal Government, after nine years of the blessings of 'a Reflaaning Government, their Lordships should be discussing the amount' of destruction done in a peaceful town like Birmingham, and whether or not it had suffered as much as a town taken by storm I He should have thought that such things could not have happened in this glorious, peaceful, happy- England, which had carried on for twenty-two years an arduous war iu all parts of the world, in order to avert such evils as these : he should have thought that no such evils could have approached this happy, peaceful England, especially after nine years of a Liberal rule. lie should never have thought that with us towns would be plundered and destroyed, and a man accused of exaggeration because he 41, that he had never known of a town taken by storm being worse treated

Birmingham bad been. a

The Duke then referred to the correspondence between certain inle. bitants of Birmingham, who demanded inquiry into the conduct of es INIagistrates, and the Home Secretary ; and asked whether Lord ittti. bourne had any objection to produce those papers?

Lord Mersiouexis had no objection to the production of the paten and was desirous of instituting the fullest inquiry into the proceeding': at Birmingham. Ile did not think that the term "exaggeration," of which the Duke of Wellington had remarked, vas used in an Weak sense. If the statement of the noble duke were not at all exaggerated, all he could say was, that war must be a much milder and less series affair than he had supposed.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, he had received a letter from Stockton-upon-Tees, representing the state of that part of the comatt as alarming, in consequence of the proceedings of the Chartists. As tli't Lord-Lieutenant of the county was absent, it was the more necessary that Government should use vigilance.

Lord BROUGHAM said, his information from the same part of tie country was not of an alarming character. The Duke of Cleveland Lord-lieutenant of Durham, was at ',Visbaden, under medical advice. but Lord Brougham was sure he would return as soon as lie possibly could.

In the House of Commons, on the same evening, Lord Jonx RrssEu stated the measures which Government thought it necessary to take 41 the present state of' the country-

" It is the intention of her Majesty's Government to lay on the tulle of the House additional estimates, to allow an increase of the lulluilry of the Lim • from 7:19, the present strength of each regiment, no as to make that strength 800 to each regiment. That estimate will provide for an increase of the Army to the extent of about 5,000 men; the sum required for which, till April next, will not exceed 73,0001. The continual calls for military aid which 1 have re. ecived from various parts of the country, and especially from the Northern parts, and the impossibility, if I might say so, and at all events the danger and inexpediency, of diminishing our force in the Colonies, and more especially is Canada, make it necessary to ask tbr this additional force before Parliament separates. 1 have likewise received a letter from the Mayor of Birmingham, addressed to me, but which I consider of a public nature, stating that it is the opinion of all the Magistrates there, that nothing could be done so conducive to the permanent peace of that town as the establishment of a local police force ; but in the present state of things there, owing to the disturbed state of " the town, and what had lately occurred in regard to the Corporation, they do not think they could proceed to levy a rate for that purpose so soon as re- quired. It is, therelbre, my intention to move a resolution to-morrow, to enable are to bring in a bill to enable the Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury to advance a sum not exceeding 10,00W. to lie applied for the impose of establishing a police fierce in the town of Birmingham, to be repaid by a homugh-rate to be levied on that town. It is likewise my intention on 'Wed- nesday to ask for leave to bring in n bill to enable County MagiAtates to esta- blish a constabulary force for the pernianent peace and protection of such counties where the same may he required. The County Magistrates at pre- sent have the power to swear in special constables in cases of breach, of the peace and of felony, but they have not the power to provide means to defray the expenses when such persons are called upon to act. I intend to bring in a bill to remedy that defect. 1 have thought it better to state this much at present with regard to the intentions of the Government, and I shall explain the Ines- sures at large when 1 bring them respectively under the notice of the House." Sir EABDLEY Wuzior said, that he had seen a statement in the pub- lie prints, purporting to come from the highest legal authority, that County Magistrates had no concurrent jurisdiction with the Local Ma- gistrates in certain boroughs. He wished to know from Lord John Russell, whether County Magistrates had a concurrent jurisdiction in boroughs where quarter-sessions were held?

Lord JOHN Ressma, regretted that the Attorney-General was not present to answer this question ; but he could state, that the opinion both of the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General [Sir Robert Rolfe was in the House] was that the Magistrates and Recorders, hold- ing courts of quarter-sessions, had exclusive jurisdiction only in eases where quarter-sessions had been held previous to the passing of the Municipal Reform Act. In the new boroughs where quarter-sessions were held, the County Magistrates retained their jurisdiction concur- rently with the Borough Magistrates.

Sir EARDLEY WILMOT was glad to hear that opinion ; which was the more important, as it was in direct contradiction to the opinion of the Lord Chief Justice of England. Had he been in Birmingham at the time of the disturbances, he should have acted as a Magistrate without hesitation ; but after Lord Penman's declaration of opinion, he should have felt much at a loss how to act.

On Tuesday, Sir JOHN CAMIIPELL, Attorney-General, gave it as his decided opinion that Lord Penman's interpretation of the law was erroneous. In his opinion, there was no doubt that the County Magis- trates had concurrent jurisdiction in the town of Birmingham.

In the Lords, on the same night, the Duke of RICHMOND asked the Lord Chancellor for his opinion on the question. Lord COTTENHAM said, after what had taken place on the subject, it would be more be- coming in him to withhold his opinion till he had an opportunity of ex- amining the grounds on which the conflicting interpretations of the law had been given. Lord MELBOURNE remarked, that ()pillions given in debate possessed little authority. Lord ELLENBORoUGH and Lord DEVON reminded Lord Melbourne that Lord Denman had given his opinion at the close of the debate, to put an end to all possible doubt on the subject—to settle the question. A bill " to authorize an advance of 10,000/. out of the Consolidated Fund for the purposes of the Police of the Borough of Birmingham" was introduced into the House of Commons on Tuesday. 'Mr. LeAnsa objected to the preliminary measure of going into Commince for the purpose of voting the money ; on the ground that no especial urgency, sufficient to justify the postponement of all their business, had been proved. The House decided, by 144 to 3, that the Committee should take precedence ; and the Speaker left the chair. in the Committee, several Members expressed approbation of the conduct of the London Police in Birmingham ; but contended that it was highly impolitic to take them from their proper sphere of action in the Metropolis to it part of the country with which they were unacquainted. Sir Manta- PEEL particularly dwelt upon this point. Mr. Ht-an: attributed the riots in Birmingham in a great measure to the employment of the London Police. Lord JoIl explained, that RUSSELL considered that the Anti-Poor-law agita- tion had more to do with lthe riots than politics. Mr. FIELDEN said there war no Anti-Poor-law agitation in Birmingham. Mr.

