Ebe larobinces.

Mr. Sotheron is mentioned as a candidate for the vacancy in the re- presentation of North Wiltshire occasioned by the death of Sir Francis Burdett. Should he stand, Mr. Ludlow Bruges, of Seend, near Devizes, is spoken of as likely to offer himself for the vacancy thus created in the borough. Both are Conservatives.

A meeting, described as one of tenant-farmers, was held in Bucking- ham Town-ball, on Saturday, on a requisition signed by eighty of the chief farmers of the neighbourhood. More than 500 persons attended ; the farmers present occupying, it is computed, 90,000 acres of land. The Chairman quoted Mr. Jacob's Reports, to show that prices and wages on the Continent are much lower than in this country ; and he contended that English farmers and labourers would be ruined and destroyed if brought down to the Continental level. After some passing blows at Lord Spencer and Lord Westminster for their coun- tenance of the Anti-Corn-law agitation, he intimated that Ministers would not be suffered to be quiescent— The Government had a majority in the House of Commons of 100. The farmers had given them that majority, and the farmers would still support th Government ; but they must make Sir Robert declare himself. (Cheers) ) They would allow no further temporizing, nor their rights to be frittered away. (Cheers.) The League boasted of their 100,000/.; but Essex alone had subscribed 5,000/. ; and if every fanner would come forward with a pound only, they would raise not 100,000/. bat 500,000L—(Loud cheers)— and that was a " fact " for the League—( Cheers and laughter)—which was by no means unlikely to occur. The counties throughout England were rising. Essex, Sussex, Kent, Surrey, Lincoln, Norfolk, Oxford, Northampton, Hert- fordshire, and many others, bad already pronounced in favour of agricultural protection, and declared their hostility to the League. (Cheers.) Resolutions were passed, declaring protection to be necessary, and its removal unjust, and instituting a society to cooperate in opposing the League. Mr. H. Humphreys, the ex-Mayor of Buckingham, repeated many of the standing arguments against repeal of the Corn-laws : for example, he insisted that a free trade in corn, by injuring the agri- culturists, would destroy the home-market for manufactures, and would thus ruin the very men that seek the measure ; and he pointed to the fact that ander protective laws England has risen to great wealth and power. Mr. Joseph Williams, who is put forward as a " working man," being in fact a journeyman baker, argued that repeal of the Corn-laws would bring to the working classes reduced wages and de- creased employment : he spoke of a meeting in Lambeth, at which he had once opposed " Mr. Hawes, the soap-boiler "- " To show how these Free-trading gentlemen understood the question they were talking about, he asked them, supposing there was an 8s. duty, what would that amount to per pound on the loaf? and not one of them could give him an answer. (Laughter.) Why, it would only make a farthing in the 41b. loaf! And if the Corn-laws were wholly repealed, whilst it would reduce bread much less than was expected, it would reduce wages in an unfavourably greater proportion; and as for imagining that manufactures could be exchanged on equal terms for corn by the working man, it was an absolute absurdity. Really, some of these gentlemen talked as if the working man had only to make up some article, fling it across his shoulders in a bag, go and meet a foreigner, fill his bag with corn, and return, and when he came home again he would find his bread ready baked for him. (Laughter.) No, the working man could not exchange; his productions would go into the hands of the great manufacturers ; they would effect the exchange, and they would take care to derive the full benefit of it. The manufacturers, not content with their own profits and monopoly of manual labour, wanted to be monopolists in corn—aye, and our legislation also. He had seen a little of the factories ; and he had seen 700 persons in one mill, out of whom there were only two men, all the rest of the labour being done by females and children. The mode in which they conducted their labour-system was a disgrace to the manufacturers and to human nature." He denied that the working classes desired free trade— The League held their ticket-meetings, but they dare as well eat their heads as go into the trade-societies. He was a short time since among a body of journeymen-shoemakers, where the subject was discussed ; and they all de- nounced it, for they knew the foreigner could send here boots and shoes at half the price they could make them at. The same with the journeymen- weavers, hatters, &c. Many useful classes of mechanics had already been en- tirely annihilated by the progress of free trade and machinery. The manu- facturers, by encouraging machinery to the extent they bad, had ruined the labouring population, and bad, moreover, injured themselves for the machinery had gone abroad and enabled less skilful nations to rival them : and now they encouraged the fond dream that, if we would only take their corn, these foreign nations would give up their foreign manufactures to grow corn for us—and this though totally opposed to common sense and unheard-of in the history of the world.

