NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE House of Commons was busied with the Army Estimates on Monday; with the distress of the West Indians, and the Repre- sentation of Great Towns, on Tuesday ; and with a question affect- ing the privileges and purity of the House, last night. The House of Lords had the state of the country under its consideration on Thursday. The Reformers have made some small advance upon the defenders of the Constitution : nearly one half of the members present at the debate have agreed that the wealthiest towns in England may be in- dulged with representatives. The House of Commons, with the view, we suppose, of giving the lie to Mr. HUME'S assertion that "it deserves to be brought into contempt,' has been fortifying its virtue by good resolutions : the immediate instrument in this purgation was Mr. D. W. HARVEY. The Duke of WELLINGTON and Mr. PEEL have been good enough to enliven dull debates by losing temper. Earl STANHOPE and the Duke of RICHMOND have been pathetic on the subject of the general distress • while the Earl of ELDON has been severe on the King's Speech, and jocular on the "fifteen remedies."

1. STATE OF THE COUNTRY. Earl STAN HOPE moved, "That the House resolve itself into a Cominittee of the whole House, to take into consideration the internal state of the country." The inquiry which he recommended would, he believed, enable them to re- lieve in some degree the distresses of the country ; it would at all events disclose the gross and various errors of Government. The agricultural classes were irretrievably ruined. Rents were either unpaid, or paid out of the farmers capitals ; and, when paid, barely sufficed to cover the poor-rates. The labourers were wretched be- yond description. The situation of the manufacturing classes was quiteAs desperate. Thousands among the operatives were compelled to di*-ditt exiAetice on 2ifi a day. Trade was carried on without-pro- fit. Our colonies, too, were ruined; and the only consolation which the noble Duke at the head of Government could offer, was that the traffic on canals had increased. Fundholders and annuitants alone seemed to flourish; though even their prosperity was precarious, since every day lessened their security. Never, not even during the French Revolution, was the country in so perilous a state : never was there so strong a necessity for inquiry. He objected, however, to a select committee, which might do well enough on Indian affairs, but in regard to the present.state of this country, it would be but a mockery. To him it appeared that society was fast approaching to disorganization, and that ail existing institutions would soon be levelled in the dust.

Viscount GODERI CH thought a general committee quite as ineffective as a select one, unless some specific proposal were submitted to its consideration. The causes of the distress had never been adverted to by Lord STANHOPE ; but to him it seemed that they consisted in certain disorders of the currency, and in the state of taxation. The currency seemed to him insufficient, and unnecessarily low. The banking system was defective ; and no efforts of the Bank of England could remove the defects of that system.

"In my judgment, the issues of the country bankers are not regulated by those principles which are likely to prove advantageous to themselves or be-

neficial to the country. When times of difficulty arrive, the issuers of the country paper immediately take alarm, and contract their circulation with a timidity unfounded and ruinous; and when the prospects of the commercial world undergo a change, they immediately begin to issue on a scale so ex- tended, well deserving to be described as rash."

Country Banks on the same principle as the Scotch seemed to him the only remedy. The taxes, too, ought to be most materially re- duced; and it would be erroneous to infer that any such reduction would lessen.the revenue in a corresponding ratio. Increased con- sumption in every case succeeded a reduction of taxes. He had, while Chancellor of the Exchequer, reduced the taxes by 9,000,000/. —and the revenue had suffered nothing. For these reasons, he thought that the taxes might now be very greatly lowered without fear for the revenue. Were such a measure agreed to, he should re- commend the taxes on hops, on printed cottons, on leather, and on sea-borne coals, as the most vexatious and oppressive, to be repealed. The Duke of IlicHmorio echoed Earl Stanhope's description of the state of the country. The Earl of ROSEBERRY thought the causes of the present distress were many,—the state of the currency, the extension of machinery, the influx of Irish labourers, the mal-administration of the poor- laws, the accumulation of capital in few hands, taxation, and a bad system of banking. As a cure or palliative, he recommended a joint standard of gold and silver ; and the introduction of a property-tax, from which the productive classes would experience relief, and by which absentees would be forced to contribute to the national ex- penses. The Earl of ELDON regretted no passage in his political life more than his absence from the House on the firstnight of the session ; nor had he ever met with anything that astonished him more than the declaration in the King's Speech about the partial nature of the , distress. The Speech was one from which, after you have heard it, YOU learn nothing: for his own part, he could not understand it.