SCI I 01,EI'l GLI) h it there were no means immediately at the disposal Of the Magistrates the organization of an effective police.

The grant of money was agrete.ellto. The report was received; the bill brought ill, and read a first title. Read a second time on Thursday. PROVI NC IAL POLICE.

Lord jot's II essist.t. moved the ('gunnels, on Wednesday. for leave "for the estahlishretii,t of Cfoultit• and to bring in a hill Con- stables, by authority of Justices of t le • eacy, for -mg an( and ICS." Lord John, speaking in support of the motion, .dwelt upon the incon- venience of applying

constantly for nu itnry aid to repress local dis-

nub:laces, and the great need of an efficient rural constabulary, not merely for the purpose of preventing riots, but ircncrally to preserve property from depredation, and the (stoma s subjects loon ptasona injury. Ile referred to the promptitude with which the local authori- ties at Newcastle had quelled a disturbance in that place by means of their Own Pollee, as an instance of the effective aid which such a force would give to the Magistrates. It was not intended to make the mea- sure universal, but to authorize Magistrates to " establish constables" where it was necessary.

In the discussion which followed, Mr. D'Isitaista opposed the measure ;

being convinced that the men who lout been the real cause of the dis- turbiffices ought not to be intrusted with the control of the force which %las to put them down. i‘fr. Smuso Rico observed, that Mr. D'Israeli differed front his leader, Sir Robert Peel, on this question ; and if his orgument was worth a straw—and in estimating it at a straw's worth, he put it at its full value—it might be used with tentiffil efficacy against one of the best measures Sir Robert Peel had ever introduced. Mr. WAK- LEV did not think that Mr. Disraeli had Etirly laid himself open to :11r. Rice's lecture. Ile only delivered an opinion, as lie had a perfect right to do.

Colonel SIIITIloRP adverted to the riots at Newcastle, which were of

a political ehalocter ; and he hoped if there were any rioting, the mob would first turn on the imbecile Government which had caused all the mischief. Mr. Fox Mm-i.t: was satisfied that Mr. Disraeli would rather see the country in a state of riot and confusion, than support a mea- sure fir the support of peace and order. The SPEAKER called Mr. Matte to order. Mr. Maut.t: admittee that he had sailed near the wind, but lie had not imputed motives—he lid only drawn conclusions. Mr. Herr read a letter from Newcastle, to show that the disturbance in that town was merely a druid:en riot, not a political disturbance. Mr. PAKINGTON, Sir JAMES GILMAN, Mr. WARD, Mr. BROTMERT0N, and Mr. ASIITON YATES, supported the bill.

Motion agreed to.

Pool-Law.

At the Saturday's sitting of the House of Commons, Mr. DAanv moved an instruction to the Committee on the Poor-law Commission Continuance Bill, "that they have power to introduce a clause autho- rizing the Boards of Guardians to administer relief in certain eases." From the mover's speech, it appeared that the clause in question would authorize the extension of out-door relief to able-bodied persons who married before the Poor-law was passed. Lord Join RUSSELL strenu- ously opposed Mr. Darby's motion ; which, however, was carried by a vote of 69 to 40.

On Monday, the Committee on the bill was deferred; and Lord Jolts: RUSSELL gave notice that he should propose a clause "enabling the Guardians of the Poor-law Unions to relieve able-bodied labourers, married before the passing of the Poor-law Amendment Act, by re- ceiving a portion of their children into the workhouse."

THE BANK OF IRELAND.

The discussion in the House of Commons, on the renewal of the charter of the Bank of Ireland, commenced on Thursday. Mr. Hums: hail given notice of a motion to " instruct " the Committee " to provide that the exclusive privileges enjoyed by the Bank of Ireland shall cease so soon as the notice required by law can be given ; " but at the request of Mr. SPRING RICE, lie agreed "to move in Committee what he had given notice of as an instruction." The Speaker left the chair; and, the Ilouse being in Committee, Mr. SPRING RICE rose. He commenced his speech with remarks on the great importance of the question, and the necessity of putting the currency of Ireland on a secure footing, if it were an object to prevent mischievous fluctuations in the circulating medium of England. He entered into many details connected with the history of banking in Ireland, showing the losses and distress occasioned by the failure of private bankers. The Bank of Ireland was established about the year 1782 ; and it was remarkable, that the transactions of that institution

did out of themselves require the suspension of cash payments which became necessary ffir the preservation of the Bank of England. The Bank of Ireland was stable, and its credit undoubted; but, as it had not then commenced the plan of establishing branches, Lord Liverpool, soon after the numerous fitiffires in 1820, set on foot :Iola Stock Banks, in order to relieve country- merchants from the inconvenience of transacting much of their business in Dublin. There were now four different descrip- tions of Banks in Ireland. The first was the Bank of Ireland, with power to issue notes and carry on business throughout the island ; the second, Joint Stock Banks of deposit, not issue ; the third, Joint Stock Banks

with power to issue notes, and carry on their operations beyond the circle of fifty miles round Dublin, but not within that circle ; the fourth, Private Banks of fewer than six partners, with power to issue notes and do business within and without the Metropolitan circle. There were very few of these batiks. The charter of the Bank of Ireland secured to that estahlishmeat certain exclusive privileges, to the 1st of' January 1838 ; when, on notice being given, and on payment of the debt due to the Bank, those privileges would cease, and the trade in banking be- come entirely free. Ile intended to propose that those privileges should be prolonged for a certain time, on conditions which he should specify. He was hound to advance reasons for continuing the restrictions on the trade of banking. Mr. Rice proceeded to argue, that neither on prin. eiple nor expediency could complete freedmn Of issuing paper money

be defended. He denied flint the example of Scotland could

be fairly quoted against him in arguing this question ; as tha amount of capital in Scotland was very much larger than in