The League seek to reduce the living of the English labourer to the foreign rate— When he was with a ship-biscuit-baker in Demerara, he always found an English captain would give 5s. more for biscuit than a foreign captain, who compelled his crew to put up with an inferior article. The League's recruits— The League went about to coffee-shops and other places where small de- bating societies were held, and if they found a tolerably clever man they en- gaged him—at what wages, did they suppose ? 98. a week—he could prove the fact—to disseminate their principles, and to gather subscriptions, on which be- sides be had a trifling poundage. Mr. R. Warr, of Gawcott, illustrated the effect of repeal in throwing lands out of cultivation— Within a mile and a half of his farm there was a piece of land which he had been able to cultivate under the system of protection, which had yielded to the poor 91. per acre. He would give the items: 21. 5s. 8d. for digging the stone 2/. for breaking, drawing, and burning; 21. for digging; 21. for draining ; IL for grubbing the furze ; making 91. per acre, which went entirely to the poor man in return for his labour. The League says landlords must reduce their rents. Suppose they did, this land was not worth 11. per acre. Allowing that the landlord took off 50 per cent, what would 10s. per acre be, compared to the 9/. which the farmer paid directly to the labourer ? And if the protection were done away with, would any farmer be mad enough to expend 9/. per acre upon such land, even if he bad it rent-free ? Without protection, the cold clay lands of Buckinghamshire would be entirely thrown out of cultivation. (" They would.") Sir Harry Verney declared his desire to rise and fall with the British farmer ; but endeavoured to give a more decidedly Anti-Ministerial turn to the proceedings— They knew as well as he did that the Parliament had been returned for a special purpose—pledged to maintain the then existing protection. (" Hear, hear ! ") They had seen that pledge broken. ("Hear, hear!") And he be- lieved it was contemplated still further to entrench on the protection which remained to them. He could not conceal from himself, and he stated it plainly, that even the professions of his Grace the Duke of Buckingham, in this respect, had not been carried out to the extent which he had given the farmers reason to expect. It was quite true that he had made speeches such as had been quoted at Brill and elsewhere ; but what had his Grace done ? All his influ- ence had been given to maintain the Government in office, and to enable it to carry into effect measures which had proved ruinous to the farmer. In the county of Buckingham he had expressed disapprobation ; but every Member on whom he had the slightest influence gave all his support to the Govern- ment, and aided them in carrying laws which were pronounced by his Grace to be injurious and ruinous to the interest of the farmer. Nei6..er was he aware that in the House of Lords his Grace had proposed any resolution, or made any speech calculated to embarrass the Government, or prevent their carrying their policy into effect. He should be happy to hear any reply ; but he did not think the conduct of the Duke of Buckingham consistent in this respect. (A few cheers, and disapprobation.) He went on to contend that land is oppressed by peculiar burdens, and that the weight of taxation ought to be more equally distributed. He complained that when a motion for inquiry into this subject was made in the House of Commons, Sir Robert Peel and the other agricul- tural Members, who ought to have supported it in order that the troth should be made manifest, opposed it. He had, therefore, prepared a petition praying for such inquiry. Some conversation ensued ; and eventually Sir Harry gave way to the sense of the meeting and with-- drew his petition ; the subject of it to be considered by the Central. Committee of the new society, and incorporated in a petition which they were to prepare. Sir John Chetwode, M.P., volunteered his assistance. A liberal sum was subscribed in the room ; all the tenant-farmers and many tradesmen putting down their names for 11. each, and some indi- vidual subscriptions exceeded that amount.

A similar meeting was held at Canterbury, on Saturday. It was "an assembly of all the tenant-farmers of East Kent, with a fair sprinkling of landlords." The chair was taken by Sir Brook Bridges ; who strongly advised implicit reliance on the intentions of Government, and there- fore he called upon the agriculturists to support the Ministry. Mr. Hammond devoted some pains to making out a case of inconsistency against the Leaguers ; who say that with repeal rents will fall, and yet that they will be as good as ever ; that prices w ill fall, and yet the farmers will not be injured ; that wages are not to be reduced, and yet that the employer would be better able to compete with the foreigner. He pronounced Mr. Cobden's assertion, that the agricultural electors were driven like cattle to the hustings, to be absolute insolence. Among the other speakers were, Sir E. Dering, Mr. James the novelist, and Mr. Plumptre, M. P. ; who said that if Ministers carried their conces- sions to Free Trade any further, he should cease to support them. It was agreed to prepare parochial petitions to be sent round for signature.