" When he read next morning what was described to have taken place in

that House the evening before, he could not believe—he would not believe,

until that belief was forced upon him—that such sentiments as those repre- sented had been embodied in a King's Speech, and promulgated by British

Ministers. (Cheers.) lie knew not whether it was the Lay Lords or the Spiritual Lords who had made the grand discovery that the seasons were not under Legislative control—(Cheers and laughter)—but to find that the dis- tress of the country was to be disposed of in so sweeping and unsatisfactory a manner, was enough to break the heart of any Englishman. (Cheers.) It was an extraordinary thing to be told that there were other causes besides bad seasons for this lamentable distress, without specifying what these other causes were ; thus leaving Parliament to find out, as best they might, what these other causes were, and why they were not under Legislative control. For he would say, that if ever the country was in a situation which would make it the bounden duty of Parliament to ascertain what these other causes were, and why they were not under legislative control, and wherefore they were utterly incapable of being remedied or alleviated, it was that very time, because even a small portion of alleviation would now be agreeably received ,1 by the people of England—(Loud cheers)—by the people of England who were suffering with exemplary patience, a feeling which he hoped and trusted in God they would continue to manifest, notwithstanding the anxious endea- vours of certain persons to goad them into undutifulness.' (Cheers.) The Duke of WELLINGTON complained of the personal attacks upon him in which Earl Stanhope and the Duke of Richmond had indulged. Did the noble Earl, by his statements about the agricul- tural distress, mean to propose an alteration of the Corn-laws ? Those laws had prevented the price of corn from rising. The Speech from the Throne had been misrepresented. Prices had fallen since the peace; and prices were obviously beyond legislative control. Lord Gron- riCh had been mistaken in his calculations as to the possit,L...i us r.

duciziA the taxes, because the surplus. revenue was less than he sup- posed it tu by. aOYCFrillIellt was Most anxious to economize; and when offices became vacant and could not be dispensed with, filled them up with individuals in the receipt of half-pay or pension, which was then saved to the country. As to a silver currency, the subject had been under the consideration of Government. The distress, he contended, was not so great as it had been represented. The tonnage of ships was greater now than it had been for years. The revenue , had increased while taxes had been lowered. In every quarter build- ings were carrying on. Savings banks were increasing in number. The traffic on canals and railroads had greatly increased. The cur- rency, it had been stated, was not sufficient for the commercial wants of the country—did that, did any of these circumstances indicate in- creasing distress ?

The Earl of RADNOR was astonished at the Duke of Wellington's loss of temper. Though the Duke opposed the motion for inquiry, his whole speech was in favour of inquiry. Sometimes he admitted ' the distress—sometimes he denied it •' urging that agricultural pro- duce, timber for instance, and meat, had not fallen in price. Now both these products of the soil had declined very considerably. The Duke accounted for the manufacturing distress by alleging too great an increase in manufactured goods. Now the increase of manu- factures was gradual and regular; but there had been no regular fall of prices—sometimes they were up, sometimes down. This called for an inquiry. In short, if an inquiry were necessary on the affairs of India, it was no less necessary on the affairs of this country. The speech of Lord Goderich was even more strange than the argu- ments of the Duke of Wellington. He had a few days ago declared the state of the country to be unsusceptible of relief; now, however, he had a host of remedies cut and dry for relieving it. Why had not the noble Viscount recourse to these wonder-working appliances while in office ? and what had become of the "prosperity" for which he had taken so much credit to himself some years ago ?• All our present miseries seemed to Lord Radnor consequences of changes in the currency and he hoped the currency would never again be tampered with. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was astonished that the Duke of Wel- lington should ascribe any part of our distress to the low price of cotton. He deemed silver a better standard than gold ; and he did not conceive that placing the Country Banks on a better footing amounted to tampering with the currency. We refused to allow country bankers to issue small notes because they could not give sufficient security ; and by hunting the number of partners to six, we prevented them from giving that .security. To hint, a reduction of taxes seemed desirable ; and he was sure that the revenue would not be injured by it. He should vote for a select committee. The Marquis of SALISBURY also approved of a select committee. Lord KING moved as an amendment, that a select committee be appointed to inquire whether our agriculture and manufactures would ' receive any relief by the extension of our Foreign trade.

" Ministers said there was no necessity for inquiry, because the distress was partial. He confessed that he disliked meddling too much, because it frequently proved as bad as not touching at all ; but there were cases in whieh it might be obvious that it was beneficial. To illustrate what he meant, he would say, that supposing a vessel went ashore at ebb, it would he wise to wait and ascertain if the spring tide floated her ; bat if she stranded in spring tide, it would require all the skill and dexterity of the crew to free her from the mud and sand, and enable her to get back into deep water."

