Cirbatcd anU Prarrain0 in 13nriinnitnt.

1. ORANGE SOCIETIES.

The House of Commons was occupied the greater part of Tuesday night with a discussion on the subject of Orangeism, and the means of suppressing it.

Mr. HUME opened the debate, in a very :long, desultory speech. He referred to the resolutions passed by the House last session against the continuance of Orange lodges in the Army; to the order of the Commander-in-Chief issued in consequence of these resolutions ; and to the open disobedience of that order by the Duke of Cumberland, who had publicly avowed his determination to remain at the head of the Orangemen, and had within a few days attended a meeting of the Society, held at Lord Kenyon's. Although the Duke did not receive pay, Mr. Hume contended that he owed obedience as a Field-Marshal to the order of the Commander-in-Chief. Mr. Hume then proceeded to give a variety of details, with all of which the public has lately been familiar, respecting the numbers, organization, and designs of the Orange body in England, Scotland, and Ireland. He dwelt upon the outrages which uniformly followed the establishment of Orange Lodges ; and especially upon the systematic denial of justice to Ca- tholics, and of protection to accused members of their own body, which was part of the Orange creed and practice. He read extracts from the charges of Judge Fletcher in Ireland, and from the more recent report of Mr. Innis in Scotland, to prove how destructive of the public peace the Orange proceedings had been in both countries. After dwelling on these points at great length, Mr. Hume proceeded to lay before the House certain documents, which be had only, he said, had in his possession a few hours, and which confirmed the im- pression created by the evidence given before the Committee, last ses- sion, of the dangerous designs of the Orangemen. These documents consisted of original letters written to several leading members of the Society by Colonel Fairman, and of answers to those letters. Some of them wanted dates, but all appeared to have been written within

the last six years. Lord Kenyon's name figures conspicuously in this correspondence; and from the letters written to and by his Lordship, the evidence of a secret conspiracy to tamper with the allegiance of the Army is chiefly to be gathered. Thus, on the 27th of April (year unknown), Lord Kenyon sent the following epistle to Fairman.

• Dear Sir—I heartily wish I would hope to be of any use In applying at Chelsea In behalf of the writer of the enclosed. I think we had better communicate it to his Rgr/al Iligtoess, as he is the only person. except ymeself who can judiciously interfere in &irritates": cOmtected with the orange Inditutioss. I hope your attack is going oft and that we shall have• thoroughly amicable meeting next Friday. Brother Nair seems very frank and well-meaning. If von could get Mr. Knipe, who is a favourite, I iltisk,with his Royal:Highness, to attend, it would he well.

" Ever, my dear Sir, faithfully yours, KENYON."

On the 28th'of December 1832, Lord Kenyon writes thus to Fair- Man, from Peel Hall— a Peel Hall, 28th December. " My dear Colonel and Brother—I am here again with my venerable aunt, eighty- nine years of age, on a Christmas visit. but return to Gredington next Thursday. Anxiously do I w ish the Cock of the North may think it right to come to Glasgow. The warm feeling of Lord J. Campbell, who was a little my junior at Christ Church, Oxford, is very gratifyiug; and promises, please God we may be blessed with better times, much good in the North hereafter. His old relation. John Campbell. Accountant- General, was always proud of him as a Campbell ; and I heartily wish he may live and in due time long enjoy the family honours. 1 will send our Grand Treasurer your circular. His Royal Highness promises being in England a fortnight before Parlia- meat reassembles; and I hope will come well. To hies privately you had better ad- dress yourself shout your military proposition, which to me appears very judicious. I wish such as his Royal Highness would, without neglecting the prime consideration, viz. the fitness of any thing proposed, attend. in addition to that, to what is popular. Our enemies attend to that alone, which is base; we seem to disregard it too much, which

is foolish. Ever yours, faithfully, KENYON."

The military matters are also alluded to in the following epistle-

- Portman Square, 13th June 1833.

" My dear Sir—I am grieved that our valued brother Cumberland should suppose for one moment he could have given me the slightest offence. It may happen sometimee to me, as applied by Shakspeare to Brutus- ' Poor Brutus with himself at war, Forgets to show his love to other men;' but I never can forget to feel it for so zealous a friend to every cause most dear to me, as our brother Cumberland has always proved himself to be. The statement you mode to me before, and respecting which 1 have now before use particulars from Portsmouth, are out of my sphere, and should be reWrred, lobes quoties, to his Royal Highness, as military matters of great delicacy. At the same time.:private intimations, 1 submit, should be made to the military correspondents. letting them know how highly we esteem them its brethren. I hope the circular will soon be out. " Your faithful friend and brother, KENYON." " To Colonel rairman."

the next day, (30th of July 1832,) as follows—

colliers might be attached to the soldiery."

"Cannon Row, Westminster. 30th July 1832. "My Lord Marquis—In my letter of Saturday, I omitted to mention, that we hare the military with us asp,- as they are at liberty to avow their principles and sentiments; butt since the lamented death of the Duke of York, every impediment has been thrown in the way of their holding a- Lodge. The same observation that was applied to the

In justice to Lord Londonderry, Mr. Hume read the following

answer to these letters of Fairman-

.Wynyard Park, 8th August 1832. " Sir—I am honoured with your two communications 1,t toe '21151, atm 34111I " You do use only justice in believing, that 1 would most willingly embrace every opportunity and do all in my power to espouse the cause and establish the institutions you allude to in this part of the kingdom ; but the present state of Liberal Whig feel- ing in this very Whig county, and the very refractory and insubordinate state of the pitmen, entirely preclude the possibility of successful efforts at this juncture. I have had a full conversation andmommunication with Lord Kenyon on all this matter. who has been in my house these last two days; and I have no doubt he will convince hie Royal Highness, as well as yourself, that the present moment isnot the time when the object can be forwarded.

" I will lose no opportunity of embracing any opening that may arise; and I have the honour to be, Sir, your very obedient servant,

(Sigurd) "VANE LONDONOERRY." Again, in a letter on the 10th of July 1833, Lord Kenyon says to Fairman- " You know lunch better how to manage our brethren than I do, and they must ho kept together as well as they can be. If you hear any thing further from the Military Districts, let his Royal Highness know all particulars fit to be communicated. Tho times, I really trust, are improving quietly and gradually. Let us act firmly and maintain all that is sacred, and provoke no one more than can be avoided."

These, said Mr. Hume, are the expressions of Lord Kenyon, who told the Orange Committee in 1835, that it was only very recently that he knew of the existence of Orange Lodges in the Army. Fairman also addressed Lord Londonderry on the subject of the physical force of the Orangemen, and exhorted him to use his influence with the pitmen in his neighbourhood to become members of the Society. Writing to his Lordship on the 29th of July 1832, Fairman said- " The pitmen would perhaps feel inclined to establish Lodges among themselves ; which might operate as an additional stimulus to their loyalty, and would likewise prove a partial check against their entering into cabals hereafter, no less to the preser- vation of private property than to that of the public peace. • • • • By a rapid augmentation of our physical force, we might be able to assume a boldness of attitude which should command the respect of our Jacobinical rulers. What the Catholics and the Unionists have achieved by agitation awl clamour in a factious cause, we might then be enabled to caret in a righteous one. If we prove not too strong fir such a Go- vernment im the present is, such a Government will soon prove too strong for us ; some arbitrary step would he taken in this case Mr the suspension of our meeting.. hence the necessity of our laying aside that non-resistance. that passive obedience, which has hitherto been religiously enforced to our own discomfiture."

Not satisfied with this epistle, Fairman wrote to Lord Londonderry

It appears from this letter, said Mr. Hume, that Lord Londonderry was no party to these mad projects.

Lord CASTLEREAGH wished to know whether Mr. Hume pointed to his father as " a mad individual," or to Fairman ?

Mr. HUME replied, that he alluded to the mad projects of Fairman ; and then proceeded to call the attention of the House to the share Lord Wynford had in these transactions. On the 1st of June, (year not given,) Lord Kenyon informed Fairman, by letter, of the time and place of Lord Wynford's initiation into the mysteries of Orangeism- " Lord Wynford has fixed Monday, at hall-past twelve, at the House of lArds, to to be initiated an Orangeman. He has a private room of his own there as Deputy Speaker." Thus, said Mr. Hume, we have had an Orange Lodge within these walls : the Orangemen have had the amazing assurance to convert one of the Houses of the Legislature into a place for holding Orange Lodges! It must have been subsequently to his initiation that Lord Wynford addressed a remarkable epistle, without a date, to Fairms -) it began " My dear Sir, I am much obliged to you," and after a few

unimportant remarks proceeded as follows-

" Ile (the Duke of Cumberland) is one of the best and most ill-used men I know; bat the Whigs will never forgive his using the influence which his excellent under- standing. and his steady adherence to his principles, gave him with his brother to eased them when last in eke. The Tories have not been sufficiently grateful to him. The country, as it becomes better acquainted with Whig misrule, will learn to appreciate his merits. As you are so obliging in your last letter as to ask my advice as to whether you should pursue the course that you have so ably begun, I can only say that you must exercise your discretion as to the company iu which you make such op peals as that which I hire seen reported. When you meet only sure Tories, you may well make them feel what they owe to one who is the constant, unflinching champ;cn of the party, and who by his steady course, has brought on himself all the obloquy that a base, malignant faction can invent."