Another important gathering took place at Northampton, on Monday. The Chairman was Mr. Manning, of Harpole ; there were present, Lord Southampton, Mr. W. R. Cartwright, M.P., Sir Charles Knightley, M.P., Mr. T. P. Maunsell, M.P., Mr. A. S. O'Brien, M.P., several gen- tlemen of influence in the county, a number of tenant-farmers, and in all 1,800 persons. Before any thing else was done, Mr. Maltose' made a remark by way of query: he said, he could not believe the state- ment in the papers, that the Duke of Buccleuch had declared himself favourable to a free trade in corn. Mr. Pain, the Duke's agent, gave the statement a distinct denial : the Duke had said, "A greater lie never was penned by the father of all lies." The first speaker was Mr. Canning, of Hellidon ; who declared the constitution, as now established. in King, Lords, and Commons, to be menaced— It was the object of the League, he believed, to overthrow this Monarchical Government, and substitute a Republican one in its stead. Look at Mr. Cobden, a man who had sprung from obscurity. He did not complain of him for that, for he thought much credit due to a man who by his own exertions raised himself above the level of society ; but he thought there should be some end to his ambition. (Cheers.) Look at him with his hundreds of thousands of pounds, and mark his agitating course, and who could then doubt that his object was to establish a Republican government ? ("Hear, hear, hear !") He stated some of the grounds for the agriculturist's claim to pro- tection— There were the Consuls, 'Ambassadors, &c. at every Court in Europe; and for what purpose was all this expense incurred ? Why, for the protection of commerce, to be sure ; and the expense, like all others, was chiefly borne by the agriculturists. But did they therefore grumble ? No: but as long as they were kept in a state of constant agitation and peril, their interests could not flourish. ("Hear, hear ! ") He considered that the Corn-laws were as much the right and property of the farmers as were his title-deeds the property of Lord Spencer. (Cheers.) By act of Parliament they were given to them, and by act of Parliament alone could they be taken away from them. Mr. Cartwright criticised the proceedings of the Liberal party, espe- cially of Lord Spencer, Lord Westminster, Mr. Vernon Smith, Mr. Raikes Currie, and Lord John Russell, with some allusion to Lord John's old Huntingdon speech. Sir Charles Knightley attacked the opponents of the Protectionists in sweeping style ; beginning- " Among our enemies are ranked the whole of the Radicals, Jacobins, and the whole refuse of mankind. (Cheers and laughter.) * * * The League, called the Anti-Corn-law League, is, I think, the most pestiferous society that has ever been formed since the days of the Jacobin Club during the French' Revolution. (Cheers.) It is matter of wonder to me hod any harmony can exist between these people; how gentlemen of education and rank can have

any sympathy with such ragamuffins. (Laughter,) • I can only compare them to what in my younger days we used to call a scratched pack of hounds—( Laughter)—that is, the drafts and culls from every pack in England."

Lord Southampton said, that the agriculturists were much indebted to Lord Spencer, for they were all asleep till he made his speech at the Radical meeting ; pointed to the great depression in the markets all over the country for the last two years ; averred that the agriculturists had given way too much ; and said that Ministers must be made to declare themselves. Mr. Stafford O'Brien made a long speech, contending that it was the agricultural party who in the present Parliament—the "landlords' Parliament "—had taken the opportu- nity practically to review the whole of the laws relating to them- selves, and dared to reduce their protection to the lowest point; thus setting an example of moderation and patriotism to the other classes of the community. Among the other speakers was the Reve- rend F. Litchfield, who accused the League of encouraging incen- diarism ; vindicating the Reverend Mr. Fisher for having made a similar declaration. Resolutions to cooperate in the movement were passed unanimously, and a subscription was opened on the spot : Lord Southampton and the county Members gave 501. each, the Duke of Bucclench 1001., and more than 1,0001. was collected.