Ireland, and therefore less risk was run in permitting the is- sue of bank-notes in Scotland. Ile contended, that the ad- vantages of restriction in Ireland had been nt:tt in the year

isan, when the Joint Stock Banks most imprudelttly augmented their accommodation. and a dangerous compethiod iu the issue of paper arose among those establishments. These immoderate issues were checked by the Bank ttf Ireland, and prudence ru't t i •ael that the same power to control or roe:date the issues of paper motley •'•.•I'1 continued in the

sane purl its. It WaS Said that the Bank of Ireland refused to assist the Jolla surd: 13anks in their necessities, anti rather endeavoured to annoy

anti crush them : but Mr. Rice would maim do, that Ow Bank had not so abused its psivileges, though it prudently hie-Noulial its res“urees to mutt the demands upon them. To make oat his don'.. oe of I he general

e■ mallet of the Bank, Mr. Rice quoted part alit,. e.videnee ;slyen before tilt Committee of the I hose of Commons on this question ; laying much

stress on the declaration of Mr. Pim, a ;neat banker in 1:eltlin, who

much preferred that the Batik of Ireland :dtottld retain poseession of its exclusive privileges, to the opening of the trade ill banking. Ile then came to the proposition he intended to einianly in a bill. Ile pro- posed to enter into an agreement with the Bank of Trelaud, whereby its charter should be continued to 1s44, the period 101(11 the Bank of England charter would expire ; for lie con- sidered it of very great importance that the .itfairs of the two Banks should Iw discussed and considered at the elute time. On the expediency of es.ablishing a great Central ill; k Ile ...mild out give any opinion ; but it was it question which must he distaosed in Is it. Ile would not propose any limitation of the exclusive privileges of the Bank of Ireland. He counseled, that the preserva..;•,,, or the exclusive right of monetary circulation to the f ed. of I rffi.old within the Me- tropolitan circle, was essential to the wellbeing of the Dublin eireula- tion and tie:et-lore, of course, he would ma allow the Joint Stuck Banks in lbs,.::httalti, for instance, which was t ea:my-five or thirty miles from Dublin, to issue their notes. In settle', for the continuance of the charier to I :S44, the interest on the debt doe ft, 011 UOVer11111elli to the Bank would be reduced. It was at present 1,01:smell., on which "'merest at 5 per cent. was paid. mot 1,015,0oa, on which the interest was per cent.— tolsether esiaoteltd., the ay ereg,e interest bring 4/. es. et/. per cent. That interest would be reduced to 34 per cent., mid the gain to the public would be 23,tste/. per alumni. The public business would also be inanaeed by the Batik W it 11011 t F1)11101'. the expense to that est ablislunent was bet sv,e :latent/. and :tattoo/. e year. In flintier years, the balances of public money. in the hands of it hank were about 2,000sn0/.; but in I8a8 they were reduced to erns eel/. It would he recollected, that Ms yes 11. Exchequer Rills bad Is -11 voted ffir the pay- ment of tithe-arrears : the Bank of Ireland heti advanced the money on those hills; and lie now proposed to fool them, and trmisfer the stock to the Bank in payment or the debt ; tlw stock living taken at the rate of 92 for 3 per cent. With respect to Joint Stock Banks, he in- tended that they should have the priyileee of suing a»d hying sued by a public officer ; that their houses of agency in Diddle should be legalized; and that they should he allowed to ;:Cake remittances in bills not less in value than 10/. nor for a shorter term than ten (lays. Mr. Rice declared that he had Ito private interest or personal predilection to promote or gratify. lie was only desirous to act in such a way as would most benefit the public ; and he concluded by moving the follow- iug resolutions- " That it is expedient to continue for a lintitsd period so the Governor and. Company of the Bank of Ireland, certain of the privilores now vested by law in that corporation ; subject to such conditions as near: he provided by any act to be passed for the purpose in the present session of Parliament. " That the Governor and Company of Al' Ilauk of lreland shall be en- titled, for all Exchequer Bills Owing bills issued hi poosiiimee of two acts for the relict' of the owners of tithes, and for abolishing compositions for tithes in Ireland, and not exceeding in the whole 9 issal/0 which ,hall be delivered up by them to he cancelled, to twelve for the same, and for the interest doe there- on, stub an amount of three pounds per maim' Consolidated or Reduced An- nuities as the Said EXCIIIVICI- Bills and interest would have pureliased if the same had been applied in the purchase of such annuities, estimsted at the quarterly average price at which the said annuities might have heel' purchased

11w quarter in which the said Exchequer 'hall he delivered up to be cancelled."

The first resolution having been put from the ('hair,

Mr. II ITME addressed the Committee. He denied that Mr. Rice had made out a case for continuing the Bank of Ireland's monopoly. He contended that the affairs of the Rank had not been managed prudently. In 1836, with liabilities amounting to 6,6!s2.(an It., the whole amount of bullion it possessed was only 887,0001. The great point was, whether the public interest was promoted by restriction in the trade of banking ; and he maintained, that the experience of Scotland proved that free trade was most benefit lab It was a question whether the superior wealth of Scotland, to which Mr. Rice had :el vele cd, did not arise from its superior system of banking. Mr. Hittite was fur a free trade in banking, in Scotland and everywhere else—always with this limitation, that the paper issued should be redeemable in specie, being the next best circulating medium to a metallic enree^wy. Ile hoped to discuss the question of the Bald: of Ireland charter folly next sessii ; but, not having heard a single sound argument for continuing the charter to 1844, he should move an amenffinen:,

" That it is the opinion of this Cifimnittee, that the exclusive privileges en- joyed by the 13ank of Ireland should cease so soon ■Is the 1.'4 lee required by law can be given."

