NEWS OF THE WEEK.

CRETE is to be partially freed. Lord Salisbury on Thurs- day described in the Lords, and Mr. Balfour repeated in the Commons, the compromise upon which the Concert of Europe has resolved. Crete is to enjoy an autonomy like that of Samoa, under the purely nominal suzerainty of the Sultan, the Greek troops and the Turkish garrison being both gradually withdrawn, though the Greeks are to with- draw first, and the Turks will always keep a small garrison, "as in Servia," as "an indication of sovereignty." In the event of either Power refusing to withdraw its troops " when required " the Powers will employ force to compel obedience. Nothing was said on the two essential points,—the name of the Governor to be appointed and the character of the international garrison to be raised for the maintenance of order, but it seems to be understood that the Governor will be elected by the Cretan Assembly, and that the garrison for the present will consist of a small body of Italian regulars.

The settlement may be accepted in view of the immense dangers of the situation, but it is by no means a satisfactory one. There is no reason whatever for passing such an affront on Greece as is implied in compelling her to withdraw first, and a grave danger in allowing even a nominal Turkish garrison to remain in the island. That was done in the case of Servia, and was the cause of numberless Turkish out- rages, which culminated in an attempt to bombard Belgrade. Every riot in the streets, moreover, between Turkish soldiers and the inhabitants—and there will be a riot every month— will be the signal for a small civil war in Constantinople, where Greeks and Turks are watching each other with all the hatred of warring creeds, intensified by the hatred of Asiatics for Europeans. The concession was probably made to conciliate the German Emperor, who has "sovereign rights" on the brain, but it was, as we conceive, need- less even in the interests of peace. He could not have gone to war alone. It must not be forgotten, however, that Lord Salisbury bad most difficult cards to play, and that the French Government, though most friendly to Greece, is hampered not only by its alliance with Russia, but by extreme pressure from leading financiers. They are loaded with Spanish stocks, Turkish stocks, Russian stocks, and masses of South African mining shares, and if war between Greece and Turkey were once declared there would be a crash such as has not been seen since Black Friday. Why the French Government is so morbidly sensitive to financial threats we do not clearly understand ; but it is, and statesmen who want its assistance must perforce take the fact into account.

Nothing has been received up to Friday afternoon which indicates clearly the course which the King of Greece will ultimately take. At present he declares that his

troops shall not withdraw from Crete, but he has not yet had time to feel the fall force of the pressure which will be brought to bear upon him. It is most probable that he will refuse to yield, but by abdicating permit his son, who will then ascend the throne, to submit to visible necessity. This was Charles Albert's course in Piedmont, and it is not an undignified one. If, however, he should resolve to risk all, the Powers will be in a quandary, for though they can blockade the Pirisus, or destroy the Greek fleet, the British and French peoples are strongly opposed to that course, the Czar owes his life to a Greek Prince, and the German Emperor, bitter as he is against Greece, will not like acting alone. Moreover, the Powers have no force in the interior, and the King, by declaring war on Turkey and letting Macedonia loose, may bring on the war and the financial crash which all the great folk are dreading. The balance of probability, of course, is that Greece will yield to German hostility, but there is no certainty yet. King George is the brother of the Empress-Mother of Russia and the Princess of Wales, the husband of a Russian Grand Duchess, the father-in-law of a sister of the German Emperor, and a son of the Danish house, with which all the reigning families of Europe, except the German, are on terms of intimate friendship.