Six hundred gentlemen and farmers met at an inn at Warwick, on Wednesday ; but receiving large additions to its numbers, the assem- blage adjourned to the Nisi Prius Court- The Chairman was Lord Brooke ; who was supported by Mr. E. J. Shirley, M.P., Sir Charles Douglas, M.P., Mr. Charles Newdigate Newdigate, M.P., and Sir J. Mordaunt, M.P. The Chairman began by counselling the agriculturists to observe their usual moderation, " even when attacked by what he would designate as a foul and disgraceful combination." Various ob- jects were imputed to the League. Mr. Newdigate said that the aim of the League was " a reduction of the value of goods and labour, so as to increase the value of their much-loved money." From his knowledge of facts, gained as a Magistrate, he repeated an assertion which he had made in the House of Commons. that the League were extensively im- plicated in the disturbances which took place in the North of the county. Sir J. Mordaunt declared the objects of the League to be the reduction of wages to the Continental level, and the setting the agri- cultural classes one against the other, by spreading unfounded reports : a Warwick paper had reported that Lord Willoughby had sent his adhesion to the League, but Lord Willoughby had contradicted the report in a letter to Sir J. Mordaunt. The meeting was unanimous in passing the Anti-League resolutions, and a subscription was opened on the spot.

Numerous meetings of farmers and others, with the like object, have been held at Horncastle in Lincolnshire ; at Waltham in Leicestershire ; Maidstone in Kent, where Lord Strangford was among the many influential gentlemen, and more than 6001. was collected.

At a meeting of the Essex Agricultural Protection Society, in Rom- ford, on Wednesday, a numerous list of subscribers was announced, the sums ranging from 201. to 1001. each. Mr. Oswald Copland made one of the best and moat argumentative speeches that has yet appeared at these meetings : but our space is preoccupied, and in fact the matter of the speech is not new ; it might stand as one of the many delivered on the same side in Parliament last session. It was agreed that the So- ciety should publish the speech.

Sir Thomas Buckler Lethbridge has written a letter "to the land- lords, land-occupiers, and day-labourers of West Somersetshire," ex- horting them to oppose the League, and offering his aid. But his letter contains this curious paragraph-

" Remember, however, I do not deprecate the principles of free trade, if they are or can be applied to all articles alike; what I deprecate is, applying a rate to corn which no other article is liable to. This is not just nor politic, as will soon be proved if the League should succeed in all their fond expectations."

The Spalding Agricultural Society, at a meeting on Tuesday, adopted an address to Earl Spencer, respectfully requesting to withdraw his name as President and Member of the Royal Agricultural Society of England!

At a special general meeting of the Northampton Farming and Grazing Society, on Saturday, attended by about a hundred members, resolutions were passed deeply regretting the withdrawal of its " noble and generous patron," Earl Spencer ; regretting the resignation of any of its members ; but pledging the meeting to support the Society ; and asserting the necessity of adhering to its standing rale, that " No ques- tion shall be discussed at the meetings of this Society of a political ten- dency, or which shall refer to any measure to be brought forward or pending in either House of Parliament."

The Anti-Corn-law League Deputation, returning from Scotland, had a numerous meeting at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, on Monday ; Sir John Fife, the Mayor, presiding. The subscription was announced to be 4621.

The Buckingham Conservative Association held their annual dinner on Tuesday. The head of the table was taken by the Duke of Buck- ingham ; and among the guests were Lord Orkney, Captain Fitzmaurice, M.P., Sir Thomas Fremantle, M.P., Mr. C. G. Du Pre, M.P., Sir John Chetwode, M.P., Mr. R. C. Clayton, M.P., Mr. F. Dayrell, and Dr. Marsham. Among the routine toasts, Mr. Pigott proposed "the health of her Majesty's Ministers "—" a difficult toast to propose to an agricul- tural body " ; though lie felt full confidence in Ministers— He did not think they had thrown the agricultural constituencies overboard. (" Hear, hear ") He knew well that Ministers were treading in a narrow path between two steep precipices. They had been most strongly pushed—most unconstitutionally pushed from the one side, certainly; and therefore it was that he hailed these demonstrations of the feelings of the agricultural interest to prevent them from falling over—indeed, to give them a gentle shove on the other. (Cheers.) He meant no disrespect to her Majesty's Ministers when he reminded the meeting, that those Ministers knew from whom it was that they held their important power, and to whom it was that they would have to nt.