Mr. CLAy opposed the amendment, and devoted the principal part of a long speeeh to an argument against free trade in banking. He adduced the banking experience of A merien to show the dampers of an unrestricted system ; and maintained that the experience of the Scotch banks could nut fairly be quoted as a general argument ill favour of the system on which thew business was carried a n; because that system was a great a In IIII:dy, not reducible to known rules. The fact was, that a species of strict police was established among the Scotch banks.

were obliged to conform to certain roles. The banks themselves did not break, but they caused many bre:things among their clients when they unrelentingly put on the screw to save themselves. With the single

exception of Scotch banking, the experience of all the world was against that system which Mr. Hume advocated. On the question im- mediately before the House, Mr. Clay said— The Chancellor of the Exchequer was about to remove some very inconveni- ent restrictions to which the trade of banking in Ireland was subjected. In that he did well; and he should certainly support the motion of his "right honourable friend." Ile should do so, because he thought it would not be wise to allow a competition in the trade of money without the restraining check of one firm, superintending, central head, and also because his "right honourable friend" had, wisely in his opinion, made the privileges which were to be given determinable at the same period as the privileges of the Bank of England-, and placed under the disposal and in the power of Parliament the control of the circumstances attending the renewal, and also placed the whole in future upon a safe and permanent footing. He did hope, that by that time the public mind would take a surer and more wise direction, and that they should cease to hear of the idea of promoting public prosperity by the mere issue of a set of hits of paper.

Mr. O'CONNELL contended, that Mr. Clay's arguments against the unlimited issue of paper money told against Mr. Rice's motion ; for Mr. Rice proposed to give the Bank of Ireland an unlimited power to issue paper money. Now the real question was, whether they would create a monopoly in Ireland. He said " create," because the monopoly had in fact expired. Ile wished the Committee would regard not merely the injustice, but the absurdity of what they were about to do— Let them take the ease of the town of Newry, and think of its absurdity. Why, the magic limit cut off one-third of that town, so that if you cross the bridge of Newry you arc in the region of free trade in banking; and if you do not, you are under the dominion of the monopoly of the Bank of Ireland. What could be more absurd than to make the bridge of Newry the limit for the region of free trade in banking? The right honourable gentleman, however, was aware that this most important question would be discussed before a thin House. He had observed daring the whole night, that sometimes there were not much above 20 Members present. That suited the views of the right honourable gentleman. Even now, there were not more than 32 Members ; nay, not so mine, for he observed several of those present were asleep; and it was greatly the fault of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that this had occurred. Nine-tenths of the Irish Members had left town, and it was most unjust to postpone this discussion to so late a period of the session, and to bring it for- ward too at a time when the price of money had greatly increased, so that the Bank of Ireland would be able to drive it much better bargain than they other- wise would have been able to accomplish.

The Government was about to commit a breach of faith. Distinct pledges had been given by Mr. Rice's predecessors, that the Bank of Ireland charter should not be renewed. Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Ro- binson had given that pledge to the persons who founded the Hi- bernian Bank. Last year, too, Mr. Rice himself had given Mr. O'Con- nell and a deputation to understand that the monopoly would not extend beyond ten or fifteen miles round Dublin ; yet now lie proposed the old limit of fifty miles. Mr. Pius's evidence had not been fhirly quoted. That gentleman said, that in times of pressure private bankers in Ire- land looked to England for aid. In fact, the Bank of Ireland itself created the panic of 1836. The conduct of the Bank of Ireland had been most injurious to the country ; and be called upon the Committee to relieve Ireland, and Dublin especially, from the depressing influence of this monopoly.

Mr. Alderman Timetesox supported the original motion ; Sir WIL- LIAM SOMERVILLE, Mr. HUTFON, Mr. SMITH O'RRIEN, and Mr. RED. INGTON, the amendment. Mr. Weionneroe entered his dissent from Mr. Hume's doctrine of free trade in banking ; but objected to the settlement of so important a question as that before the House, at so late a period of the session.

Mr. SPRING RICE, in reply, denied that any pledge had been given with respect to the renewal of the Bank of Ireland charter, except that be was about to fulfil—namely, that the power of suing and being sued should be granted to the Joint Stock Banks.

Mr. O'CONNELL then moved that " the Chairman do leave the chair." For the adjournment, 35 ; against it, 11S.

The motion " that the words proposed to be left out (Mr. Rice's resolution) stand part of the question," was put. For it, 112 ; against it, 36.

Mr. O'CONNELL moved that the Chairman repot progress. This motion was rejected, by 102 to 33. Mr. ELLIS then moved the adjournment. For the motion, 32 ; against it, 93.

Mr. HUME repeated this motion. It was finally acceded to by Lord JOHN RUSSELL; and the debate was adjourned to Friday.

POSTAGE.

Mr. SPRING RICE, on Monday, moved the second reading of the Postage Duties Bill.

In the debate which followed, Mr. Goutanrior and Sir ROBERT PEEL repeated most of the objections which they had previously urged against this measure ; alleging chiefly the imprudence of giving up so large a revenue in the present state of the finances, and especially after Lord John Russell's announcement on that evening, that an addition of 5,000 men to the Army was necessary, besides the establishment of a rural constabulary. After the opinion of the House had been so de- cidedly expressed in favour of the bill, Sir Robert Peel said he would no longer oppose it. He knew perfectly well, that whenever the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer offered to remit a tax, it could not be coati- nued,—just as when the Secretary for the Home Department declares that disturbers of the public peace shall not be interfered with, dis- turbances inevitably follow. The difficulty was to procure the assent of' the House to a new tax. Sir Roemer INGLIS objected to give up the privilege of franking ; and contended that this bill would not benefit the country generally, but only large mercantile establishments—it was brought forward mainly on political grounds. Lord SEYnIOUR was not surprised that Sir Robert Inglis was tenacious of the pri- vilege of franking: Sir Robert was one of the few Members watched at the Post-office, in consequence of exceeding the privileged num- ber of franks. Sir Roomer INGLIS fired at this imputation ; and explanations between him, Lord SEYMOUR, and Mr. WALLACE took place. It appears that Sir Robert not only keeps an exact daily account of the number of his franks, but of the names of the persons. Mr. WARBURTON spoke generally in defence of the bill. Mr. SPRING Am referred to the advantages which would be derived front the co-

operation of other countries in the same plan of cheapening postage.

the experiment about to be tried was not for the benefit of Enew --

only, but of the whole world. on The bill was read a second time, without a division. It passed$ do Committee on Wednesday ; was " reported " on Friday ; and stands fol go

the third reading on Monday. to.