"Their Lordships were not, perhaps, aware of the cause of low prices : they, perhaps, did not know, although it was beyond al; question, that our prices were ;settled by the prices of the Continent of Europe. Now, how were they to change these prices ? Why, by taking from other countries those goods which would enable them to purchase British manufactures. That would increase the demand ; it would increase the price ; it would ena- ble the manufacturers to give better wages : it would reduce the poor rates; it would give customers for the produce of the soil. If they could not go the whole length of this, he would ask them, at all events, not to be duped any longer by East India and Bank of England monopolies. They had already

wbeen robbed enough by monopolies of that kind, and he hoped the country ould now see the necessity of becoming participators in the advantages t which these Companies had enjoyed so exclusively for years."

The Marquis of BUTE denied the universality of the distress. Lord WHAENCLIFFE declared that he should oppose both the motion and the amendment. The Earl of DARNLEY thought that no good could result from the inquiry.

Twenty-five voted for Lord Stanhope's motion, and one hundred and eighteen against it. Lord King's amendment was withdrawn. • 2. EXPENSE OF Tun ARMY. In the Committee of Supply, Sir HENRY HARDINGE moved that "a sum not exceeding 3,015,333/. be granted to defray the expenses of the Land Forces, exclusive of those in India."

Colonel DAVIES entered his protest against the extravagant cha- racter of these estimates.

"He feared that the House had given itself blindfold into the hands of the government ; and, in fact, he expected more from the government than from the House, moderate as was his reliance on the former?'

Sir HENRY PARNELL objected to the assumption, on a former evening, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had to deal with only 12,000,000/. upon which reduction could be made • while in truth the sum amounted to 20,000,000/. The army, he thought, should be greatly reduced. Sir H. HARDINGE maintained the present establishment to be necessary for the protection of our Colonies. Sir J. AVIWTTESLEY opposed the grant. Ile blamed the House, however, not Ministers, for the shameful expenditure of the publie money. The Marquis of BLANDFORD found himself obliged to oppose the grant, but disclaimed factious motives in doing so. In proof of his declaration, ihe begged to say, that though he had been last year a staunch opponent of the Catholic Reiter -BM, yet it a proposal were now to be made for its repeal, he would oppose that, as he had done the measure itself.

Sir ROBERT HERON called for a reform of the abuses of the Half- pay list. That had been intended as a provision for wounded and worn-out soldiers, and it was now converted into a fee simple and transferable estate for young men. The Pension-list, too, had been grossly abused. The Army and Navy ought to be put on the same footing in that respect. • Mr. MABERLY said that the abolition of the Finance Committee had cut off every prospect of useful opposition to profuse expenditure. The House might examine the various items; it could do nothing more. He begged, however, to state, that the East India Company contributed fa; too little to the maintenance of the Army ; and he thought that the allowances of General officers in command of Regi- ments should be fixed.

Mn HUME opposed the grant, in a long speech, of which we pre- -serve a few points only. "Every member to whom he had spoken had said, This is very bad, the establishments ought to be reduced.' 'Then,' he said, 'why don't you vote with us?' ' No,' they replied, we can't vote with you, but we will do any thing else.' (Laughter.) Out of the House, therefore, where they could do nothing, gentlemen would express their real wishes, and say what the people wanted; but in the House, where they could do something, they were silent. Now, was not this a proof that gentlemen came here to serve themselves, and not to serve the country ? (Laughter.) If they should continue in the same course of indifference to the wishes of the people, what remedy was there but force ? (Hear, hear.) He would repeat it, that was the only re- medy. Out of the 658 members of which the House was composed, and who pretended to be the representatives of the people, there were only 93 indivi- duals who gavelt as their opinion that the amount of the force maintained by Great Britain ought to be reduced. The whole country was crying out for reduction, and that House refused to grant it. They went on now des- pising the wishes, contradicting the prayers of the people, and contemning everything that was valuable, while they feel secure of the support of a few grandees. Parliament now was of no use, save in so far as men might there speak what, with the present Attorney-General, they dare not speak out of it. (Cheers.) People were dying every hour from the sad effects of poverty —distress was driving them to commit acts of depredation. The time would eOree when the patience of the people would be exhausted. Should he be itqFrk at all ; he should be rejoiced—it was a time to be when he saw Ministers deaf to the voice of the coun- ' s, and the House of Commons supportiogthemia such acts. The Attorney-General might perhaps say that he was bringing the House of Commons into disrespect. He answered, that the House deserved to be brought into disrespect. He did not wish to use any unparliamentary language ; but he must say that almost every act connected with the expen- ditore of the country had a greater tendency to bring the House into disre- spect than all the paper bullets of The Standard or Morning Journal, or any of the other papers that hadteen brought up for their libels. The men who filled such situations, and who could not stand against such things without the aid of the Attorney-General, were not fit for their situations. He thought a crisis had now come when, if ever there was a reason for the people of England to rouse themselves from their lethargy, it was at this moment. When a fair trial had been had in vain, what he might call an unfair trial ought to be made. He should not be responsible, happen what might, for he had warned them again and again. His only hope was, if no reductions were granted, that the people would take the matter into their own hands. (Order, Order !) It was the right of the people to do so."