Fairman alluded to Lord Wynford's approbation of his attempts to sound the brethren as to their sense of the Duke of Cumberland's

merits, in a letter from Doncaster, dated 12th of February 1833, to Lord Kenyon:- These letters proved the plotting of Fairman with the military for some secret purpose. It would not, Mr. Hume thought, be difficult to guess what that object was after reading two other letters, which are subjoined. One of them was from Fair- man to Mr. Sidney Taylor, at the Morning Herald office ; and, from the post. mark, appeared to have been returned to the writer the same

day on which it was sent-

.. Dear Sir—From those who may be supposed to have opportunities of knowing • the secrets of the Castle.' the King is stated to be by uo manner in so alarming a state as many folks would have it imagined. His Majesty is likewise said to dictate the bulletins of his own iente of health. Some whisperings have &if 0 gone abroad, that in the event of a demise of the Crow n, a Regency would probably be established. for reasons which occasioned the removal of the next in succession from the office of High Admiral. That a maritime government might not move consonant to the views of a military chieftain of the most unbounded ambition, may admit of easy belief; and as the second heir presumptive is not alone a female but a miser. in addition to the argument which might be applied to the present, that in the ordinary course of nature, it was not to be expected that his reign could be of long duration, in these disjointed times, it is by no means unlikely a vicarious form of goeernntent may be attempted. The effort would be a bold one; but, after the measures we have scan, what new violations should surprise us ? Besides, the popular plea of economy and expedience might be urged as the pretext, while aggrandizement and usurpation might be the latent sole motive. It would only be necessary to make out a plausible case, which, from the facts on record, there could be no difficulty n doing, to the sitisfaction of a pliable and obsequious set of Ministers, as also to the success of such en experiment.

Most truly yours.

" Wednesday, Apt it fie 100. ° W. D. F.

" I have scribbled this at Peel's ; and, if you wish it, will write a 'telegraph on the subject. From all that I hear, there can be little donbt the King will seen resume his rides in the Great Park, now that the Drawing room is gone by. " (Private.)"

The other letter had no address, but it was in Fairman's handwriting, and no doubt was addressed to the'Duke of Cumberland-

.. Should an indisposition which has agitated the whole country for a fortnight take a favourable turn—should the Almighty, in his mercy, give ear into the supplications to his heavenly throne, that arc offered up daily to prolong the existence of one deservedly dear to the kingdom at large—the divulgement I have expressed a willingness to furnish, would be deprived of no small portion of its value. Even in this case, an event for the consurnation of which in common with all good subjects I oldest the duty, it might be as well your Royal highness should be put in possession of the rush design in embryo, the better to devise measures fur its frustration. At any rate, you could not then be taken by surprise, as the nation was last year, tut might have an opportunity of ,Vuur ,fiaTcs, and of orgathiay your pleas for the &Ant of such machinations as might oe hostile to your paramount claims. Hence, should the experiment be made, and its expedience be established, your Royal Highness would be in a situation to contend for the e.xernise in your own person of that office at which the wild ambition of another may prompt him to aspire."

With respect to " rallying" the " forces," Fairman, in a letter to Sir James Cockburn', dated 14th July 1831, observes- - My fine fellows, who compose the Lodges in the capital, none of whom are Re- formers, are stanch to the backbone; and should it be necessary for the lives and pro- perties of those great men who risk both to prevent revoluti mary changes, I could muster them at my summons."

Mr. Hume read letters from Lord Cole and Lord Langford to Fair- man, which proved that the latter was on most fitmiliar terms with the noble members of the Society. Lord Cole addressed him as " Dear Colonel." A letter from Fairman to Lord Kenyon, abusing the press, but especially " that filthy concern the Times," was also read by Mr. Hume for the amusement of the House- " That filthy concern, the Times, which spares neither age nor sex, public bodies nor private individuals—which.at a less degenerate atra, would have been burnt by the com- mon hangman—ought to be forthwith checked in its flagitious course of unparalleled infamy. Such a sacrilegious print is well worthy of its new friends, who are as inex- orable in their resentments and political animosities, as the vehicle of their rancour has ever been vindictive and diabolically mischievous in all its aims."

After again impressing upon the House the necessity of dealing vigorously with an association composed of 300,000 armed members, as ready for evil as for good at the bidding of their Imperial Grand Master, and entertaining wild and visionary speculations about altering the succession to the throne, Mr. Hume concluded with moving three resolutions, declaratory of the evil tendency and effect of Orangeism, and proposing an address to the King for the removal of every Orange-. man, and every member of Riband Lodges or other secret associations, from the Army, the Navy, the Courts of Justice, and every branch of the public service.

Sir WILLIAM Moteswentro seconded Mr. Hume's motion ; and addressed himself to the task of proving the illegality of the Orange Institution. He admitted that in 1822, Sergeant Lens, the present Baron Gurney, Sir William Horne, and Mr. Adolphus, bad given their opinions that it was not illegal ; but since 1822, the rules of the society had been materially altered ; and it was in consequence of the existing rules that he maintained the society to be illegal. Sir Wil- liam quoted several Acts of Parliament, under all of which, he main- tained, the illegality of the Orange Institution might be proved ; but he relied principally on the 39th George III., chapter 79, which enacted, that " Every society which shall be composed of different divisions or branches, or of different parts acting in any manner separately or distinct from each other, or of which any part shall have any separate or distinct president, secretary, treasurer, delegate, or other officer elected or appointed by or for such part, or to act as officer for such part, shall be deemed an unlawful confederation."

He then showed, by reference to the constitution of the Orange Institution, that it was clearly such a society as the Act was intended to suppress. The laws he had quoted were not obsolete, and he de- manded their enforcement against the royal and noble members of Orange Lodges, as well as against the humble and ignorant labourers of Dorchester.

Offences under two of these statutes are misdemeanours. Peers, therefore, would not be tried by the House of Lords, but by a common jury. Let, there- fore, the Law Officers of the Crown present to the Grand Jury of Middlesex bills of indictment against the Imperial Grand Master, the Duke of Cumberland —against the Grand Master of England, Lord Kenyon—against the Grand Secretary, Lord Chandos ; and to these worthies let them not forget to add the Right Reverend Father in God Thomas Lord Bishop of Salisbury. (Much cheering.) Thus, these statutes, which were the creations of the sworn ene- mies of the People, may now, as it were by a retribution of Divine Providence, become the means of crushing this institution—of destroying this imperium in imperio, and of laying prostrate its chief. At his fate none but his followers will mourn. A few year? residence on the shores of the Southern Ocean would teach him and other titled criminals, that the laws of their country are not to be violated with impunity, and that equal justice is now to be administered to the high and to the low. Thus this institution may be crushed in Great Britain. The members of the Grand Lodge of Ireland were also members of the English Grand Lodge ; and the House would be glad to learn that they also might be transported- " Now I find recorded as present at various meetings of the Grand Lodge, the following members of the Grand Lodge of Ireland—Lard Roden, Lord Thomond, Lord Langford, Lord Cole, M.P., the Honourable Randal Plunket, M.P., Colonel Verner, M.P., Colonel Perceval, M.P., Henry Maxwell, Esti. M.P., Anthony Lefroy, Esq., M.P. It would be sufficient to put the laws in force against these gentlemen, to destroy the Orange Institu- tion in Ireland. ( Cheers and laughter.) Thus, Sir, it seems to me easy in various manners to put down these societies. At least, let the Government adopt the advice of my honourable friend. Let them strike off the bench every Magistrate who is an Orangeman ; let them dismiss from their employment every functionary who belongs to those societies ; let them oblige the Horse Guards rigidly to enforce its orders ; in short, let them consider the muster-roll of that society as the list of their bitterest foes—as the catalogue of those impla- cable enemies of the People's rights, to whom it would be madness for their own sake—to whom it would be disgraceful for the People's sake—to confide any public trust. Thus proscribed, the society would

soon perish ; and if the Administration have either courage or energy, they will not hesitate long ere they strike the blow. It will be miserable folly to attempt

to conciliate the Orangemen. If the Ministers do net crush them, they will crush the Ministers. The struggle is a mortal one. He who spares his see inflicts a wound upon himself—he who refrains from destroying will be de- stroyed. The Orangemen are now in their power ; let them not hesitate one moment, but seal the doom of these noxious societies, and crush the chieTs." ( Long continued cheering.)