POST-HORSE DUTY. DI

Mr. Giatoss moved a series of resolutions declaring the expedience

of reducing the duties on post-horses and stage-coaches. In supporttil his motion, he urged the necessity of enabling postmasters and stags coach proprietors to compete with the railways. AtltwopalyrIesseetaa:greeiatgeoheesrat; way carriages were only subjected to a very trivial tax, while that e coach proprietors was oppressive. The duNtvtiliolne

one-eighth of a penny per head per mile,

was one farthing. This was not the way to encourage that competition among persons engaged in furnishing means of conveyance which ag admitted to be so desirable. In other ways the advantage was given to railroads-

lle would suppose a gentleman to travel post from Birmingham to Lando;

with /bur in his carriage. The postmaster pays a duty of IL bs , but iflicput, his carriage into a truck on the railroad the proprietors would have only Ii pay -is. Sd. duty ; all the difference was thus given in favour of the one and stronger party at the expense of the other. The post-horse masters paid hear assessed taxes besides : 5/.5s. for each four-wheeled carriage they kept for bite, and 3/. 5s. for two-wheeled carriages. They were falling rapidly into a state of poverty, from a combination of their burdens. He would give ow stance ; the case of Mr. Johnstone, of Dunstable. That gentleman, fie three months of the year 1837, paid 172!. 16s. :3d. of duties ; and in the same perk/ of time and comparative quarter of last year, the amount had dwindled don to 311. 17s. 6d.

But this was not all—.

These parties hail to pay window-duties besides, and it heavy licence-duty mutually to the Excise for permission to carry on &h. trade ; while large Oa lug hotels which they saw constantly plying up and down the Thames aai constantly selling all manners of exciseable liquors did not pay a sixpences( duty. The victuallers' licences on the sale of exciseable articles should be re. pealed altogether. The stage-couch and post-horse duties were diminishing, notwithstanding the great increase of population and intercourse.

If the House would consent to the alteration he should propose, the loss to the revenue would amount to 448,000/. ; and he asserted with. out fear of contradiction, that in no way could a reduction of taxation be more beneficially made.

The notice was opposed by Mr. SPRING Rice ; mainly on the ground,

that having pledged himself to reduce the postage of letters, he could not venture upon any other alteration which would diminish the revenue, This view of the case was supported by Mr. VILLIERS, Mr. Hews, and Mr. EASTHOPE; while. Mr. HANDLEY, Mr. HINDE, Captain PECIIELL, Sir C. KIM:TULEY, Lord Ewe', and Mr. R. PALMEn, suo ported Mr. Gillon's motion. Mr. VILLIERS suggested a mode by which tine owners of post-horses might be snore effectually relieved than by the proposed reduction of duty—

There were, in his opinion, two ways in which the postmasters might he

relieved. They had now to pay it tax for the hire of their horses, and they had • to pay a heavy expense in support of their horses. (Cheers and a laugh.) Some of these postmasters had called upon him, and he put a question to them as to which of these burdens they would prefer to be relieved front—namely, the tax they had to pay to the State for leave to hire horses, or the tax which they had to may on the foul of their horses ? And he had heard many of these turtles, upon calculation, say that the relief they would feel most world be a relief from the extraordinary price which they bad to pay for the maintenance of their horses. Ile did not see the honourable and gallant Member for Lin- coln in his place. ("Ilet,r,hear !" front Colonel Sibthorp.) As the honour.. able and gallant Member had taken occasion to condemn monopolies, Mr.

Villiers wished he would turn his mind to this view of the question, and see whether they could not relieve this class as well in that way as in the way pro- posed. If the gallant Member would consent to some redaction in the price of food, he would contrive to benefit the community and the particular in- terest which he supported at the same time. On general principles, he must consider that the Chancellor of the Exchequer hail earned for himself great credit with the conimunity at large for having undertaken a very bold expert' Went with a view to the atteinment of a very great general good.

Mr. Gillon's resolutions were negatived, by 109 to 48.

IRISH CORPORATION REFORM.

On the motion for the order of the day for the second reading of the Irish Municipal Bill in the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord Baouoisem rose to protest against the practice of seeable tip numerous bills from the Commons to the Lords at so late a period of the session that their lordships could not possibly give them the neces- sary consideration. The Lords had sat for five months, and in respect of legislation had literally done nothing ; but now they were over- whelmed with business. Lord Brougham declared his intention to oppose this and other measures, solely on the ground that they were brought up at too late a period of the session for them to receive due attention. By systematically rejecting bills which they had not time to discuss and improve, they could alone compel the Commons to use more despatch.

Lord MELBOURNE reminded Lord Brougham, that the practice he complained of was not it new one; and the practice here commended was that which the Lords had virtually adopted to a considerable extent. With respect to the bill before tine House, the new clauses were intro- duced chiefly to obviate the objections made to the last year's bill by the Lords ; who were therefore themselves in sonic sort to blame fur the difficulty in which they were placed. He hoped, however, that the measure would be allowed to proceed ; and the question it involved would be settled beneficially for the country.

Lord BROUGHAM said, he would not then press his objection to the bill, but allow the discussion on the merits to proceed.

The Earl of Hover declared his hostility to the principle and details of the bill, and that he would divide the House against the motion for the second reading.

The measure was defended by Lord STUART DE DECIES and Lord LURGAN.