Mr. Hume then entered into some calculations as to the numbers and expense of the Guards ; and concluded by moving as an amend- ment, " that the sum of 2,550,000d. should be voted' as the pay of his Majesty's Land forces of Great Britain and Ireland, at home and abroad, to the 24th of December 1831, instead of 3,015,3331."

Mr. PEEL observed, that Mr. Hume's speech was of a character and tenor unparalleled by anything ever yet delivered in that inde- pendent assembly of the representatives of the people.

" Against his doctrines I feel it my duty to enter my most decided and most earnest protest. I cannot help thinking that the honourable gentleman appears to-night in the character of a disappointed prophet. (Cheers.) His de- claration on a former night was, that he did not think it possible that Minis- ters could make any;reduction—that they promised much, butitliat he:expected nothing. He now finds, to his grievous disappointment, that the extent of reduction is so great that we have almost spoiled his trade. (Laughter.) The honourable gentleman talks of the year 1822, and asks, Why do you not reduce the estimate below that of 1822 ?' Does he not know that this very estimate is actually lower than the estimate of 1822 by not less than 150,000/. ? —[Sir H. Hardinge whispered Mr. Peel]—At all events the difference is more than 100,0001.; so that the very point he labours has been accomplished without his assistance. He has made an attack upon the majority that voted in favour of Government, and he has imputed base, corrupt, and personal motives to those who divided against the side he wished to prevail. Let me inform him, that on that occasion many honourable gentlemen voted on our behalf who are adverse to our general politics. I will venture to say, that those members who voted on Friday night for the present amount of the Army Estimates were individuals as honourable, and, to the full, asTree from the imputation of personal corruption, as the honourable gentleman him- self. (Much Cheering.) So much as to the members of the House ; but the honourable member made also an appeal to the physical force of the country. And what says the honourable gentleman ? He says—' I, the instigator to rebellion, (for it is that, and nothing but that, at which he aims), am not only safe myself from the penalties of treason, but I take care to make my appeal in a place in which even the Attorney-General dare not touch me." The honourable baronet the member for Westminster took a very different course, becoming; the manliness of his character : by the avowed publication of what he said, he laid himself open to the visitations due to those who are guilty of libel; but the hon. member for Montrose shrinks behind his Parlia- mentary privilege. He addresses those who are suffering afflictions with which we all sympathise, and he tells them, Do not be patient, do not be moderate, do not be temperate; it is your duty to resist the decisions of the Legislature by force, and I myself will do'—What ? Does he say, I will head you in your revolt?' No. I will stand aloof ; twill take care of my valuable life for the sake of the public; but I shall be glad to see you resist as long as I am safe from peril and prosecution.' (Cheers from all sides.) Were not these his own words ; was not this his very language ? (` No, no,' au.sweral by long cheers). Oh! the honourable gentleman would be glad, I suppose, in his cooler moments, to rend what he has said?'

Mr. Hums—" I do not retract a single word that I uttered."

Mr. PEEL-" The honourable member distinctly asserted that the majority of the House was corrupt ; that Government was supported by corruption- that the expenditure was extravagant ; and that the people had no remedy but a resort to physical force ; and that he should rejoice in seeing that phy- sical force displayed. Suppose the people listened to this sage advice, what must be the inevitable result ? Could the Government have any other alternative but to meet force by force, and to make a decided, unqua- lified, and successful resistance ? I cannot deprecate too strongly the appeal,

nor could I lament too bitterly the party y io

caensoofpiitnssun can eccei he success. Surely

surely, no honourable member of any y or o

to second that appeal ; and the honourable member will he left to the enjoy- ment of the solitary distinction of having sheltered himself behind his privi- lege to make it. If, unfortunately, any portion of the community suffering from distress should lend an ear to this appeal, what, let me ask, is the re- sponsibility resting on the head of that man, who, safe himself from the penalties of the law, has excited them to such a fruitless, hopeless, and wicked resistance." (Long and loud cheering.) Colonel DAVIES observed, that if a total loss of temper were any proof of having the worst of an argument, Mr. Peel had certainly sufficiently exposed the weakness of his case. Mr. MONCK thought that the pay of the soldiers should be re- duced from 13d. to lid.