attacked the Anti-Corn-law League, " their trumpery 'r blasphemous pamphlets "—

nconsistencies. To the operative they said, that free trade sap bread, and not lower his wages. Yet the effect of the o lower wages as to cause the outbreak in the mandfacturiog

He pointed to the Whigs, as endeavodring to recover power by means of the League ; but he rejoiced to see that the farmers were at length aroused, that the British lion had awakened and shaken his mane. He finished by recommending two special measures : an alteration of the law of settlement—for the manufacturers, after having drawn the agri- cultural population into the towns, were now threatening to turn them, unfitted any longer for agricultural pursuits, back again upon the coun- try, and thus swamp the agricultural interest ; and the assessment of trading and commercial property to the poor-rates. Sir Thomas Fre- mantle declined to accept Mr. Pigott's invitation to render an account of the conduct of Ministers ; being himself an insufficient advocate, and holding a very subordinate position in the Government. Mr. Day- rell commended Sir Thomas's acuteness and judgment in declining to accept the challenge : no Minister however gifted could defend his colleagues from the imputations to which they were obnoxious— He thought a great deal of useless indignation had been bestowed on the Anti-Corn-law League faction. He did not look to them ; it was their trade and profit. Ever since O'Connell first taught such gentlemen what profitable emoluments were to be derived from agitation, they hved by it. It was not to that League he looked: no arguments could satisfy them ; humanity might as well be expected from a highwayman. (Cheers.) It was to the Government that they must look, and to those Members whom they had returned to Par- liament. (Loud cheers.) Those were the parties they must look to for re- dress, and whose exertions to protect their interests they bad a right to

Subsequently, however, Mr. Dayrell, proposing " The Conservative Members of the Houses of Lords and Commons," said, he feared that " the acts of the present Government were hurrying them on to free trade altogether." In acknowledging the toast, Lord Orkney deplored the effects of the Tariff, which be said had ruined the manufacturers of cheese in Scotland. Returning thanks for the Members of the County, Mr. Da Pre justified his vote for the new Corn-law ; which had at least this advantage, that it reduced the protection of the farmer to the lowest possible state under which agriculture could exist : and he exhorted them to direct their efforts to maintain what they still possess. Among the other County Members, Sir Thomas Fremantle ack- nowledged the toast ; good-humouredly parrying the attacks that had been made upon Ministers-

" G entlemen, John Bull is an odd sort of fellow—(A laugh)—I have studied his character a great many years. Now, he takes an extraordinary sort of pleasure in giving bard rubs to a friend. With an enemy it's to him no fan at all—for the enemy expects it, and he returns it; but if John can go to a friend, and, after striking him down, worry him a little—(A

knowing that he won't be angry beyond a certain point, why, gentlemen, he thinks there is a great deal of fun in it. (Laughter.) This is, I think, the secret of the rube that same of you have been giving us on the present occasion. (" Hear! ") My first impression was to be rather angry with my friend Mr. Dayrell, when be said that her Majesty's Ministers were not entitled to your confidence : but I do not think be exactly meant what his words conveyed—I know he did not exactly mean what he said. (A laugh.) In fact, he really threw out no imputation whatever ; and he certainly ended his speech in a most satisfactory manner, for he ended by giving you all very good advice. He gave you the advice which I myself should give you—he told you that you Amu* always go and support her Majesty's Ministers." (Cheers and laughter.)

After praising the policy of Ministers both at home and abroad, Sir Thomas Fremantle came to the Corn-law. He did not see that any one had a right to say that it must be altered-

. My own opinion is, that there are only two parties on the subject of the Corn-laws; those who are for repeal altogether, and those who desire to up- hold the present law. The Fixed-duty people seem to be gradually absorbed into the other two ; and I do not think there appears to be much reason to think that they will carry their plan. Earl Spencer is a Total-repealer; so is Lord Kinnaird, as it appears by a letter from him in the papers, and he adds that many Conservative gentlemen were coming to the same opinion. Now, gentlemen, which party, in this state of affairs, is most likely to succeed? Is the country prepared for a total repeal of the Corn-laws ? (" No, no I") I think not ; and if that is the case, then we must stand by the present law." The Duke of Buckingham vindicated his consistency, which had re- cently been called in question by Sir Harry Verney among others— He bad never factiously supported or opposed any Government ; nor would he now do so, but would do that which he believed to be for the good of the country. Whatever influence be might possess in that county should be given to Ministers according to their conduct to the agricultural interest. If they supported the farmers, he would support them ; if they did not, he would op- pose them.