The resolution having been put from the Chair,

Lord JoiiN Haissem, rose to address the House. He said that he stated the views of his Majesty's other Ministers, as well as hi: own, when he repudiated the idea of following the advice of Sir William Moleswortli, by seizing the present opportunity of crushing the bitter enemies of the Government. He wished to consider the society as one affecting the peace and wellbeing of the country, and did not wish to deal with the Orangemen as with a hostile party. He therefore con- sidered himself entitled to the support of Members in Opposition,

who looked upon the general results as paramount to party consideta- dons. Lord John then declared his firm conviction of the noxious cha- teeter of secret societies, as tending to foster factions, and create a divided

allegiance. With respect to the illegality of the Orange Institution, he admitted that many able lawyers coincided in opinion with Sir William Molcsworth, that it was decidedly illegal ; but there were doubts upon that point, as he found, upon consulting the Attorney- General and the Solicitor-General, that they considered the question cne of considerable difficulty. In 1822, the Orange Institution was not illegal : alterations in its rules had since been made, but it was a nice point to consider whether those alterations had made the society an unlawful one ; and he did not think it prudent to stake the ques- tion on that issue. He reminded the House that no new laws had been passed for putting down the Trades Unions. The men at Dor- chester were prosecuted by the local Magistrates, not by the Govern- ment ; and the only question for the Government to consider was, whether the punishment of men who had been found guilty should be remitted. It was proposed to remove every Orangeman from the service of the Crown ; but he was for a more cautious proceeding, though he admitted that after the expressed disapprobation of Orange lodges by the House and the Crown, the case of Orangemen in office would be very different. At present, to remove them would seem a harsh and unjust proceeding ; and he doubted whether it would have the effect of putting down Orangeism, rather than a contrary operation. It was the system of Government not to appoint any new officer who was an Orangeman ; and he read a correspondence between Lord Morpeth and Lord Dunsany relative to the appointment of a Deputy- Lieutenant, which proved that this was the course adopted by Lord Mulgrave.

"I am prepared to say (continued Lord John Russell), that this is the proper course to be adopted. And such a course being adopted, when the nature of these societies is completely exposed,—when it is found to be little in consonance with the opinions of any of the leading awn of the country,—when these diseouragenients are encountered, and when there is added to them the further discouragement of an address to his Majesty from this House, I thiuk there is reason to hope that all such societies will speedily lose their supporters. I should not be prepared at once to say I would address his Majesty to remove all these persons, as if they were so many criminals, from the situations they hold, without some more clear or decided allegation against them. But I do think, if this House should be generally of opinion that these societies are mischievous,—if we should address the Crown to discourage all such societies, and if we should have the sanction of the Crown to our address,—then those persons hereafter belonging to these societies will be placed in a very different situation. I say further, not only of those who belong to this society and arc Members of this House, but of those also who may be Members of any other House, or who are holding high situations—and I say it likewise of that person who has been spoken of as the nearest to the throne—I say it of that illus- trious Prince, that I cannot but believe, that if the general sense of this House were pronounced, and his Majesty sanctioned that opinion, he as well as other members of the society would forthwith take a different view of their duty; and though they might still think, though they might still believe, that these Orange institutions were well calculated fur the ends which they had proposed to themselves, yet they might not think it proper or loyal, or conducive to the welfare of the country, to resist an opinion so solemnly pronounced."

He hoped that in future all parties would look to the law for pro- tection— " I would, therefore, implore all parties to unite in relinquishing and abandon- ing these Sal*, inadequate, and mischievous combinations—combinations which make the best and must upright men subject to the power and influence of the vilest adventurers. ( Great eheeering from all parts of Me House.) Let all parties renounce a power which the good and virtuous among them intend for good and virtuous purposes, but which the more active and intriguing contrive to employ for mischievous and dangerous ends ; and let them all, confiding, as I say, in the power of the constitution, which has strength, which has justice, which has freedom, and which has publicity among its ele- ments, unite in an address to the Crown, which I have framed in the humble but at the same time earnest hope, that it may be a means of conducing to the tranquillity of part of this kingdom, and the future welfare of the whole."

Lord John concluded by moving, as an amendment to Mr. Hume's resolution, that " An bumble address be presented to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to take such measures as to his Majesty may seem advisable for the effectual discouragement of Orange Lodges, and generally of all political societies excluding persons of a different religious faith, using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated branches."

Mr. WILSON PATTEN said, that as Chairman of the Committee which sat last session on Orange Lodges, he had been convinced of their injurious tendency, and had come prepared to move an address (which he should not now move) very similar to that proposed I/

Lord John Russell ; whose speech had given him unqualified plea- sure. Mr. Patten then read his resolution, which made no especial mention of Orange Lodges, but was in other respects almost a verba- tim copy of Lord John Russell's.

Mr. HENRY MAXWELL defended the Orange system, but avowed ]himself ready to withdraw from the society rather than incur the dis- pleasure of his Sovereign ; and he believed that lie could say as much for every Orangeman.

Colonel PERCEYAL and Colonel VERNER spoke in the same strain, but objected to the mention of Orange Lodges by name in the reso Liz ion.

Lord STANLEY complimented Lard John Russell en the tone and matter of his speech ; which he said would tend very much to strengthen the Ministry ; but be urged Lord John to meet the conci- liatory tone of the Orange Members of the House, by withdrawing the words " Orange Lodges."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, amidst the loudest cheers, declared that under all the circumstances, lie could not withdraw these words.

Sir ROBERT PEEL strongly recommended Lord John to alter his determination, and said that if the gentlemen who objected to it chose to divide upon that questiop, they should have his vote, though he re- commended them to acquiesce.

• Mr. O'CONNELL declared, that he did not look upon the insertion of the words " Orange Lodges " as giving himself or his friends a party triumph. They were merely used for the purpose of specifi- cation.

Mr. Stinw hoped that there would lie no division.

Mr. llettE withdrew his resolution, though he coisiclered it prefer- able to Lord John Russell's. Colonel Verner's amendment, to omit tLe words " Orange Lodges " was then negatived ; and Lord John Russell's resolution was carried, without a division.

On Thursday, Lord Jottst RUSSELL, standing at the liar, informed the House, that the address had been presented to the King, ; who had been graciously pleased to return the following answer-

" I willingly assent to the prayer of the address of my faithful Commons, that I will be pleased to take such measures as may seem to me advisable for the effectual discouragement of Orange Lodges, and generally of all political societies, excluding persons of a different religious faith, using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated branches. It is my firm intention to discourage all such societies in my dominions; and I rely with confidence on the fidelity of my loyal subjects to support me in this determination."

On the same night, the Marquis of LONDONDERRYgare notice in the House of Peers, that on Thursday next he should move for a copy of Ole Report of the Commons Committee on Orange Lodges ; and he took that opportunity of indignantly repudiating the charge of being connected in any way with the Orange Institution. In consequence of his position in the North of England, he had received a letter from a gentle- man whom he did not know, and had returned a complimentary answer. On Thursday, he would enter at large into the question, and refute the base imputations cast upon him.

Lord WvNrono rejoiced that Lord Londonderry had brought the subject before the House; and said he should be ready on Thursday to explain the motives of the base insinuations which had been thrown out, and to prove that these insinuations were perfectly and absolutely false.

least night, Lord %ViNctilLsEa. adverted to the resolutions of the House of Commons, and said that, as a Member of the Orange Society, he should like to know from Lord Melbourne, whether those resolutions were intended to be applied solely to Orange Societies, as they at present existed, connected together by oaths and secret signs; or whether— The Duke of CUMBERLAND-4' There are no oaths."

Lord WinaciriLsEA—Or whether those resolutions were intended for the suppression of societies formed for the maintenance of the Protestant religion, and founded upon the principles which placed his present Majesty on the throne ? He disapproved of the course which had been pursued respecting Orange Societies : be was apprehensive that to put them down would lead to the dismemberment of the empire. He did belong to those societies; and he gloried in it, for he believed they had proved the salvation of Protestantism ; and his determination was to uphold the principles on which those societies had been formed, careless if it cost him his title and his life.

The Duke of CUMBERLAND said, that having seen the address of the Commons and his Majesty's gracious answer, he, and those who acted with him, had felt that they ought to lose no time in recommending the Orange Societies to dissolve. He would add, that no oaths were required by the Institution ; and that although the societies were abo- lished, be should continue firmly to adhere to the principles on which they had been founded.