The civil war in Crete was on Sunday, February 21st, marked by a most regrettable incident. The Admirals lying off Canes. had informed the Cretan insurgents threatening Halepa that if they advanced nearer to the Musstdmans the international squadron would intervene. The insurgents either never received or disregarded this intimation, and the English, German, and Austrian vessels accordingly opened fire. Very little damage was done, though some nuns were wounded, but the insurgents in consternation ceased firing. The Mussulmans, greatly elated, did not, and the squadron did not open fire on them. A dozen different accounts of the incident have been transmitted to Europe, but the one given above is that of the Times' correspondent, and is not contradicted in any essential detail by the official statements. The British Admiral is of course supported by Mr. Goschen, and indeed be probably only obeyed his instructions, which were, we imagine, not to withdraw from the Concert when unanimous, or when there was any danger to the combined flags raised in Canes. The effect of the firing upon Christian opinion in the East has been most disastrous, for they are keenly aware that the British Fleet in the Eastern Mediterranean is stronger than that of all the Powers combined. It must, indeed, be confessed that our first shots in this business have been fired, partly by a sort of accident and partly through a want of nerve in the Government, which ought to impose harder conditions on its support of the " Concert," on behalf of the Turk. The occurrence must perforce be allowed to pus, but it was an unhappy one.

The least intelligible of all the unintelligible incidents in this affair is the attitude of the Turks. They have never cared much about the islands, but they are a martial people, their military pride and their religions pride are both cut to the quick, and yet they have not declared war. The Sultan has, it is true, called out the reserves, and large bodies of troops have been ordered to the frontiers of Thessaly, but there is no proof that the orders have been obeyed. The fleet, it seems, cannot move from rottenness, but then the soldiers can march, and they number in Ronnielia and Macedonia some eighty thousand men eager for battle because torn away from their occupations. Apparently Abd-ul-Hamid trusts entirely to the Powers to do his work for him, and contents himself with paper protests, and threats that he

will occupy Athens. It would seem as if misgovernment had at last impaired the Turkish military system, which has hitherto survived everything, and as if in Europe Mussulman vitality were confined to Constantinople. In Asia the re- serves are reported to be murdering and plundering the Armenians in all directions, it may be in part from utter want of ordinary means of subsistence. The Ottoman system, in fact, is collapsing in every direction.

A combined meeting of the Eighty and the Russell Clubs held in the Randolph Hotel, Oxford, this day week, gave Mr. John Morley a dinner and a cordial welcome, Mr. Augustine Birrell, M.P., in the chair. Mr. Birrell described Mr. Morley ae"a select preacher" for the occasion, a joke which perhaps a little fretted Mr. Morley, who was well prepared with a political sermon, but would have preferred to deliver it without having had that aspect of it so plainly anticipated. However, he gave them a stirring homily against political depression, said that few parties had ever shown so great a power of recovering from a crushing defeat, and quoted the Times as clear proof that the tide is already turning against the victorious party, and that not without cause. There is no doubt about the rather sour criticism which the Times has directed against the Government, or rather against Mr. Balfour, but there is much reason to doubt whether this has been due only, or even chiefly, to the faults of the Government. Mr. Morley, indeed, gave one instance (the part taken by the Government in trying to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Penrhyn quarrel), in which the Government plainly did their duty (and no more than their duty, though the Radicals wanted them to do a great deal more). Though vehemently attacking the Education Bill, Mr. Morley threw his shield over the Irish Catholic party for voting with the Government on the Education Bill, in spite of his own bitterness against that Bill, and then went on to maintain that the "Little England" party pays more attention to foreign affairs than many of the Imperialists and Jingoes. Perhaps it does. But it certainly turns its know- ledge to very little use when it wants us to leave all the good work we have done, and are doing, in the Valley of the Nile, to go to ruin, in order that it may appease French and other Continental jealousies. Why should we be weak enough to run away before the mere shadow of a threat?

It is said, and we believe truly, that a considerable number of votes were turned against the Government in the Waltham- stow election by the belief that the Truck Act of 1896 had legalised a number of new fines on the workmen in factories which had never been inflicted before. On Tuesday night Sir Matthew White Ridley, the Home Secretary, explained in answer to Mr. Woods, the successful candidate at Waltham- stow, how this remarkable misapprehension of facts had arisen. The Truck Act of 1896 did not inflict, or render legal, a single new fine of any kind, or for any purpose, that the masters had not previously had power to deduct from the workmen's wages. But what it did do, was to compel the masters to hang up in their workshops lists of all the fines which they supposed themselves to have the right and power to inflict on their workmen, and to deduct from their wages for the breach of rules or regulations which they supposed themselves to have the right to make. This compulsory pub- lication of their supposed rights was enacted in order to render it easy for the workman to test the legality of these fines or deductions from their wages, not in order to authorise new ones. Such are the pure fictions which turn the sensi- tive balance of political favour in by-elections !