Mr. JEPHSON thought it would be impolitic to reduce the pay of the Army without previous notice. Sir H. HARDINGE thought so too ; and proceeded at some length to defend the present military establishment in all its departments. Mr. DENISON gave Ministers credit for a desire to economize, but he thought that no time should be lost in carrying their designs into effect.

Lord ALTHORP was not disposed to question the efficiency of the Army ; but it might be a question, he thought, whether such efficiency were. required. Ministers seemed disposed to assume, that in all future wars we must maintain a large army on the Conti- nent. He, however, hoped that our future wars would be carried on in a more English manner than the last. He could not bring him- self to support the sweeping amendment of Mr. Hume ; but had the proposed reduction been of 5000 men, he would have felt himself called on to vote for it Mr. Howl observed that Mr. Peel might have resdrved his indig- nation for a more fitting occasion. "In the coarse of his advocacy of non-resistance, he had charged him with being an agitator. Who were the real agitators-.-be, or the members of that Government who pressed upon a distressed country with an iron hand ? When the people cried aloud that their burdens were no longer bearable, what did the Government ? It said, Oh yes, you can bear them very well. Now if violence and rebellion ensuA, who was to blame ? It might he said that he was attaching too much weight, perhaps, to small savings; possibly the people attached too much weight to them ; but was it not important that their feelings should be considered ? It was said that he stood there safe ; yes, he was glad he stood there safe from the Attorney-General. (Cheers and laughter)—safe from the fangs of the law. He could expect no mercy did he not stand there ; did he feel himself in the power of that honourable and learned gentleman whom he then saw entering the House—he need expect to fare no better than others had done, but he should take especial good care that the Law Officers of the Crown should not catch him elsewhere. (Cheers and laughter.) It was said to him ' How cowardly you are ; why don't you come out ? but situated as he was, prudence was the better part of valour. He might be fool-hardy enough on other occasions, but he was resolved to keep out of the hands of the Attorney-General if possible ; and no taunts should induce him to throw away the privilege he possessed—no charge of being a coward rebel should tempt him to put himself into the hands of the enemy defenceless."

The Committee divided: 27 voted for Mr. Hume's amendment, and 132 against it.

Mr. Hume afterwards moved a reduction of 15,000/. on the esti- mate of 109,3471. us. 4d. for defraying the charge of General Staff Officers and Officers of the Hospitals for Great Britain and Ireland. Mr. MABERLY entreated Mr. Hume not to waste the time of the House by pressing his amendment to a division. It was but too ob- vious that nothing could be done in that House ; and he was inclined to dread that a convulsion, such as that described by Mr. Hume, must ensue.

For the reduction, 38 ; against it, 122. On another vote being put, Mr. HumE wished to know why the office of Paymaster-General had not been abolished ? and why the salary of the Judge-Advocate-General had not been lowered? He moved that 15,0001. should be reduced from the estimate.

Mr. C ALCRAFT said that the office of Paymaster-General was not

a very laborious one, but it was an office of deep responsibility. Its duties, too, required a good deal of time : he had not had a clear week to himself since the prorogation of Parliament.

Sir H. PARNELL observed, that the Deputy Paymaster of the Forces told the Committee of Finance that he did all the business of the office.

Mr. MAnnaLY observed, that when Mr. Calcraft sat or. the Oppo- sition side of the House, he always disapproved of the office of Pay- master-General.

" As to the importance of the office with a reference to the care of the public money, he need only refer to the evidence of Mr. Serjeant (a man of great respectability) before the Finance Committee. In answer to an inquiry what sum he could take away from the office, and how long he could keep it without the risk of detection, Mr. Serjeant stated that he thought he could take away 250,0001., and that he could retain it for a week.. The manner in which the accounts were kept in this and the other offices was most unsatis- factory."

Mr. CALent.pr denied having ever disapproved of the office of Paymaster-General. Sir J. BECKETT was surprised that Mr. Hume should deem the expense of his department too great. The Judge-Advocate's salary had not been increased in proportion to that of a Puisne Judge.

Mr. Hume's amendment was negatived by 118 to 42.

The motion that 60,612/. 8s. Id. be voted for Volunteer Corps, gave rise to a long _conversation on the comparative merits of that species of force. Mr. PEEL expatiated on their loyalty. Mr. HUME had no doubt that they would be quite as loyal though they were not paid. He begged to observe, that in looking round the House, he could not perceive one of six members who had declined supporting him in his motion for a general reduction, upon the pro- mise that they would be present to watch the proceedings in the Com- mittee upon each item of expenditure. He moved as an amendment, that 42,8041 be deducted from the 60,6121., leaving the Irish Yeo- manry untouched. This was negatived by 83 to 23.