Lord MELBOURNE expressed his satisfaction at what had fallen from the Duke of Cumberland, but regretted the tone of Lord Winchilsea's speech. In reply to that noble lord's question, he would refer to the resolutions themselves— The last of them began—" That an humble address he presented to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to take such mea- sures as to his Majesty may seem advisable for the effectual discouragement of Orange Lodges—" That passage distinctly pointed to those societies, as at pre- sent constituted. The resolution proceeded—" and generally of all political societies, excluding persons of a different religious faith, using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated branches." That part of the reso- lution was intended to prevent erasion by Me assumption of some other name; and of course every other society answering to the description must feel itself umnprehended in the scope and tendency of the resolution. He must again, therefore, confess his anxious hope, that what had been done would be found sufficient for the attainment of the object in view ; and that neither Govern- ment nor Parliament would be called upon to take any further mea- sure. Ile gave the noble earl credit for the sincerity of the principles which he tad avowed, and for the resolution with which he had de- eland that he would maintain those principles; although he thought that the noble earl had been betrayed into a little exaggeration when he talked of his readiness to sacrifice his title and his life, for neither the one nor the other a as in the least danger. But although he gave the noble earl credit for sin- (irk, he could not give him credit for wisdom and prudence with respect to the course which he had stated it to be his intention to pursue. He thought the noble earl would find the Protestant religion safer and stronger without the aid of any of these societies.

Lord Melbourne then briefly defended the conduct of Lord Mul- grave, as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.

Lord LONDONDERRY spoke vehemently against Lord Mulgrave's po- hey ; which he described as being intended solely to uphold the Catho- lic against the Protestant party. His invitation to O'Connell had exs cited disgust and indignation ; it was a most disgraceful act ; and that Ireland should have been witness to such a degradation and to such reprehensible conduct, was, he must say, most monstrous. Lord Londonderry spoke for some time in the same strain ; but no reply was made to him by any of the Ministers.

In the House of Commons, Mr. HENRY MAINWELL announced, that steps would be immediately taken for the dissolution of the Orange Society. Lord Joins RUSSELL stated, that he bad forwarded the resolutions of the House, and his Majesty's reply, to the Duke of Cumberland ; from whom he bad received the following answer-

" St. James's Palace, 26th February 1S:I6.

" My Lord—I have received your Lordship's letter, with the enclosed printed copies of the resolutions of the House of Cumulous containing an address on the subject of Orange Lodges, and other similar societies, together with his Majesty's most gracious answer. Before I had received your Lordship's comnmnication, 1 had already taken steps, in conjunction with several official and distinguished members of the Lot at Orange Institution in Ireland, to recommond its immediate dissolution, its conformity with the loyal principles of that Institution. l have only to add, I shall take imme- diate steps to dissolve the I.oyal Orange Institution in Great Britons.

I have the honour to he, yours si,leer, ly, " ERNEST," " To the Right lion. Lord John Russell.'

2. BOROUGH MAGISTRACY: CHARGES AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE called the attention of the house of Peers, on Tuesday, to the appointment of Magistrates under the AI unicipal Bill. lie complained of the partiality of the Town-Councils and of Lord John Russell in the selection of Justices of the Peace. Although the House of Lords had altered the Municipal Bill, so as to vest in the Crown the appointments which that bill as passed by the Com- mons gave to the Councils, the Home Secretary had in fact set aside this act of the Legislature, and had stated, that in spite of the House of Lords, such persons only should be made justices as the Councils recommended. He admitted, that in some instances Lord John Rus- sell bad altered the lists sent up to him, by the addition of Tory Ma- gistrates ; but in the great majority, the persons named by the Councils in the heat of triumph had been confirmed in office. He concluded by moving- " That an humble address be presented to Ids Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to order that there be laid upon the table of the House a copy of a circular letter aslressed by Lord John Russell to the Town- Clerks or other officers of the several municipal boroughs ; also copies of the lists of .persons sent up from the Town-Councils as recommended for the office of Magistrate ; also copies of the lists of names of persons assented to by the

Government and appointed."

Lord MELBOURNE observed, that Lord Wharncliffe assumed that the Magistrates appointed were of certain politics, and he assumed their unfitness also.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE—" No, no."

Lord MELBOURNE—But the noble baron did so virtually. The question was, whether the new Justices were fit to be Magistrates, and he had a right to complain that Lord Wharncliffe assumed that they were unfit without proof.

Lord WIIARNCLIEEE denied that he had said a word against the fit- ness of the persons appointed.

Lord ;MELBOURNE—Then the noble baron admits, that, for any thing he knows to the contrary, the persons appointed are very fitting per- sons. As to their politics, he would observe, that mistakes were eon- stantly anade respecting the politics of men and bodies of men. Lord Melbourne justified the conduct of Lord John 'lessen, and represented the great impolicy of forcing upon the different towns Magistrates of politics opposed to those of the Councils just elected—men who were regarded with jealousy, suspicion, and dislike. It was not to be expected that matters would have turned out otherwise than they had, considering the circumstance in which the bill originated, and the hot- bed of politics in which it had been engendered. (Cheers from the Opposition.) Noble lords might cheer, but was the violence all on one side?— The noble baron had said in his speech to-night, that he would not east an imputation on any man that he could not endure himself: he wished his noble friend had thought of that in his oration at Sheffield,—a speech, of which he must say, that he would not have made such a one in relation to his noble friend,—.a speech which did, by the entire spirit of its argument and inferences, cast the gravest, and he would add basest, imputation upon him and his col-

leagues.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE—" Hear, hear !"

Viscount MELBOURNE—Well, then, the imputation was avowed, and the noble lord appeared to think very lightly of the matter. Quite alite to the injuries which we received, we were little sensible of the weight of the blows we gave. He had beard abundance of complaints of the violence of certain speeches in opposition to the noble lord's politics which had been delivered dur ing the vacation ; but he had observed quite as much violence, quite as much foul impu- tation, quite as much base attack urged by noble lords opposite, in speeches made in the course of the vacation, as could have been used by any pet son on the other side, be he whom he might. To return. it was plain why so few of the old Corporations were included in the lists of the new Magistracy. h was to be expected that a bill of this kind, which conferred new powers upon com- munities actuated by dissensions and jealousies, should be attended in the outset with considerable violence and partiality, but in the course of time those animo- sities and dissensions would be softened down and die away ; and the whole would end in producing a fair representation of the towns, and tranquillity and

good government. In conclusion, Lord Melbourne objected to giving the names of the parties who had been rejected by Lord John Russell, but would readily accede to the other parts of Lord Wharncliffe's motion.

Lord WINCHILSEA, the Duke of WELLINGTON, Lord Rims, and the Marquis of SALISBURY, impugned the conduct of Ministers, for the same reasons as those used by Lord Wharncliffe. The LORD CHANCELLOR, and the Marquis of LANSDOWNE defended the Govern- went. The latter expressed his hope that ere long Magistrates would be selected without reference to their party politics.

Lord IVHARNCLIFFE expressed his satisfaetion at Lord Lansdowne's speech ; but called upon Lord Melbourne to name what parts of his Sheffield speech he alluded to?

Lord MELBOURNE replied— To the whole of that speech ; and to the statement by inference that we on this side of the House have abandoned and given up all our principles to please those gentlemen whom he has chosen to denominate Radicals. The noble baron says, that the Radicals have not given up their opinions ; and therefore he infers, as a matter of course, that the Whigs have have given up theirs. That for the sake of power, and place, and emolument—(" Nu! "frols Lord 1Vhorneb:90—Yes. I have' seen that charge; if not in the noble baron's speeches, in other speechrs' and esperially in one made by a noble lord, a very near relative of his. That for the sake of power, and of place, and of base lucre,—it is so; I can produce the report—we have given up all our prin- ciples. I do not object to this. Every thing, I suppose, is fair in politics. Every sort of abuse, I suppose, is fair in polities. (A lanyh.) But at the same time I must say, that when noble heals of high character, of great hdlu• ence, of most amiable manners, and most Christian principles—(" 11-or " owl a lough )—fine! themselves betrayed in the violence of the moment, by the heat of party animosity, into casting such bas., and odi, us, and groundless accusa- tions on rollers, they should have some consideration for those who may be acting under the impulse of equally xearm.feelings on the other side."

Lord WHARNCLIFFE did not recollect using the terms quoted by Lord Melbourne ; but he was not singular in the belief that the Whigs had abandoned their principles- " Other persons have publicly said so. Have they not said, We have nut changed our opinions, the Whigs have changed theirs—the Whigs of to-day are nut the Whigs of v have nut gone to the Whigs, the Whigs have conic to us?' (Loud cheeriny from the Opposition.) 1 would ask the noble viscount to reject, if he dares, the support of these who say he has gone over to them, and that they have not come over to him. Will he dare to reject them ? If he will not, I have a right to say that he has gone (wet to them. As to my saying that he has done this for the sake of emolument, I doubt much whether such an expression ever fell from my lips. I do not believe that it ever did ; for I du nut Raul( now, nor (lid I ever think, that the public wen of this country are swayed by such motives."

He would agree to the alteration proposed by Lord Melbourne in tl:e terms of his motion, as he could procure the names of the rejected candidates from the provincial papers.

So the returns, as amended, were ordered; and the House rose.

3. ENGLISH TITHES.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the second reading of the Bill for the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales. From the number of communications be had received on the subject of the measure, he had reason to believe Out the public were well acquainted with its provisions; and was anx- ious to get the bill into Committee without delay.

