INDIA AT THE CROSS-ROADS: I

By SIR EVELYN WRENCH

TO understand the Indian problem is no easy task. The mind of the visitor who has the temerity to try to dovetail his conclusions into a complete survey must in the early stages of his investigations be somewhat chaotic. In neighbouring houses, on opposite sides of the same road, or in adjoining towns, the student is presented with entirely different solutions. No tour would be complete which omitted talks with Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Jinnah, with both of whom I have had the pleasure of discussing the present Indian situation during my present stay in India.

Here I will seek to present the Muslim point of view, and in a subsequent article I will record a conversation between Mr. Gandhi and myself. I had an hour and a hairs talk with Mr. M. A. Jinnah, the President of the All-India Muslim League, at New Delhi, during his convalescence from an attack of influenza. The object of our talk was, in Mr. Jinnah's words to me: "to make you understand the background of the demand of Muslim India for Pakistan." I had hoped to have recorded the actual conversation that took place, but Mr. Jinnah prefers that I should limit myself to conveying the impression which the talk made upon me. I have also had the opportunity of discussing the present Muslim position with other leading Muslims; this article is therefore my interpretation of the general Muslim point of view. There are of course many Muslims who do not agree with the programme of the Muslim League, but as far as I could judge that body undoubtedly speaks with authority for the majority of those with whom i have come into contact.

At one of the first talks I had in India I was given a clear statement of what Pakistan stands for, and I realised how strong is the Muslim demand for Home Rule. One of the questions to be answered by the seeker for a solution of the Indian problem is when a minority ceases to be a minority? Is it reasonable to regard a national group of nearly a hundred million souls, with a highly developed culture, as a subordinate group? From the standpoint of those with whom I talked and who are convinced that they represent the great majority of the Muslim population of India, the Government of India's scheme of federation as outlined in the Act of 1935 is as dead as the dodo. The Muslim League in March, 1940, declared at its session that the Act was "altogether unacceptable to Muslim India," and again, "Muslim India will not be satisfied unless the whole constitutional plan is reconsidered de novo" and "no revised plan would be accept- able to the Muslims unless it was framed with their approval and consent."

This last stipulation seems like a far-reaching claim to the right of veto. One plan which meets with a good deal of support is the proposal to split up India into five large zones, creating five autt nomous States. Roughly speaking the two northern zones would consist of North-West India, in which there would be a Muslim majority of 70 per cent., and a -north-eastern zone, including Bengal and Assam, with a Muslim majority of between 55 and 6o per cent. These two Muslim-controlled States would hold sway over roughly between a fifth and a quarter of the

population of India, with sixty-five million Muslims and thirty- five million non-Muslims. They would practically be enlarged Indian States, and would control their own affairs, with the exception of foreign policy and defence, which would be controlled by the central body under the Viceroy, representing the Crown The remaining three zones would include all the rest of India, in which there would be a large Hindu majority and a population of nearly two hundred and fifty millions, or practically double

that of the United States. Even with only these three zones the Hindus would have, according to the Muslims, the biggest population of any country in the world excluding China, and they should—once more according to the Muslims—be satisfied with this.

The Muslims suggest that the relationship of the Indian Princes with the Crown should remain as it is, as guaranteed by treaty. The States would therefore remain a group of some seventy millions, outside British India, as they are at present, but working in close association with the five zones into which

British India would be divided. In talks with Muslims I am fre- quently impressed by the study they have given to the gradual evolution of Dominion Status within the Commonwealth. Canada' constitutional development was several times referred to, the

classic example being the differences that divided Upper and Lower Canada at the time of the passing of the British North

America Act, or as they are referred to today, Ontario and Quebec, which have their own laws and institutions and yet live peacefully side by side.

Mr. Jinnah makes no bones about the lack of unity in India today.. He says there is no such thing as unity, and that India

is a constellation of nations and that the two major nations are

the Hindus and the Muslims. As one Muslim expressed the matter to me: "In trying to make All-India into one Dominion

you are attempting the impossible. We have no ill-will againg the Hindus, but they differ fundamentally from us. Our way of life, our laws and our jurisprudence are entirely different

Germany is nearer to you than is the Hindu to the Muslim?

Another Muslim said: "The whole .conception of our religion is brotherhood. We cannot understand the Hindu caste-systeni; when I drive to the mosque on Fridays, my chauffeur comes and kneels beside me, and at the end of the service we embrace each other as brothers." Many Muslims consider that a certain of of bringing about civil strife would be to transfer the power the Crown to a central Indian Cabinet. In a recent interview which Mr. Jinnah gave to the News Chronicle, he referred to the great danger of the British Government being stampeded undef the pressure of recent developments in the war into making a nevi declaration according to the designs of Hindu—mainly, of co Congress—leaders.

According to the Muslim leaders Pakistan is now a ‘a article of their faith. I had seen statements in the Press the proposed Muslim zones would .seek to enter into a confedek anion including Afghanistan, Iran, leak and Egypt. This docks?' ment was not referred to by the Muslims with whom I have talked. They naturally assume that the relations between Muslim India and the Muslim States in the Middle East would be intimate and friendly, but I certainly derived the impression that, once its desire for self-government had been conceded, Muslim India would be quite ready to remain a partner-State Within the British Commonwealth, and would be willing to discuss economic problems with Great Britain, or other nations within the British Commonwealth, in a friendly and helpful spirit. From the stand- point of Muslim India, the sands are running out. If Great Britain meets her friendly advances in the spirit in which they are made, and agrees to the creation i of an autonomous Muslim India, she will have a faithful and strong partner in a key position in Central Asia.

I was not able to form a very definite idea as to the federal body envisaged by the Muslims at the centre. It would probably be something in the nature of a permanent Imperial Council under the Presidency of the Viceroy, representing the Crown, which would have to deal with the reserved subjects of Foreign Policy and Defence ; there Muslim India would meet the repre- sentatives of Hindu India and of the Indian States. Just as Canadian unity has grown as a result of the evolutionary process, so in all probability would grow the unity of India. So at least is the belief of many Muslims. Great Britain, with its experience of the strength of Ulster feeling so near at home, should, so I was told, understand the Muslim point of view.