The Duke of WELLINGTON confessed, that after seeing the operation of what was called Municipal Reform in England, he felt much reluc- tance to extend it to Ireland; but thought that the rejection of the bill

The Earl of CLARENDON rose to address the House when Lord Lon- donderry sat down. He remarked, that papers on the table of the • House would supply the Marquis with answers to the questions he had put. It did not very clearly appear what motives had induced Lord Londonderry to bring forward the subject of the Spanish civil war at this particular time ; but Lord Clarendon could divine the real reason— He suspected that the noble marquis considered that the cause which he so peculiarly protected in Spain stood HI more than ordinary need of assistance ; and that he had come to the rescue, not so much because lie wished to see an end put to time civil war, as because he feared that unless the intervention which he desired came soon, it would come altogether too late for the cause lie espoused. It appeared that there were the utmost dissensions in the Carlist camp. All time best information tended to show that Don Carlos was actively carrying on an intrigue against his General Maroto, whom he affected to love and confide in, but whom in his heart he detested. lie would briefly refer to some of the facts of this question. Some time back, General Maroto shot six of his fellow Generals, whom lie considered to be his rivals, without any form of trial or even accusation. For this act he was proclaimed by Don Carlos a rebel and a traitor. By way of proving that he was not a traitor, Maroto in- stantly marched his army on Don Carlos; on which Don Carlos issued another proclamation recalling the former one, and ordering it to be everywhere burnt by the common hangman. Don Carlos also apologized to General Ma- roto, and hoped his second proclamation would be taken as an excuse for the first, which lie should never have issued had it not been for ill advisers. Gene-

on the second reading would subject their motives to misconstruc- tion, and therefore he recommended the Lords to allow the measure to go into Committee, and if it could not be altered to their satisfaction, to throw it out on the third reading.

Lord WICKLOW expressed himself favourable to the extension of Municipal Reform to Ireland, and would support the second reading. The House divided—

Contents Non-contents Majority for the second reading 42 The bill was "committed" on Thursday.

Lord LYNDIIURST animadverted on the neglect of Ministers in de- taining this measure in the House of Commons till nearly the end of the session. He made some remarks on the danger of throwing the management of corporate towns into the hands of Radicals and Roman Catholics ; to obviate which, lie should propose important amendments. If those amendments were carried, lie should support the third read- ing ; if not, lie should move the rejection of the bill. Lord Lyndhurst's principal amendment was on the qualification-clause. He proposed to

voting for municipal to the occupants of 1 gave the right of voting. or lumema officers o e occupan s o muses rated at 10/. instead of 81. ; but from the 10/. he would allow the land- lord's repairs to be deducted.

Lord BROUGHAM opposed the amendment, and contended that for the very small difference which Lord Lyndhurst would effect, it was not worth while to enter upon a contest with the people of Ireland, and the other House of Parliament.

Lord WICKLOW could not say what the landlord's repairs would be, but their deduction would make the difference between 81. and the fran- chise proposed by Lord Lyndhurst very small.

Lord Ms; .noutuqs spoke briefly against the amendment. He said it would he much better for the Opposition to reject the bill at once than defeat it indirectly. He did not think they had. worthy objects in view, or they would not raise up difficulties against the progress of a measure which they admitted to be desirable.

The Duke of WELLINGTON protested against this imputation of un- worthy motives— The noble viscount had insinuated against noble lords on his side of the House that they did not mean to carry the bill. lie begged to submit to their Lordships the fact, that they had had this bill under consideration for a few days only. Those who had had the bill under consideration during the whole of last summer, and had had an opportunity of considerin„,r, it in all its parts, and who had since had an opportunity of weighing and 'discussing it. and directing their attention to it, and who knew, as they must have done, the opi- nion of their Lordships' house on the subject, as well as the opinion of a large portion of the other House, it was they who had not meant, and who did not mean to carry it, and not the noble lords around him. (Loud cries of " hear, hear!") It was they who had taken no measures to modify the bill in such a manner that it should meet the support of their Lordships; it was they who did not mean to carry. it. It was they who had brought the Lill to their Lord-

ships' House at a period of the session at which it was clearly impossible to do niece than discuss it in the manner in which they were discussing it now. It

was they who had no intention of carrying the bill, and not the noble lords around around him. The noble viscount would do well to pause before he brought such charges, or made such insinuations as these.

The Committee divided ; and the amendment was carried, by 93 to 50.

Several other amendments proposed by Lord LYNDHURST were adopted without opposition.

The bill, as amended, was ordered to be reprinted ; and the report" was ordered to be received on Tuesday.

WAR IN Si'Arf.

The Lords were occupied for some time on Tuesday with a discussion of Spanish affairs, founded on the following questions put to Lord Mel- bourne by the Marquis of LONDONDERRY— First, whether there was any engagement, in the opinion of the Government, between Great Britain and France, under the Quadruple Treaty, which pre- vented Great Britain from entering into negotiations with the other Allied Powers for the pacification of Spain ? Secondly, if Great Britain ant France did not stand in exactly the same situation as the three other Great Powers; or if' he was to understand that threat Britain and France monopolized the regu- lation of the affairs of Spain, in opposition to the Convention of 1815 ? Thirdly, whether her Majesty's Government intended to forego the benefits of the Eliot Convention, or to apply it generally to the bands of marauders and robbers that devastated the country ? And lastly, whether it was their intention to take more decisive steps for the payment of the British Auxiliary Legion, or to induce theSpauish Government to pay interest on time money due to these parties ?

Lord Londonderry having intimated that the House would expect some information on the state of Spain from Lord Clarendon, who had resided in that country for a considerable period as his Sovereign's re- presentative, 50 8

There would he no use whatever in a mediation of the Great Powers, because they did not all recognize the right of the Queen of Spain to the throne she held. Besides, it was a mistake to suppose that the Spaniards would submit to an armistice dictated by the Five Powers— The only effect of an attempt at such a step would be time instantaneous union of all classes in Spain in defence of their nationality. It was quite true that England and France might march all army at any moment into Spain, and establish there any form of government which they might think fit ; but did the noble marquis suppose that time other Euronerm rowers would coincide with them ? and still more, did he suppose that such a government were established it would last a single day after the last foreign soldier had been withdrawn from the country ? From his own personal experience of the Spanish character, acquired during a somewhat lengthened residence in that country, be could say that unsolicited interference on the parr of a foreign na- tion in the affairs of Spain would always lead to results disgraceful to the na- tion so interfiiring.