A long and desultory conversation ensued. Several Members wished for delay; others were anxious to proceed with as ninth expedition as possible. Sir ROBERT INGLIS asked Lord Jelin Russell, whether, by consenting to the second reading, they should he held to approve of the principle of the bill ; or \iii,.-ther he would take the see .-Pd

merely to advance the - • e ::ee? Lord Jolts esseed said,

ionquestionehly, if the bile •eda second time, he sh GUM re n-icicr that the I-louse approved yf the principle it Would be very inemevimicet to depart from that rule. Mr. LENNARI) considered the bill a " clergy- gymen's bill." Mr. BENLTT said, it dealt fairly and henouriebly with both the clergy and the landowners he was of opinion that it would be highly serviceable to both. Mr. PEMBERTON cuMpkined that the ma- chinery of the bill was so imperfect, that at the end of five years, or ten times five years, half the country would be subject to tithes as at present. Sir R. Rome: (Solicitor-General) defended the bill, and professed him- self quite unable to comprehend Mr. Pemberton. Mr. GOULBUHN ob- jected to the compulsory principle being adopted in the Commutation of Tithes. Mr. Henvev disapproved of the robbery of the Church for the landlords: he would secure to the Church payment of its full de- mands from the landowners, but then be would deduct 10 or 13 per cent. for the public. Sir ROBERT PEEL did not object to the coropul- soryprinciple, if it was fairly applied. Some of the most important provisions, such as that which fixed the minimum at 60 and the maxi- mum at 75 per cent, might be altered in Committee. He doubted the possibility of obtaining a fair valuation of the tithes during the last seven years. He certainly did not require the whole 100 per cent. for the clergy; but he would not neglect their interests. Lord JOHN RUSSELL briefly replied ; and the bill was read a second time, and committed pro forma.

4. ELECTION COMMITTEES.

Mr. CHARLES Btietesn moved the House, on Thursday, for a Select Committee " to consider the laws relating to the determination of the Right of Voting, and the trial of Controverted Elections." lie was aware that many Members were shocked at the idea of altering the Grenville Act; and he admitted the great improvement effected by that statute. Previously, contested returns were settled openly by a trial of strength in the House ; and it was well known that Sir Robert Walpole resigned in consequence of the decision of the House of Commons on two controverted elections. He had a tnajcrity of four in his favour on one of them ; but then, he had also law and justice on his side ; and, as his son Horace observed, if under these circumstances his majority was so small, he would have no chance whatever on doubtful questions. But though this state of things was put an end to by the Grenville Act, the mode of appointing Election Committees was still open to great objections. The public had little confidence in the justice of the Committees' decisions ; and if they were behind the scenes on the day of an election-ballot, they would have still less— What would the public think of gentlemen, about to act as judges and as jurors under the sanction of an oath, coming down for the purpose under what was technically termed amongst honourable Members a zeitip? During the last three sessions, these whips had been frequent and severe on both sides of the House for the purpose of election-ballots. The confidence of the People in the justice of these jurisdictions would be but little increased if they could winless the expressions of approbation when three or four names of Mem- bers of one side of the House were announced, which were raised by the fortu- nate party ; or, wl m an honourable Member whose name was drawn did lie* answer to the call, the tone of disapprobation which it eat forth from his ruty ; and, above all, if they could hear the murmurs which arose when an able Member sought to be excused on the panted of pressure of age or the weight of official duties. (" Hear, hear !") What opillitia W011111 the pub!. form of the fairness and impartiality of the Ilitese in these proceedings, if they could know the expressiens of feeling einanathaf variously from Mead, as of both sides of the Meuse after a it,not had concluded ? If they were elk. IA to listen t, the congratulations of " Olt, yoo it :ye ■?ot a very pus' Conireit!.s.!

or the despairing minomietment (,f a pet'cioatst cow: aide:: !,, words " I have got a very hail Cauimioer, :re i I e, well strike a,

There was no do oh t. in to i.t'tla'r Ea (cttIlidtn .‘ •ss a good es bed one 'Iste• isseos t T.', iss;ire sit the last Ge e :-

bury Election Commit:, e we re L. eel in the shop-window of a 1i el..--

unite in that phiee with the leti el • s' R." :. • ' " for " Iteforaii r suet " Conservative," placed se.,: ti.,- party whic'a had the present system was v( y , election petiti,in 'so;es the 1n:jetity prepareA a jo!,1. •

flee expt r of ever known was the e Si!Salishuiy hide cost ()rely

controvertial eleeti :ms aleueienti d to • le on the triads of ; Lot the mere fees to ceeeLt avy expense `A.ii often productive of ercot injust:ei, ti, .• • an :e d the ex,:i.se.

wss ageraveted by the delay in the 11, which arose It the ignorance of the Less of r:L....dee, the gem rah incompeteiley of the jude;ese it praetitionei s had told him, that their time 1%.2$ toikeu Op in eideg frae:a one Committee to another instructing Ater:- bers in the eletneetary rules of evidence. Sometimes, however, pre- cipitancy was the fault of Cointuittees. An honourable friend of his was, smite Ses-,:one back, petitioned against: and on impiirieez front him the probable result of the l shoal,, he was surer;, d to hear that it would depend on the state of the w eatl,er--(Louit for, added his friend, " the whole question turns upon a paint of lake; arid if the weather he rainy, the Cmomittee, not desiring to get out, will Fit and liAras to the argument of counsel ; but if the weather he tine, they avill el! be.ae- sirous to ride or drive in the Park ; and though the law is clearly with:;:, they will nut attend to the discussion, enforcing it, and so surely will they nest. Me tram my seat. (licitcwed itughtcr.)

Air. Buller adverted to the contradictory tie eisions of Committees on. the same points. On the custody of poll-hooks—on opening the regis- tries, or bolding them to be conclusive—on the necessity of prov2mg agency previously to offering evidence of bribery—on treating—oat the admission of pauper votes, the votes of revenne-oflieers, and tlici votes of Peers—on ell these questions there were contradictory decisions ley

Committees of the House since the of the Reform Act. Viitk. regard to the question of whether betting was or was not bribery, ue could mention two mimes Ca4CS — T he Monmouth and Woe,: ster eases both tuned niron the qu •stion cc•-• :Jar. wagers laid as to the resat of a coldest did out :inn ::it tee, and were r.

pretext fur a it air...a..,•il that bets of 5 era bottle of wine been.

111.1.1..... la the s. swell a It was the v-,t.e;

neritiou of • ;!. !A; . ' •• r, • ! . ,-.1

die tress:, r !..r to pr, in the riliject %vas zo ..e.;!_e the Hui., itsclk as iniohjectioli..' decision of ctett.- - Chairman t. ,•eii. of 1.'1'1272.

(Of r , Ch..iunau; tea t7,: number might be - • led by7..' propused to ref.er ce,:sideration !!. 1.1 .❑s , should pre s:,:e ca; oven. the i CUiqouitt,Ls, an is ail divisieus. In the first vya:k.

eleven. session, t:. • 31e,:.1) i:re cat or absent, s'ac id

be placed in the ; !..N. uoless r, !.•,-;'• the cont.-ary should be stete4

and anovel by the ; ;nut every :!.1 Le put dor,:i en paper i i the.- order in which it was drawn, that such irtv firm the list from

the Election Conneitt.-es should be regularly and that it should be p:iat-A with the Votes. (Such an arrangement as this would, he thought, put a curia- plate stop to the canvassing for the attendance of lb:tubers at chretiousbaLiu;s.) .17 hat days should be appointed for the consideration of disputed elections; that

all applicatIus for delay ,should be heard and disposed of by the per -neat oir:er elected by the ,louse; that the original Committee-list should ca :lain

eighteen names, six to he struck off by each party, so that the reducd hat would consist of six only. ( Ile confessed that he thought Volt four Ale:Moors would he enough to cientitute a Committee, because the mere the number r.a.r. reduced the greater would the responsibility of the Members heroine.) 171 Ai: eases in which a division should be railed tim, the Chairman should pronococe his opinion publicly, and at the termination of the ease should charge the com- mittee. ( He did not, of course, mean that the Committee should be bound by the opinion of the Chairman.) All the divisions should be mentioned in the. report of the Cionimittoe, with the names of the assentients and dissentieuts tas every resolutiee. The only other change which he proposed to make, vets. with regard to Cie question of costs. At present, the pun ties whose comiarc either in prosecuting or opposing an deetion petition was declared to be frivo- lous an,l vexatious, w ate co op:lied to pay the whole costs; but he proposed this a regulation should he adopted similar to that which was observed in collets of law, a el that the casts .shoull be apportioned by the Contruittee with ref.reac.it,a. each al-h,gation of the petition.

Mr. Rice and Mr. WYNN complimented Mr. Buller on the temper and ability he had diaplayed in bringin.r forward this subject ; teststted to the truth of his desciiption of the existing evils; and supported tile- motion. Mr. BERNAL also approved of the proposal ; and mentioned some instances, in confirmation of Alr. Buller's statements, of the dis- graceful manner in which the Election Committee business was coca- ducted.