The Roman Catholic Bishops, with their Cardinal Arch- bishop, have sent a memorial to the Press on the Education Bill, in which they accept the Bill as an instalment of justice, but protest against any provision intended to make the grant- in-aid dependent on the keeping up of voluntary subscriptions to any prescribed point. "As Christian Bishops and as Englishmen," they say, " we respectfully but firmly protest against any permanent Parliamentary sanction being given to the principle that public elementary schools are to be subject to financial disabilities because the defined doctrines of revealed Christianity are taught therein. We consider it harsh and unjust to exact for school maintenance volun- tary subscriptions (which should more properly be called pecuniary penalties paid for conscience' sake) from the labouring classes, who can ill afford to part with their hard-earned and precarious weekly wages, while everything connected with the education of their neighbours, including the cost of buildings, administration, and management, is paid by the State." To mulct the Churches which teach their own faith to the children, while the School Board religion, as well as secular knowledge, is taught at the expense of the State to all who will accept it, seems to them unfair, and a kind of premium on the teaching of a mutilated creed. The logic is all on the side of the Roman Catholics, and, as we have often said, we entirely agree with them that as regards the schools of the really poor, whose subscriptions (if obtained at all) must be obtained at a monstrous expense of time and labour from charitable people at the ends of the earth, there should be no attempt to enforce any particular amount of voluntary contributions. But in a great many English schools the voluntary subscriptions have been and are provided by rich, well-to-do people on the spot who would spend their contributions in a mach less praiseworthy manner if the existence of the schools had not been made conditional on those contributions. And it would, we think, be very un- fortunate and undesirable that such contributions should be remitted.

The discussion on Mr. Lloyd George's instruction to the

on the Education Bill to introduce a provision for the representation of either a local authority or the parents, on the Boards of Management of the voluntary schools which are to receive the new grant-in-aid, was taken on Thursday night, and to the surprise of the House, Mr. Morley and Sir William Harcourt moved and seconded the adjournment of the debate after the Solicitor-General had replied to Sir Henry Fowler's speech, and it was supposed that the debate was at an end. Thereupon Mr. Balfour moved the Closure, which was carried by 284 to 133 (majority, 151), and the motion for adjournment was negatived by 283 to 133 (majority, 150), and then Mr. Lloyd George's instruction was negatived by a majority of 136 (270 to 134). The excuse for the unexpected proposal to adjourn the debate advanced by Mr. John Ellis was that the Vice-President of the Council, Sir John Gorst, had not spoken. But if Sir John Gorst does not mind being overruled by his own Government, why should any one else interfere ? If he had been serious in his oppo- sition to the Bill he would have resigned, and then the House would, of course, have insisted on hearing his objections.

The first important piece of evidence in the examination of Mr. Rhodes on Friday week was his statement that "the Chairman " was Sir Hercules Robinson. The general result of his answers was to show that Mr. Rhodes had talked to the High Commissioner as to the unrest and danger of insurrection in Johannesburg ; that the High Commis- sioner had asked Mr. Rhodes what he thought he (the High Commissioner) ought to do if an actual insurrection should break out, and that Mr. Rhodes had replied that he ought at once to go to the Transvaal and "mediate between the revolutionists and President Kruger." "I gathered from him," added Mr. Rhodes, "that that was the course that he intended to take." Asked, "Did you tell him you were actively employed in promoting the insurrec- tion ? " Mr. Rhodes replied, " Oh dear, no !" Asked also- whether he had told Sir Hercules Robinson that he had been asked to give an assurance that the High Commissioner would start, and that he was sending it on December 21st, Mr. Rhodes replied, " Certainly not." Asked as to the telegram from Johannesburg requiring "C. J. Rhodes's absolute pledge that the authority of Imperial Government would not be insisted on," whether he gave the guarantee, Mr. Rhodes replied that he had suggested that there should be a plebiscite to settle that after the revolution had taken place. Asked whether & he did not consider that Dr. Jameson's telegram sent off on r the Saturday afternoon, saying, " Unless I hear definitely to the contrary, I shall leave to-morrow evening," did not show that up to Saturday afternoon Dr. Jameson did not consider that he had yet received definite instructions not to go, Mr. Rhodes gave no definite answer, but ultimately replied, "I would not concur in that until you have heard Dr. Jameson. It would not be fair to conclude now that that was the mean- ing until he states so himself. You would get that better from him."