3. REPRESENTATION OF GREAT TOWNS. Lord JOHN" RUSSELL moved "for leave to bring in a bill to enable the towns of Man- chester, Leeds, and Birmingham, to return representatives to serve in Parliament."

"These representatives, however, he intended should be, not a permanent but a temporary addition to the present number of members ; for he pro-

posed to introduce a clause in the bill, if the House should give him leave to bring it in, to this effect,—that when hereafter the Legislature should find it necessary to disfranchise any borough for corrupt practices, the franchise should not be transferred, but let drop altueether. So that when those bo- roughs should have been thus dealt with, the number of members would be reduced to what it was at the present moment. He should also propose that the qualification for voting should be a pretty high one. The right of voting should be confined to resident voters, which would tend to shorten the time of election, and would also tend materially to prevent bribery." His Lordship then enforced at great length the claims of these towns to a share in the representation ; and 'as to the measure being an encroachment on the Constitution—why, the Constitution had often been encroached on; and the question, he apprehended, ought always b be, will the encroachment in question be for the general good? "There, for example, are the heritable jurisdictions—they were abolished since the Scotch Union, and Catholic members may now sit for Scotland, though for long after the Union none but Protestants were eligible. The same occurred with respect to Ireland, and there the forty-shilling freehold- ers were abolished ; and in doing this, Parliament was not prevented by any considerations about compacts, but was governed by the soundest considera- tions of expediency. "I shall now come to another objection—it will be said that the admission of six new Members has the effect of sanctioning a principle which would let in thirty or forty new members as readily as six, and that other great towns are as well entitled to be represented as Birmingham, or Leeds, or Manchester—that the line had been already drawn, and that if once passed, none could foretel the remote consevences—that the very petition presented

this night from Sheffield afforded the fullest evidence that the communities desiring representation, anti as well entitled to it as those I have mentioned, will not be limited to those three. Let it be remembered, however, that the three towns for which I claim representatipn are the capitals of three great branches of ogr manufacture ; end Sheffield, though the seat, is not the capital of any great branch. Not that I mean to say that either now or at some future time representation may not he further extended ; but what I contend for is, that my particular motion does not, in its principle, let in any but the three towns to which it particularly refers, and does not let in any others beyond that number. But looking to its former acts, I do not perceive that Parliament has been governed by such considerations of principle as those of which I have just been speaking. It was not restrained from dis- franchising the Irish forty-shilling freeholders, from any consideration that future Parliaments would find in that proceeding a precedent for hereafter raising the qualification to 501. or 1001.'

Mr. WILBRAHAM seconded the motion.

"He was a little at a loss to understand the consistency of those who, having proposed and carried a change of the Jury system, could now come forward to resist a change in the representation, on the ground that innovation was not to be tolerated. The representation was not a whit a more important portion of the Constitution than that which all jurists agreedwas an integral part of it, and at once the pride and the glory of the British law?'

Lord SANDON moved as an amendment, " that it was expedient that all boroughs in which gross and notorious corruption prevailed extensively, should cease to be permitted to return members to Par- liament ; and that the right to return members taken from such bo- roughs should be given to some great unrepresented town, or to some of the largest counties." Mr. HORACE Twiss opposed both the motion and the amendment.

"In his opinion it was the duty of Parliament, not so much to represent the opinions, as to watch over the welfare of the country; and it was no mis- prision in any member of Parliament to believe that his constituents were sometimes more prone to change and vacillation than he was bound to be. Did it then follow, that if the people and the Parliament disagreed, that the Parliament must be corrupt ?"

Lord MORPETH supported the motion, Lord VALLETORT looked at men as well as measures, and regarded the motion as an assault upon all the institutions of the country. Dr. LUSHINGTON declared that his Parliamentary experience of twenty-four years had strengthened his early convictions ot the neces- sity of reform. Ministers must trust to public opinion, if they hoped for stability. Sir GEORGE MURRAY admired the temper with which Lord John Russel had brought forward his motion, though he could not agree to it.

"He was perfectly ready, on the occasional disfranchisement of any cor- rupt borough, to transfer the right of representation to a great town ; but he had a great objection to augment the number of members of that I louse, and thereby to destroy the proportion which existed between the different inter- ests which it represented."

General GASCOYNE was opposed to Radical Reform, but for that reason he concurred in the motion. Were it carried, it might check the spirit of rash innovation. Mr. WYNN felt bound to vote against the motion. " If he acceded to it, he should accede to a motion for increasing the number of members in that House without limit. Such a measure would be highly dangerous."