Sir F. POLLOCK expressed his entire concurrence in the motion.

He believed that the real evils of the present system were universally felt and acl,.now,eds;els Before he became a Member of that House, he had attended many of is Election Corn .nittees, and now he would say in his place, bol(14.,- and frankly, they were the worst-constituted tribunals a man could possibly appear before. Mr. ROEBUCK proposed that a single judge, appoicted by the Home, should do the business of Election Commitees, and have no other duties..

Mr. Ewene objected to this creation of an isolated, but not jade- pendent tribunal.

Committee was appointed. fair advantage to those who had not been so well prepared.

Mr. LENNARD moved, on Thursday, for certain returns connected with corporal punishment in the Army ; the object of which was to show, that after a man had been once flogged, he lost all sense of shame, and became useless. He also moved for returns which would show the effect of the punishment of imprisoning delinquents.

Mr. CURTEIS expressed himself strongly against the practice.

moved for ; but declined going into the subject of military flogging. ing for eight days.

detestation of the system. carried, by 271 to 75.

Sibthorpe; and maintained that thJ practice should be utterly abo- The resolutions were agreed to, without discussion. lished.

Mr. llwAst.EY stated, that he had himself examined the body of one of the Marines who had been flogged and had since died ; and he saw no trace whatever of internal disease, and never in his life saw stronger proof of death having ensued from bodily injury. He then read from the Weekly Dispatch the particulars of the flogging of Saundrey, the Marine, who died on Sunday last.

Major BEAUCLERK had received a letter from Portsmouth, stating that 4000 lashes had been inflicted on the Marines stationed there within a twelvemonth.

Colonel THoMPSON, after serving for thirty years in almost every part of the world, could state with confidence that flogging was the bane and nuisance to every officer, anxious to do his duty_

If was desirable to abolish it in time of peace, it was ten times more de- hirable to abolish it in time of oar; as it prevented the officers raising up those feelings between officer and soldier which, in those moments when nothing but personal attachment had any influence, would stop the soldier from committing the excesses which frequently disgraced war. Did any one believe-that if the punishment had not been enforced, those dreadful scenes, at the bare mention of which the whole British Army blashed—he referred to Baclajoz—would have occurred ? Let the British officer have the opportunity of encouraging his men when occasion nap had with arguments like these, " Did I not shield you from punishment on such an occasion? did I not bring you up wheu you were hanging in the rear, with y . tousktt uu ray shoulder ; and would you desert now? " Would such an appeal not be listened to? The punishment of flogging was not indicted when a battle eels expected ; for they said, " We can- not be flagging 111,31 befure the enemy." Why, then cultivate a puMslinteut that Ii d this peculiar nature, that it faded before the emmy? Leta Mail who de-raved striou6 pa olsinucht he haodetaftd, and marched:I pri-ones in the rear; and if that deem nut touch his sense of danger, or his Ft'Ine of shame, treat him like a piece of useless baggege—lihe a cast horse—and ou the first opportuuity get rid of him for ever.

General SHARPE IwlNdal to explain, that he was anxious to get rid of corporal punishment in the Army, but not until sonic other punishment was substituted.

Mr. ROEBUCK, Dr. BOwItING, Mr. HARVEY, and Colonel PARRY, spoke briefly ; and the returns moved for Mr. Leonard were ordered.

6. RAILROADS.

On Monday, Lord GEORGE LENNOX moved the second reading of the Brighton Railroad Bill (Steplicrison's line).

In reply to a question from Lord SANDON, Mr. POULETT THOMSON said, that it was his intention to propose that a Select Committee should be a pointed to consider the best menus of furnishing to the House information on the subject of Railway Bills,- Ills proposition would therefore be, not to refer a number of railroads to a particular Committee—not to point out any particular course he might think desirable as to railroads in general, but simply to obtain the appointment of a Select Committer, formed of gentlemen who took the greatest interest in rail- roads, (he did not mean in any particular project of the kind, but in the good conduct of railroads in general) ; who, after duly considering the question, might bring forward their suggestions fur the guidance of the House. In this mode he hoped that something worthy the adoption of the House might be offered, and a resolution might grow out of the report of the Committee upon which individual Members would be able to act in promoting their different schemes. As some misunderstanding had get abroad upon the subject, he was particularly anxious to state, that iu moving for the Committee, it was not his object to refer to it particular lines of road, but simply to enable a small number of competent gentlemen to recommend a couree of proceeding, with the appro- bation of the House, applicable to all.

He thought it desirable that the second reading of the Railway Bills, which would come before the House that day and the next, should be postponed— ma He could not imagine that the deliberations of the Committee to be named would occupy more than four or five days, and information might then be ob- tained of considerable importance as regarded the future stages of measures of the same kind. His suggestion upon this point was, that such Railroad Bills as now stand for a second reading, should be deferred tin eight days, and, during the interval, the Committee would have sat and made its Report. He was quite sure that this would be the right course, because the Committee might possibly recommend something materially affecting the second reading of every bill. At all events, the Committee would probably lay down some rules respect. ing the proceedings of list Committees, and those might lead to the furnishing of further information.

Lord GEORGE LENNOX and Mr. GISBORNE strongly opposed the proposition of Mr. Poulett Thomson, and declared that they would not postpone the second reading of the bills which they had in charge : the

After some remarks from Mr. AGLIONBY and Colonel PARRY, the delay would be very injurious to those who were ready, and give an un-

5. MILITARY FLOGGING. Mr. CLAY' Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and Sir ROBERT PEEL, approved of Mr. PoulettThomson's proposal. Mr. CLAY said, these railroads were

running foul of each other.

Lord GEORGE LENNox complained, that with respect to the Brighton

Railroad, this delay would enable the promoters of Sir John Rennie's line to introduce their bill, to the detriment of Stevenson's.

Mr. POULETT Thomse.; was ready to allow the bill of which Lord George Lennox had the charge to go into Committee three days after Mr. R. C. FERGUSSON had no objection to grant the returns the second reading, if the House should agree to defer the seemed read- Mr. ROBINSON referred to the deaths of the two Marines at Wool- A division took place on the question of reading the bill a second wide, subsequently to their being flogged ; and expressed his strong time now, or deferring it for eight days; when the postponement was

General SHARE denied that flogging was a degradation to a soldier ; On Tuesday, Mr. POULETT ToomsoN, with a view to place the and mentioned an instance of a soldier being made a corporal within six postponed Railway Bills in the same situation as if no delay had taken months of his being flogged, and afterwards being promoted to the place, moved a series of resolutions to the following effect— rank of an adjutant ; in this case, the man had been punished for That the House would not receive any petition upon a private bill relative to falling asleep on guard. compliance or non-compliance with the standing orders subsequent to the second Mr. flume wished to know when the Report of the Commissioners reading of such bill. That the House would not receive any such petition rela- on Military Punishments would be ready ? tive to any Railway Bill, notice for the second reading of which had been given Mr. SPRING RICE said, that Lord Howick bad ascertained that it previous to Monday next. That it should be a standing order of the 'louse, would be ready in a week. that seven clear days should intervene between the second reading of all Rail- way Bills and the sitting of the Committee, rind that in the cases of the bills Colonel SIBTHORpE said that flogging was necessary to redeem the that lied been postponed, the said seven days should be allowed from the day character of a soldier ! originally fixed for the second reading of such bills, as if they had been then Mr. O'CONNELL briefly animadverted on this expression of Colonel read a second time.

7. AFFAIRS OF SPAIN: BRITISH INTERVENTION.

Mr. MACLEAN brought the conduct of Government in regard to Spanish affairs before the House of Commons last night. He de- livered a long speech, the object of which was to prove that the power

of Don Carlos bad been miscalculated by our Ministers, and that the British interference on behalf of the Queen was unjustifiable, and pre- judicial to the interests of the country. He concluded by moving for

copies of certain pumpers. Lord PALMERSTON, without a speech, home- diately laid the papers on the table, amidst the cheers and loud laughter of the House.

Mr. WARD challenged the gentlemen opposite to bring forward some motion that would be resisted and lead to a division ; instead of de- livering speeches, imputing neglect of British interests to Ministers, and then moving for papers merely, which they knew would not be re- fused. This course had been pursued last session by Lord Mahon ; and it was a most unfair one. Mr. Ward went on to prove, that Ministers had not gone so far as the Quadruple Treaty authorized them. Don Carlos was identified with fanaticism in Spain : Mr. Ward had been four years in that country, and could confirm this from his own experience. Don Carlos was a supporter of the Inquisition, and had urged Ferdinand to restore it to its pristine ferocity. Aga he called upon the Opposition to bring forward some motion that would give the House an opportunity of expressing a decided opinion on the foreign policy of Ministers.

Mr. POULTER warmly defended the conduct of Ministers.