Another important piece of evidence given on Friday was elicited by questions as to whether Mr. Rhodes had com- municated the steps he was taking for promoting an insur- rection in Johannesburg to the Chartered Company in London. His reply was that he had not done so, and that he had only held communication with his agent, Dr. Harris. Asked separately as to individuals, he replied " No " to the names of the Duke of Aberoorn, the Duke of Fife, Lord Grey, Lord Gifford, and Sir Horace Farquhar. After this last name had been put to him, Mr. Rhodes replied : " No; I have told you I madelio communication to any one but Dr. Harris in London." When, however, Mr. Rhodes was asked, " Had you no communication with Rochefort Maguire?" he replied, " I cannot reply to that question." On being pressed, how- ever, Mr. Rhodes ultimately answered " No " to the question. Asked as to telegrams which had passed between the Cape and London, Mr. Rhodes declared that they were of a con- fidential nature, and that he objected to their being put in. Sir W. Harcourt (holding up the Blue-book) : " You would have objected, of course, to these being produced ?"—" Yes, certainly ; would not you have done so ? "

On Tuesday Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman took up the -examination of Mr. Rhodes, and asked him how it was that he had tried to induce Sir Hercules Robinson to delay the issue of the proclamation directed against the Raid. At first Mr. Rhodes stated that his objection to the proclamation was due to the fact that an outsider—i.e., not a Member of the Cabinet—Mr. Hofmeyr, had advised the issue of the proclama- tion. "It was for the Cabinet, for myself, to give that advice." Reminded, however, that he had at the time stated that he objected to the proclamation because it would make Dr. Jameson an outlaw, Mr. Rhodes explained that there were " two points." One, apparently, that the proclamation was unnecessary because a letter had already been sent to stop Jameson ; the other, that "time was wanted for con- sideration ; " and a third was that if any advice was given it ought to be by the Premier. When, however, he was asked whether the High Commissioner was bound to take the advice of the Cape Premier on an Imperial pro- clamation, Mr. Rhodes wandered off into the Cretan question. Mr. Sydney Buxton's examination was curious as showing a aide of the subject which has not been much talked of. Asked why he chose the autumn of last year to change the policy of observation for the policy of active inter- vention, Mr. Rhodes stated among other things, "I felt, for instance, with reference to the gold industry, that owing to the huge charges the poorer reefs were non-payable. I think the present charges come to about 6s. per ton, which really renders the poorer reefs non-payable. That was causing great trouble among the capitalists or those representing the mines, and they were determined—but we shall bear it all from themselves—to have a change." Mr. Ellis, it should be noted, stated that he did not at present ask any questions as to the administration of the Chartered Company as the inquiry had been divided into two parts.