With respect to the Eliot Convention, it was carried into effect in that part of the country where the two parties were engaged in regular war- fare ; but it ought not to be extended to the men who made their pre- tended loyalty a cloak for the most infamous practices. Lord Claren- don proceeded to remark on the prevalent mistake that Spaniards were unfit for free institutions— Their own municipal institutions afforded a sufficient contradiction to this assumption. Those institutions, the must free and popular in the world, existed in Spain when the feudal system obtained throughout the rest of Eu- rope. It Was quite true that for centuries Spain had groaned under the yoke of a priestly and kingly tyranny ; but it was equally true that she was now seizing the first opportunity afforded her of emancipating herself; and of recover- ing her lost place among the nations. The sacrifices to which Spaniards Ind submitted, and were still submitting, proved that they felt that time object for which they were struggling was one worthy of being attained. Their struggle had not been without good results. They had already gained much; for they could not return to the past. Their detestation of farmer tyranny was too strong to afford a hope that Don Carlos would ever attain the throne ; for they knew well that should he ever slowed in his efforts, he would endeavour to reestablish that timatieal party who were now driven from power ; and with them would return the confiscations, the exiles, time gibbet. He was himself convinced that if Don Carlos could gain the throne—which was impossible—be would do more in twelve months to render monarchical government odious, than all the arguments of all its enemies could do. It would then be seen by the Despotic Governments of Europe, what a great mistake they hail made its supporting a man whose proceedings would have rendered time continuance of monarchical governnent in Spain impossible. Such a result was now im- possible, in consequence of the strides which the Spanish nation had made in civilization. Life and property were now in a state of security in Spain, greater than ever had been known before ; and the revenue of the country was now one-half more. Au immense class of pmprietors had been called into existence by the sale of the national property. Capital now flowed into more useful channels; and Spain was at this moment laying the foundation of a future prosperity, greater than she had ever known even at the time when she had the misfortune to discover America.

Lord MmatounNR, replying to Lord Londonderry, said that there was nothing to prevent England from negotiating with other powers for the pacification of Spain ; that, except as they were bound by the Quad- ruple Treaty, France and England stood in the same relation to Spain as other European powers ; that no measures had been taken to extend the Eliot Convention, which was only observed, lie regretted to say, by the regular armies ; and lastly, that no exertions should be spared to procure the discharge of the claims of the British Legion.

The Duke of WELLINGTON, who complimented Lord Clarendon on his very able speech, contended, that if the influence of Great Britain bad been properly exerted, in connexion with other powers, Austria for instance, the civil war in Spain might have been stopped long ago. But Great Britain had herself become a belligerent party, and was therefore disqualified for the office of mediator— He did not ask Ministers to break any treaty ; on the contrary, he asked them to proceed in the course of their treaty—to perform it to the letter. He asked them to do every thing, in their power to establish the Queen : but he said, "Do not go and carry on a little war in order to remove yourselves front the position in whieli you ought; to stand in settling this matter." There was no question now betbre the House, lint he thought tint these papers supported him in the belief that he was right from the beginning. The directions which Ire bad had the honour to receive from his late Majesty as to time course to be pursued, proved that that was time proper course to take; and years after years of massacre and blood might have been spared. Ile said that they had proof that the other powers of Europe had made offers to assist them in the panfica. tion of this interesting country ; and he said that they bud in their own hands, if they only adopted the course which he proposed, the power of producing that end so much to be desired.

He rejoiced to learn that there were negotiations on foot which might lead to the settlement of the Spanish quarrel.

Lord 13ROUCHAM said, he had listened with great satisfaction to Lord Clarendon's speech. lie regretted that foreign affairs attracted so little interest in this country ; the consequence of which was, that the Govern- ment became irresponsible on questions of foreign policy. He would say one word on the Spanish war— Further reflection had led him to entertain some doubts, not only on the ex- pediency, but on time lawfulness of this country encouraging its subjects to take a part in contentions which took place in foreign countries. He did not

say that eases might not arise in which, even without the command of the Civil Magistrates, the subjects of this country might lie justified in taking

part in the internal quarrels of another, or in warfare between two foreign powers; but he said that such all interference required a very strong case indeed. to render it justifiable, when the Government did not appear to take a part in the quarrel. With regard to what had happened in Spain, he thought that feelings of any thing rather than pride, satisfaction, or exultation, would arise in the bosoms of Englishmen upon the scenes which had occurred.

Lord LONDONDERRY spoke a few words in reply to Lords Melbourne and Clarendon, and the discussion dropped. cal Maroto accepted the apology; and from that time became virtually sove- reign of that part of the country, having supreme direction of all affairs; but from that time also Don Carlos had never ceased to intrigue against his Gene- ral-in-Chief; and the result of these and other circumstances was, as the in- tercepted correspondence showed, that the affairs of Don Carlos never stood in a worse position than at this moment. This was the opinion of many influen- tial Carlists, both in and out of Spain ; and it was, very possibly, this fact that had induced Lord Londonderry to come down to the House to throw his shield. over Don Carlos, by proposing the mediation of the Great Powers, which would have the effect of placing Don Carlos on a footing of equality with the Queen

MISCELLANEOUS.

THE CHURCH IS THE COLONIES. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a petition on Thursday from the Society for Promoting Chris- tian Knowledge, praying the Lords to take measures for increasing the amount of spiritual instruction in the Colonies in connexion with the Established Church, and especially in the Australian Colonies. The Marquis of NORMANRY stated the amount of aid already given in New South Wales, and in the Colonies generally, to religionists of different persuasions— By a return which had been laid before the House of Commons, he found that 35,7331. had been contributed by the State ; of which, 17,9131. hail been given to the Church of England, 5,100/. to the Church of Scotland, and 5,650/. to the Church of Rome. That was the statement with regard to that parti- cular colony ; but the means of religious instruction in all the Colonies had been afforded to the different churches in the following proportion ; 13-1010/. to the Chinch of England, 9,967/. to the Church of -Scotland, 6,686/. to the Dutch Church, 11,763/. to the Romish Church and that large amount was Rrincipally divided betIceen the IVIattritias, Trinidad, and Lower Canada.