11Ir. O'CONNELL maintained that the cause of the dificrcliCe of Opinion in the House of Commons was, that one 'wily supported absolutism, and the other the cause of constitutional liberty— There was something unnatural in the alliance that hail been formed in sup.. port of the cause of Don Caries. That Prince was so much of a Catholic, that lie had arrived at the stage a hick those who regard Catholicity as superstition, call Popery. And yet, notwithstanding this, the most violent No-Popery men in this country bad rallied round his cause. By this conduct they showed, at all events, that their opposition was not to the abstract principle of Popery, but to Popery when allied to Liberal institutions. They were opposed to Popery in Ireland—not because it was Popery, but because it was wrapped up with Liberality. Sir JonN ELLEY gave a detailed account of the military operations of General Evasis ; which, he said, proved him to be a most able and gallant commander.

Colonel THOMPSON eulogized the gallantry of the British auxiliary forces, and expressed his earnest wish that the ferocious despot against whom they were fighting might meet with the felon's death he deserved. Lord Manox said, that if the Queen of Spain was supported by the great majority of Spaniards, there would be no need of foreign aid to prop up her throne. If not so supported, what right had we to send British bayonets to her assistance ? Lord PALMERSTON ridiculed the conduct of the Opposition on this question. They had pressed on the debate, as if its subject were one of extreme urgency— Any one who had seen the fervour—any one who had witnessed the great impatience of Mr. Maclean—would no doubt have imagined that the subject was either some measure into which the Government were about rashly to em- bark, or some measure of recent date, of which lie was anxious to prevent the evil consquences by stretching forth his saving hand, and directing back the Government from the imprudent course they had entered upon. He was sup- posing that a stranger had witnessed these proceedings ; and he would further suppose that, having learned that the motion had reference to a treaty and Order in Council, he rushed to the Library of the House.to see the date of the treaty, and the date on which the Order in Council was issued. The result of such an investigation would be the discovery, that the treaty was two years old; and the Order in Council was issued, not in January last, but in June It335.

Lord Palmerston then went into a long defence of the policy be bad pursued; and reminded the Opposition that they uttered precisely the same predictions as to the termination of the Portuguese civil war which they now put forth with regard to the struggle in Spain. He had different anticipations ; and be would not shrink from having them recorded, but he would also pin down the Opposition to theirs. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that Lord Palmerston's " stranger" would be more ignorant than strangers generally, if in coming into the House of Commons a month after the assembling of Parliament, be was surprised at finding that a Member had called the attention of the House to the state of our Foreign relations. They were about to go into a Committee on the Ordnance Estimates, and the papers moved Sir Roamer PEEL—" Speaking to little purpose for half an hour! 'Why, the honourable Member must have mistaken my speech. for I have been only speaking for five minutes, and the other five.and- twenty must go to the credit of the noble lord." Sir Robert ad. witted that the Quadruple Treaty must be scrupulously fulfilled, whoever was Minister; but he condemned the general principles on which Lord Palmerston interfered in the concerns of other nations ; and he maintained that, by using the prerogative of the Crown to repeal the Enlistment Act and other measures, Ministers had gone further than the Quadruple Treaty required. With respect to the ter. initiation of the war, he had his doubts.

‘' If we succeed in establishing the Queen's dynasty by the assistance of a foreign force, I fear that we shall do little good. lithe Queen's Government cannot repress a mountain insurrection without the aid of a foreign force, I cm- not bring myself to believe that a Government which tests for support on foreign intervention, can be permanently successful. Again, let us look to our interference, or rather to our mode of interference, as it bears on the domestic policy of England. For my own part, I doubt the policy of letting a large force of British soldiers enter into the service of a foleigu power in the way in which the British Legion has entered into the service of the Queen of Spain. If it is defeated, it injures the national character, and damps

i

the national spirit. If, in consequence of that defeat, you increase its numbers, and raise it to 20,000 men,—and if upon that increase its exertions become triumphant, and it returns to England flushed with feelings of victory,—I will not conceal from you the apprehension of danger which I entertain from your having two different armies in your dominions, both belonging to the same country, but counveted with their officers by different ties."

Sir JoaN HoenousE said that Sir Robert Peel's genius was too ponderous for a joke : he began by being very pleasant, but be broke down speedily. Sir John ridiculed the idea of danger to the country from General Evans and his troops, though he did not disparage the prowess of the great General Evans- " Great let me call him, For he conquered me."

Sir John defended Lord Palmerston with a degree of warmth which seems to have amused the House, and concluded by saying that Government would ahvays be ready to meet the question fully and fairly. Mr. T. Dew/tone spoke briefly ; and Mr. BroaTusierox, at his usual hour, moved the adjournment. Mr. Boit:melee attempted to speak ; and this settled the point—the House would not listen to Mr. Peter Borthwick, but insisted on an adjournment of the debate, which was then carried.

for contained an account of the military stores furnished to the Queen of Spain. There were a large number of muskets—he was sorry that the Member for Middlesex was buried in deep repose.

Mr. How (who had been reclining) jumped up and said—" No, no ; I have been listening to your speech this half hour, but to very little purpose."

MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS.

CARLOW Est:cents. In the House of Commons, on Monday, Mr. Ilanver asked Mr. Ridley Colborne, whether it was true, as reported, that the Carlow Election Committee would pursue its inquiry with closed doors Mr. Com:oast: realied, that the di oss would be closed against strangers, lint not against :Members of the House of Com

mons. If the public were admitted, the evidence might be circulated

in it nuniner iimmisistent w ith the ends of justice. Mr. O'CoNNELL stated it to be his resolution, when the Committee reassembled, to en- deavour respectfully to persuade the Committee that they ought not to sit with closed doors.

CRUELTIES IN CARLOW : CONDUCT OF COLONEL BRUEN AND LORD B ER ESIORD. On Tuesday, Colonel BituEN read a long state- ment in reply to the charges of ejecting his tenantry, which were pre. ferred in the petition presented from Mr. Vigors its reference to the Carlow case. The paper gave a detailed account of his proceedings towarls his tenantry, which was in direct contradiction to the allega- tions in Mr. Vigors's petition ; and which, if correct, would prove those allegations to be little better than a mass of calumnious false- hood; the real state of the case being, that Colonel Bruen is a kind- hearted, considerate, and most indulgent landlord. The result of his statement was, that in five years Colonel Bruen had ejected only eight tenants, each of whom owed him on the average upwards of four years' rent ; and not one of whom was an elector. With respect to the under-tenants—men who had taken land from those who had no right to sub-let it—Colonel Bruen was not so specific ; but he as- serted generally, that they had been leniently treated, and that in some instances money and pensions had been given them to induce them to depart peaceably. His real offence was not cruelty to his tenants, but he said for himself and the Carlow landlords generally- " Our real crime is, that we will not how down to the image which Daniel the King has set up. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And for this offence we are to be cast into the burning fiery furnace of public indignation, which is to be heated one seven times hotter than usual, by the ruined towns and villages, fanned by the shrieks and cries of widows and orphans. But the attempt will fail—we shall pass unhurt through these fires; and if justice and truth be not a dead letter, our accuser will have the benefit of them himself." ( Opposition cheers.) Colonel Bruen Was proceeding to read a defence of the Carlow land- lords when he was called to order. The SPEAKER decided that he was out of order in reading such statements: the indulgence of the House in that respect was extended only to him personally.

Mr. H. T. llorE, on behalf of Lord Beresford, denied the truth of the charges in the petition ; and observed, that they were old charges, which Mr. Vigors, when challenged by him in the House of Commons two years ago, had shrunk from attempting to substantiate. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that he would move for a Committee to inquire into the truth or falsehood of the allegations; so that, if false, the authors might be brought to shame.

ROMAN i CATHOLIC MARRIAGES. Mr. LYNCH had leave, on Thurs. day, to bring in a bill to annul so much of an Act passed in the reign of George the Second as annuls Marriages of Protestants and Catho- lics by Catholic priests.

Ws:moat. ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was read a second time on Monday, on the motion of Sir JOHN CAMPBELL. CORPORATION OF POOLE. Mr. J. BLACKBURNE moved, On Thurs- day, for a Select Committee to inquire into the circumstances of the late Municipal Election at Poole. Sir F. POLLOCK would not oppose the motion, but would not vote upon it, having acted as an advocate on the matter in the Courts below : upon hoped that he should not be sub- ject to Mr. Hume's animadversions on account of the course he took. Mr. Hums said he did not mean to cast any imputations on Sir F. Pollock in the remarks alluded to : his objection was to the principle. Mr. Law protested against the proposed interference of the House with the functions of the Courts of Law. Sir R. ROLFE said that this was a case in which the Courts of Law could give no remedy. Mr. BLACKBURNE briefly replied. Sergeant JACKSON opposed the motion, and made some animadversions on the conduct of Mr. O'Con- nell (who was absent) in not bringing forward a motion respecting the Lay Association of Dublin ; but the House heard Mr. Jackson very impatiently. Colonel PiateEvaL moved an adjournment, as the House would not listen to Mr. Jackson. A division took place : for the adjournment, 37 ; against it, 109. Colonel Sumo:rams moved another adjournment: the House rejected the motion, by 105 to 34. Mr. C. But.r.Eit moved " that Mr. Jackson be heard," as au amendment to a third motion for adjournment made by Colonel SIBTHORPE. A long and stormy discussion took place, and Mr. Thomas Des:cosine. pro- posed, as neither party would give way, that they should draw lots. A third division then took place, when the numbers were—for the adjournment :29, against it 103. Mr. Ries protested against the course that had been taken ; but as it was evident that delay, for delay's sake merely, was wanted, he would no longer resist the adjournment. Accordingly, after some remarks from Mr. WAKLEY and Mr. WYNN, the House rose at a quarter before four.