Mr. Husxissort would support the motion. "As to a more extensive Parliamentary reform,—a measure founded upon the prineiple of a general revision, reconstruction, and remodelling of our present constitution,—to such a general revision, and change of our former constitution, he had been always opposed ; and while he had a seat in that House, he should give it his most decided opposition. He conceived, that if such an extensive reform were effected, they might go on for two or three sessions in good and easy times, and that such a reformed Parliament might adapt itself to our mode of government, or the ordinary concerns of thp country ; but if such an extensive change were effected in the constitution of Parliament, sure he was that whenever an occasion arose of great popular excitement or re-action, the consequence would be a total subversion of our constitution, followed by complete anarchy and confusion, and terminating either in the tyranny of a fierce democracy or a military despotism, these two great calamities maintaining that natural order of succession which they have been always hitherto seen to observe.

Lord DARLINGTON supported the motion.

Mr. PEEL opposed the motion, and delivered his sentiments on the general question, he said, for the first time—he had always hitherto given a silent vote against it.

"Having weighed the arguments which were first brought forward by Mr. Burke, and afterwards no less ably by his late right honourable friend Mr. Canning, he confessed that they had established to his mind conclusive proof of the great danger that there was in tampering, on slight grounds, with the Constitution. Mr. Canning had argued that the constitution of the House of Commons was founded on prescription ; that we lived in a limited monar- chy; that we had a House of Lords, and a King; that the House of Com- mons was only one branch of the Legislature; and that if we admitted a democratic principle of reform, we should give to the House of Commons that overwhelming power which would render it inconsistent with the ex- istence of the Home of Lords, or of a limited monarchy. It had been said that the adoption of a scheme of reform would, by the infusion of a greater portion of the popular voice into that assembly, discourage the expenditure of public money and the improvident votes for war. He believed that the doctrine of universal suffrage would find but few advocates in that place ; but if honourable members were to be rendered infinitely more subservient to the will of the people than they were at present, he doubted much whether the House would be a whit the less inclined to war than it had hitherto shown itself. He did not think that the commencement of the various wars which England had waged during the last century had ever been against the inclination of the people. He knew that in many cases the ratification of peace had been unpopular; but in no case that he was acquainted with, had the commencement of the war been unpopular. That there had been periods in which the people had shown themselves tired of the continuance of the war, he readily admitted; but nothing was more different, as the House would agree, than the commencement of a war and the bringing of it to a conclusion. Speaking of universal suffrage, he could not help being struck by a circumstance respecting the law of a country, which had the benefit, if benefit it were, of acting on the system of universal suffrage. He was anxious at all times to speak of the United States with respect, and it was not from any feeling of ill- will or dislike that he was now going to draw a contrast between their institutions and our own, which was not very favourable to the former. In Georgia, where universal suffrage, so far as the Whites were concerned, was in full perfection, it was enacted, that if any slave or free person of co- lon., should circulate, or cause to be circulated, or should aid in circulating or in causing to be circulated in the state of Georgia, any written paper ex- citing slaves to insurrection, that person should be punished forthwith with death. That enactment was extraordinary enough ; but the second enact- ment was still more extraordinary. It enacted, that if any negro, free per- son of colour, or white person, should teach any negro to read or write any character, either printed or written, the said negro, free person of colour, or white person, should be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour, and punished by fine and whipping, or by fine or whipping, at the discretion of the Court, the fine not to exceed 500 dollars, but the imprisonment to be at the dis- cretion of the Court. He did think that any House of Commons, elected under the present system, could have sanctioned such an atrocious measure as this."