At a meeting of the Plymouth District Association of the National Society for the Education of the Poor, the Society for Building and Re- pairing Churches, and the Society for Promoting the Employment of additional Curates in Populous Places, on the 15th instant, the Bishop of Exeter used some strong language: he may be said to have rated his flock on the practical exclusion of the poor from churches— It was a most enormous injustice, the discredit of which attached to every one present, for he concluded that every one present had availed himself of the means which were afforded of obtaining seats in these churches. And how were seats obtained ? By paying money for them. But while they were pay- ing money for themselves, had they not been careless whether others, the poor, bad the means of paying or not ? They who had the means of doing so ought to pay money that the poor might be accommodated; but instead of that, they paid for themselves, and caused the exclusion of the poor from their churches. He said this as their Bishop, with authority, but not with arrogant authority— God forbid ; but yet with authority he emphatically said it, that this wrong of the poor should be redressed. He would not come to that place year after year and see the right of the poor man to be accommodated in his parish-church stolen from him—for it was stolen. The rich had no right to pews, or accom- modation beyond the poor man. They paid for their pews at church, it was true ; but no one, no churchwardens, had a right to raise a revenue from the letting of pews in church.

The expenses of the Church service, he said, should be defrayed by a church-rate ; and to raise the money by pew-rents was a mere eva- sion of that duty. The Bishop's observations seem to have told upon his auditory, and they were much applauded.

Dr. Hook, the Vicar of Leeds, has proposed to make a great sacrifice in order to increase the efficiency of the Church. The sacrifice is seen to be the greater when the relinquishment of power as well as emolu- ment is considered-

" The parish of Leeds, it appears from Dr. Hook's letter," says the Times, " embraces an area of thirty-two miles in circumference, from the whole of which the Vicar receives the usual ecclesiastical payments. It contains some twenty churches and chapels, to all of which the Vicar presents. Dr: Book proposes to divide this overwhelming cure into fourteen parishes, reserving to himself one—of course, the principal district ; but surrendering all income de- rivable from the other thirteen to the respective incumbents, and the whole patronage to the Bishop of the diocese. The price which he demands for his most munificent concession is simply this, that the churches shall be churches of the poor, and that the livings which the Vicar is thus to endow shad be provided with a residence for the clergyman. When his parishioners can make up their minds, which we do not doubt they will do without loss of time, to ' leave the floor of every church wholly free and unappropriated,' and to fur- nish such an adequate vicarage, Dr. Hook's surrender of money and patronage will take immediate effect."

An official person is involved in a disgraceful charge which has been brought to light at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. On Tuesday, a soldier gave information to the Police, which caused Mr. George Louis, a barrister and Assistant Tithe Commissioner, to be watched, arrested, and lodged at the Police-station. Through the cupidity or negligence of a con- stable, Mr. Louis escaped from the prison early next morning ; and, though he was traced to Darlington, he has not again been dis- covered. The conduct of the Policeman is under investigation. John Roberts, who was convicted at the last Liverpool Assizes of the murder of the Earl of Derby's gamekeeper, Kenyon, at Knowsley, was executed at Kirkdale on Saturday. There was nothing peculiar in the circumstances of the encounter, which was a common " affray with poachers." Four other men were convicted and sentenced to death ; but the Crown commuted their sentence to transportation. The re- markable point in the case was the conduct of one of the prisoners, Hunt, who was rather better educated than the rest, and obtained leave to remain with Roberts, to counsel and console him, till his death. Hunt said of his fellow-convict, " I would rather die with him than that he should die by himself." The body was buried in the gaol. At York, on Saturday, Joseph Dobson, aged twenty-five years, was executed for the murder of his father, at Mount Tabor, near Halifax, on the 4th July last. The old man treated his family, including the son's wife, with savage brutality ; and in a fit of exasperation, the son deliberately prepared a gun, with which he shot his parent. The par- ricide was interred in York Castle.