A long conversation took place last night, as to whether the debate should be resumed; or whether a motion of Mr. Maclean on the state of Spain should not have precedence. Lord Joust RussELL had moved that the House should go into a Committee of Supply, and Mr. BLACK- BORNE moved that the debate on the Poole election should be resumed. Lord Joust RUSSELL was willing to withdraw his motion ; but was prevented by Mr. MACLEAN, who insisted on being allowed to bring forward his motion on Spanish affairs ; and the SPEAKER decided, that Lord Joint's motion could not be withdrawn, if a single Member ob- jected to it, and that Mr. Maclean had possession of the House. So the Poole debate was again postponed.

ABERDEEN PUBLIC SCHOOLS BILL. Mr. BANNERMAN moved the second reading of this bill, on Thursday. Captain GORDON opposed the motion. The object of the bill was to divert the funds left by Sir Alexander Hay, in 1605, to maintain in repair the bridge of Balgownie over the Don, to the purpose of build- ing schools in Aberdeen. The former much-calumniated Magistrates of Aberdeen bad used the funds for no other purpose than that pointed out by the testator ; who in his will had called on the members of the Corporation, "as they would answer for it at the day of judgment," not to appropriate the funds to any other pmpose than that of main- taing the bridge of Balgownie.

Mr. BANNERMAN said, since opposition was given to the bin, it became necessary for him to explain its provisions- " It is entitled a Bill for the erection of l'obVe Schools in the city of Aberdeen ; and to enable the Corporatioa to elect moll schools, they apply to Parliament to sanction the appropiiation of 6.066/. or 7,1sto1., being the amount tit au accumu- lated fund under their management, and I may add, in my opinion, which is under their complete control. 3Iy honourable friend has stated the nature of that fund; the House will hear both sides; I will also state the nature of it. In the year 1605, a gentleman named Sir Alexander Ilay, bequeathed certain specific feu due duties or annual-rents, amounting to :IL 5s. 0d. sterling, for repairing and upholding a bridge over the river Don, within a mile and a half of the cite of Aberdeen, which had been built by King Robert Bruce. This bridge, which has stood the lapse of centuries, is now in a complete state of repair, and in all probability will stand for as many centuries to come. It is the same Bridge of Balgonie which is noticed by Lord Byron in a note to one of his celebrated effusions; and, singular enough, one of the schools which is proposed to be rebuilt at Aberdeen by this bill, is that in which the noble bard received the elements of his early education. This bridge having been built during the reign of Robert Bruce, the House may suppose that it is a pretty solid structure ; indeed, although the citizens of Aberdeen contributed hugely for upholding it more than two centuries ago, very little has since been re- quired to keep it in repair. That circumstance, as well as other fortuitous ones, and fortunate purchases by the Corporation of Aberdeen with the funds under their management, will account fur the accumulation, which ten years ago amounted to 18,0001" Mr. Bannerman went on to state, that notwithstanding the solemn adjuration of Sir Alexander Hay, the old Conservative Town-Coun- cil had at various times used the funds for purposes by no means con- nected with the bridge. They had built a new bridge, for 14,0001., at the instigation of some of the country gentlemen, who wanted a more convenient access to the town, but who now opposed his bill. They had laid out money derived from this source in improving roads, erect- ing a Bridewell, and in purchasing a gold snuffbox for Mr. Secretary Dundas,a'hich cost a hundred guineas. Surely, providing schools in the large and populous city of Aberdeen, was devoting the funds to a bet- ter purpose than the purchase of snuff-boxes. Mr. PRINGLE, Sir GEORGE CLERK, Lord SANDON, and Mr. BRUCE, opposed the motion. It was supported by Mr. WALTER CAMPBELL, Mr. HUME, and Mr. WALLACE; and was carried, on a division, by 118 to 72.

BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. Mr. HARDY obtained leave, on Thursday, to bring in a bill for the prevention of Bribery and Corruption and Unnecessary Expense at Elections.

TIMBER-DUTIES. Mr. POULETT THOMSON stated, last night, in reply to a question from Mr. G. F. Young, that what had fallen from the Marquis of Lansdowne on the subject of the Timber-duties had been misunderstood. Lord Lansdowne was supposed to have said that it was not the intention of Government to propose any alteration in the Timber-duties • but he really stated that no alteration would be made at present. it was the intention of Government to bring in a bill to carry into effect part, if not the whole, of the recommendations of the Committee of last session; but as that Committee had reported against any alteration in the present year, there was no occasion to introduce the bill early in the se ision : it would n it come into operation till 1837. Mr. Thomson aside 1, that if Alderman Thompson had been in his place, be should have asked him on what grounds he asserted, as he saw by the newspapers be had asserted at a public meeting, that Ministers postponed the introduction of the bill, in order to pass it sur- reptitiously at the close of the session, when the House was thin ?

Last night, Mr. Alderman THOMPSON explained, that he had never intended to give offence to Mr. Poulett Thomson ; for whom be en- tertained a strong personal regard. Mr. PousErr THOMSON again stated, that the recommendation of the Committee of lust session could not be acted on till 1837. He declined to answer a question from Mr. G. F. YOUNG, respecting some negotiations in progress at Stockholm for procuring a reduction of the duties on British ma- nufactures, in return for the diminution of the duties on Norwegian timber,—on the ground that the negotiations were still pending.

DUTY ON PAPER. Lord FRANCIS EGERTON presented a petition, on Thursday, from the paper-manufacturers, for a reduction of the duty on paper. He went into a number of details explanatory of th operation of the existing system ; which system gave, he said, facility for fraud, and was injurious to the interests of literature : but be spoke in a tone of voice too low and indistinct to be heard by the reporters. Mr. SPRING RICE said, that the modification of the paper-duties was under consideration ; and that, on the close of the financial year, he would state the intentions of Government respecting this and other branches of the revenue. But he would remind the House, that in con- sidering the reduction of a tax, the claims of various parties applying for relief must be taken into account, and the interest of the country at large consulted. Mr. Gittots supported the petition ; which was then laid on the table.

STATUTE.. LABOUR IN SCOTLAND. Mr. JOHN MAXWELL moved, on Thursday, for leave to bring in a bill to alter the laws respecting Statute-labour in Scotland ; but withdrew his motion, in favour of an amendment of Sir A. LEITH HAY, who moved for a Select Committee on the subject ; which Committee was appointed.

Bisitor OF D URHA AI. In reply to questions from Mr. BOWES, on Thursday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that Ministers had received in- telligence of the death of the Bishop of Durham ; and that the ques- tion of separating the episcopal duties from those of theCustos Rotu- lorum was under consideration.

Mr. BUCKINGHAM'S CLAIM. Mr. TULE, on Tuesday, moved the second reading of the bill to empower the East India Company to compensate Mr. Buckingham for the losses sustained by him in the arbitrary suppression of the Calcutta Gazette. Mr. LAWSON proposed that the bill be read a second time that day six months ; and called at- tention to the manner in which Mr. Buckingham's case had been got up— A few weeks ago, he received a packet enclosing to him the draught of a petition in favour of this bill, and requesting him to present it to his constitu- ents for their signatures. lie could not help thinking that this was a most un- usual and unparliamentary mode of procuring petitions in favour of a private bill. The note that accompanied the petition that was sent to him was from Mr. Buckingham. It conveyed to him that gentleman's compliments, and requested that he would transmit the 1.etition to his constituents for their sig. natures. This practice of one :Member addres,ing another and asking him to get up petitions in favour of sonic private claim of that individual Member, would, if carried to any extent, loner the character of that House in the eye, of the country at large ; and it was a practice, in Ids opinion, more worthy of an American Congress than of a British I Inuse of Commons. Mr. POULTER, Major llsaressais, Mr. PEASE, and Mr. WAR.. MURTON, spoke briefly in support of the bill. It was strongly opposed by Mr. 'VERNON SMITH, and especially by Mr. ROEBUCK. The bill was rejected, on a division, by 125 to 81.

JUSTICE LACKBURNE : MAURITIUS. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice on Thursday, that on the 15th of March lie should impeach Mr. Black- benne, one of the Judges of the Mauritius, of high crimes and misde- meanours.