The expedition against Benin has so far been even splendidly successful. The force of Marines, bluejackets, and Houssas, numbering five hundred and forty in all, advanced from Ologbo on the 14th inst., and after a march of thirty miles through the forest, which occupied four days, during the whole of which they were attacked by negroes, many of whom had repeating-rifles, they reached Benin. Here a determined resistance was made, but the Maxims cleared the way, and when the King's Palace had been reached the enemy disappeared. The King and his priests had fled, and Colonel Bruce Hamilton and his men occupied themselves first of all in clearing away the evidences of the inhuman creed professed by the inhabitants. The entire place "stank of blood," and was full of pits filled with bodies, and crucifixion-trees with victims still hanging on them. These trees and the fetish-houses were at once cut down, the villagers round brought in supplies, and it is believed that the power of the dynasty is thoroughly broken. The city will be occupied by a small Houma force, and the Europeans re-embarked as rapidly as possible. The total loss is under nine Europeans killed, besides a small number wounded, the firing, though con- stant, having been evidently very wild. It would appear from the telegrams, which are however very short, that no subsequent resistance is feared, the courage of the negroes disappearing with their King.

President Kruger is at war with his Supreme Court. That body claims the right, if a law passed by the Volksraad conflicts with the Constitution of the Transvaal, to consider it void, and give a decree without attending to its provisions. The President says this will not do, for some day a legal decision may contravene the Convention, and then there will be war in which Constitution, Court, and Republic may perish together. He proposes, therefore, to pass a most severe Bill compelling the Judges to take oath to treat an Act of the Volksraad as the ultimate law of the Transvaal, whereupon the Judges threaten to resign. We suspect the President is wise. His course is considered here very tyrannical, but that opinion hardly lies in the mouths of Englishmen, the strength of whose Constitution is that Parliament is absolute. The Americans have once or twice got over President Kruger's difficulty in a much worse way, by packing the Supreme Court. The best way of all would probably be to submit any conflict of authority, if of sufficient importance, to a Referendum ; but somehow democracies shrink from that supreme appeal. It might in some day of disaster smash democracy itself.

Lady Wallace, widow of Sir Richard Wallace, who inherited most of the wealth of the late Marquis of Hertford, has bequeathed the Marquis's art collections now in Hertford House, Manchester Square, to the nation. The collection is especially rich in modern pictures of the first class—it contains, for instance, fifteen Meissoniers—and in historic furniture, and is said to be worth, according to a valuation for probate made on Sir Richard's death, considerably more than a million sterling. The only condition attached to the bequest is that it should be kept separate and suitably housed in some building in the West End of London. The best way to comply with that condition would be to buy Hertford House, leave the collection where it is, and use the upper rooms, which would not be required, to receive future artistic legacies. The Chancellor of the Exchequer will be annoyed by the demand on him, but he has no legacy-duty to pay, the house will always be worth its cost, and it would be most unwise to discourage similar legacies by any appearance of demur. The enormous rise in the value of objects of art rather frightens testators with children to provide for; but no family lasts like the nation, and in a century or two much of the vast accumulations made by private purchasers may drift into the hands of national trustees. A good deal of the value, or at least the use, of a great work of art is lost when it is buried as the Hamilton treasures were for years in Hamilton Palace.

At the annual general meeting of University College, London, on Wednesday, Lord Reay announced that Sir J. Blundell Maple had placed £100,000 at the disposal of University College Hospital for the rebuilding of the hospital. This is one of those magnificent uses of great wealth which will do more to render millionaires popular than any abstract devotion to the cause of property, and as Sir J. Blundell Maple is, next to the railway companies, the largest owner of property in the neighbourhood, it is a recognition on his part not only of a deep sense of public duty, but of personal responsibility for the well-being of the locality in which he has accumulated his great wealth.

English statesmen and men of action are sometimes accused of paying too little attention to men of genius, but the presentation made to Mr. G. F. Watts on his eightieth birthday, which took place on Tuesday last, is a fact to the contrary. The address of congratulation was signed prac- tically by all the greatest men of the nation, including the Premier, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Morley, Mr. Balfour, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and a host of others. No man deserves such public recognition better than Mr. Watts, for he has shown by his life how a man may be both a good citizen and a great artist. In spite of the highly ideal character of Mr. Watts's art, one feels instinctively that it is national and patriotic in a high degree. Mr. Watts has consciously and effectively used his brush with the purpose of helping his country and making a better and happier England.

Bank Rate, 3 per cent.

New Consols (21) were on Friday, 112,1.