Mr. BROUGHAM supported the motion. "He was not one of those who believed that the character of Parliament would be greatly changed for the better by the infusion of a large portion of popular opinion-by the addition of a larger proportion of popular members. He was not one of those who expected that such a change would provide a greater security against unnecessarily going to war-an evil which was itself equivalent to all calamities that the country could be exposed to, because it involved in itself every form, every species of public pros- pective evil. But it was one thing to say that the reform of Parliament would not add to the security, and another thing that that reform would sensibly increase the risk; for both principle and practice, reason and experience, satisfied him that that security would not be lessened. He was not bound to show that it would be lessened; it was sufficient if he could show that it would not be increased. During the French and the American wars, there prevailed a strong propensity, not only a vain, silly, and empty, but a criminal and guilty love of what the nation might be said to have worshipped under the name of national glory ; and now were to be seen the evils of the passion of that generation, when their children were, in sorrow and sadness, reaping the bitter fruits of their folly. But did the members of those Parliaments impose any control on the popular delusion, by the operation of their superior wisdom and knowledge, and keep apart, as far as they could, from the broils and tumults of the multitude ? Did the members of those Parliaments open the eyes of their fellow-citizens? No: the utmost that could be said was, that the people were as bad as the Parliament, and he did not deny that the Parliament was as bad as the people. (Cheers.) He regretted with Mr. Peel that so disgraceful a set of regulations as those of Georgia should exist upon the statute-book of any country ; but he denied, as strongly as he might, that they proved anything against the great question of Parliamentary Reform. No; he maintained that they would not afford the slightest iota of a reason even against that species of reform which was usually designated universal suffrage, which he had never advocated. On the contrary, if he were disposed to maintain the expediency of universal suf- frage, he should rest his foot on that disgraceful page, and declare that it was because the representation was restricted-because there was not, in the whole body it affected, one single voice raised in the choice of the Legisla- ture-that this page blackened in the sight, and condemned the code of Georgia." On the division, 140 voted for the motion, and 188 against it.

4. WEST INDIAN DISTRESS. In presenting a petition from cer- tain West India planters, praying for a reduction of the duties on sugar and rum, Lord CHANDOS said- " When the House considered the extremely low prices of sugar and rum, they would feel that the West India merchants had an extreme case of dis- tress for the consideration of the House. The duty was 27s., and 21s. was the gross price received by the planter; of which, it was calculated that 12s. a cwt. was the cost of producing the article. The planter had likewise to con- tend with the sugars introduced from the Mauritius. When these were first allowed th be imported, it was calculated that the annual importation would never exceed ten thousand hogsheads, whereas twenty-five thousand hogs- heads were now annually introduced. The West India planter, moreover, had to contend with those who raised colonial produce by slave labour; and he thought it scandalous, after what England had paid and done, that France, Spain, and the Brazils should be allowed to carry on the slave trade to the scourge of humanity, and to the injury of the British Colonies.

Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS, Mr. HUSKISSON, Mr. HART DAVIS, Mr. BRIGHT, and Mr. BERNAL, bore testimony to the distress that pre- vailed among the Colonists. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was not insensible to the distresses of the Colonists, but must decline any explanation of the views of Government till the sugar-duties should come regularly before the House.

Mr. C. GRANT said, that the annual duties generally came in too late in the session to allow the subject to be fully considered. Mr. HUME said, this was not so much a Colonial as a national subject.

"He had heard that the shutting out of East India w sno was an injury to the country and no benefit to the West India body; and so it was. Let both sugars come in, and let the duties be reduced to an ad valorem rate: he would have both trades as free as possible, and let the colonists have the power of sending their produce to any port they pleased."

5. PURITY OF THE MEMBERS. Mr. LYTTLETON brought under the notice of the House of Commons last night the conduct of one of its members, Mr. D. W. Harvey, who had formed a partnership with a Parliamentary agent, and which agent had solicited practice by cir- culars, on the ground of the facilities for conducting business that his connexion with Mr. Harvey: gave him. This subject was first in- troduced, a few evenings ago, in the form of a petition from a solici- tor in Birmingham. dr. LYTTLETON now moved the following reso- lution.

"That it is contrary to law, and to the usages of Parliament, that any member of the House of Parliament should be permitted, either by himself or his partner, to engage in the management of any private bill before this or the other House of Parliament for any fee or reward."

Mr. HARVEY professed himself all submission to the decision of the House, whatever that might be ; although he was at a loss to under- stand why he, in the exercise of his profession, should be singled out for reprobation, while other members were allowed to indulge in prac- tices quite as reprehensible, Members, it was notorious, sat on Com- mittees in which they were interested. East India Directors formed part of the Committee on the China question. Brewers would sit in the Committee on the Licensing system. Canal and road bills were passed by those who had a direct interest in them. Members actu- ally sat in that House to watch over the interests of noblemen their patrons. He called upon the House, therefore, to require of all its members the same self-denial which it seemed disposed to require of him ; and he moved as an amendment,

" That it is destructive of the ends of public and private justice, and incon- sistent with the duty of any member of this House, to vote in a Committee on any Bill in which he is directly or personally interested."

Mr. HUME seconded the amendment, but Mr. Harvey met with no supporters. On the contrary, honourable members seemed to emulate each other in reprobating his practices,-although no one pretended to controvert, and Mr. HOBHOUSE confirmed his state- ments about the constitution of Committees. Mr. HARVEY made his peace with the House by promising to dissolve the obnoxious partnership. His amendment was rejected:by 174 voices to 26.