The Archbishop of CANTERBURY replied. lie said he had not enter- tained any objection on the score of the amount of the funds appropri- ated to religious education, but to all religious denominations being placed on the same footing.

A formal motion for papers by the Archbishop was agreed to.

HILL COOLIES. Lord ELLENBOROUG i I, 011 Tuesday, asked the 'Mar- quis of Normanby for infisrmation respecting the Hill Coolies who had been sent to Demerara— In the 77ines of that morning, a statement of the most disastrous character appeared on the condition of the Hill Coolies that were imported from Bengal into Demerara. It appeared that a report had been presented to the Court of Policy in that colony, by a body with rather a singular designatien, namely, the Immigrant Commission. Itj lent not seen this report, but it was described as containing itfearful account of the condition of those unfortunate people ; and the account of the ravages of disease amongst them was most lamentable. On one estate, Bellevue, nut less than twenty of these poor creatures hail died, and twenty-mime were described as lying in the hospital, in a state which the Commissioners reported was hardly to be described. The hospital itself would seem, from the nature of it, to be very much like a pest-house ; and the manager of the estate, who was found labouring under fever, acquainted the Commis- sioners that he " got his attack by going into that hospital." The circumstances thus detailed had created considerable sensatinn mid much exasperation among all the more respectable members of the community against the owners of the estate in question, where such cruel neglect could he permitted. It was hoped that the Governor would forthwith cancel the indentures under which the un- fortunate Coolies had been engaged. He wished to know from the noble mar- quis whether he was in possession of this report ? and if he was, whether he would object to laying it on the table ?

- The Marquis of NORMANBY said, he was not in possession of the report ; but he had read the account alluded to, and thought the matter well worthy the attention of Government.

• Lord Eau:animist-sin said, that they who had been in any way con- nected—Lord Nornamby was not one of those persons—with the fram- ing of the Order in Council, had incurred a most fearful responsibility.

Lord hlttoucifasr reminded the House, that he had warned them on this subject last year, and induced them to put a stop to the importation of this unhappy people— He had never seems any thing in this proceeding but the result which had now unhappily followed, and which ii-elsaal was the only one which he anticipated. to follow from the detestable practice of slavery, although disguised under the name of apprenticeship ; and he would remind' the House that this was worse than African slavery, for the voyage extended much further, namely to the coast of Asia. In one instance, the miserable and wretched condition of eighty of these persons was described, which was more than half imported in that cargo, for he found that only 131) were aboard. The large proportion of these were now dead, and the dire effects of disease in the pestilential marshes of Deme- rara spread from one to the other of this unhappy people. Time survivors of them were no doubt in a state compared with which death itself would be a release to them from wretchedness—they who had survived the murderous passage from their peacelid home to the charnel-house in Demerara.

The greater extent of the voyage made the sufferings of the Hill Coolies greater than those endured by Negroes orf the middle passage from Africa— It would be found that the papers on their Lordships' table contained the astounding fact. that 20 per cent. in one vessel perished on a voyage in five weeks ; between Asia and Mauritius 20 per cent died in one week, and also 30 in another ; week being a degree of massacre which exceeded the African middle passage itself. It was painful to he obliged to recur to these matters; but the cases were of a very aggravated nature, and called for some explana- tion. There was another topic towhich he wished to refer. It was said that two or three vessels had been seized on the Brazilian coast, which were en- gaged in the illegal slave traffic, and their wretched cargo (as they were called) of fourteen hundred slaves were, under the pretence of being liberated, apprenticed for is term of seven years, at a premium of 5/. per head. And where ? Iii foreign slave countries, where there was no security that they would be treated es-en so well as they were in Guiana. And he wished to know whether it was the practice for the commanders of the cruisers to apprentice these unfortunate men in those countries where slavery still existed, instead of carrying them to our own colonies. He hoped he should receive an answer denynaa these statements, which were corroborated and confirmed by private letters he had received.

Lord NOR M AN did not believe that the facts were precisely as stated by Lord Brougham ; but the subject belonged more to the Fo- reign Department than the Colonial Office. However, he would make inquiries.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, Mr. LABOUCHERE stated, in reply to questions from Sir STEPHEN Lusinsmox, Colonel BROWN- 1110a, and Sir JAMES GRAHAM, that the accounts of the condition of the Coolies in the Mauritius were generally as favourable as could be wished. With respect to the condition of those persons in Demerara, no positive information had been received at the Colonial Office.

THE METROPOLIS IMPROVEMENTS BILL was read a second time by the Commons, on Wednesday. Mr. SPRING RICE stated the improve- ments which would be effected under this bill—

One plan was for opening a convenient thoroughfare from the end of Coven- try Street to the junction of Newport Street and Long Acre, combined with that which, had been suggested for the continuation of the line from Waterloo Bridge already completed to Bow Street, from thenCe northwards into Hol- born, making an additional thoroughfare to the City, besides the crowded parts

of Holborn and the Strand. The second plan was for extending Oxford Site,t in a direct line through St. Giles's, so as to communicate with Holborn; ht4 the third plan was for opening a spacious thoroughfare between the popular neighbourhood of Whitechapel and Spitalfields and the docks and whitest, the river Thames, by widening the northern and southern extremities Leman Street, and by creating a new street from the northern side of alai.: chapel to the front of Spitalfields Church. These plans had been recommema by the Committee which had sat on 'Metropolis Improvements, and they ag„ ciliated that sufficient funds would be found by existing means. It wasp, posed that the plans should be executed. by the Commissioners of Woods an, Forests fait of the funds remaining unappropriated after defraying the chali of the alteration connected with the Royal Exchange.