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MONDAY, OCTOBER 21sT.

THE vexed question of Agricultural Statistics was discussed by another bench of magistrates last week. At the Michaelmas Quarter Sessions for the county of Northamptonshire, a report was read from the committee appointed to consider the suggestions contained in Sir G. C. Lewis's letter of May last. Among the magistrates present were the Hon. F. Villiers, the chairman, Duke of Grafton, the Earl of Euston, Lord Lyveden, Mr. G. W. Hunt, M.P., Mr. Rainald Knightley, M.P., Colonel Cartwright, M.P., &c. The report of the committee expres.sed their approval of the suggestion of Sir G. C. Lewis with regard to the form in which the return should be made, and recommended that the information to be collected should be limited to simply the number of acres under cultivation for corn, &c., and should be collected annually. The chief constable had given his opinion that the task of delivering out and collecting the returns, would not interfere with the other duties of the police, but he had recommended that a shilling a day extra should be allowed to those constables so employed. The committee further expressed an opi- nion that if the returns were to be tabulated by the police, a greater amount of remuneration should be granted. In the discussion which followed the reading of the report, the Duke of Grafton said he was decidedly opposed to the employment of the police in work 'which appeared to him to be both unnecessary and perfectly foreign to their proper duties. "He believed that a vast amount of good would be effected by the collection of these statistics, which would enable farmers to arrive at a better knowledge of the real quantity of corn which was produced in the country than they could now do. They had at present no means of knowing how many acres were under cultivation with me crop or another, and therefore he believed that these sta- tistics would be extremely valuable. There was, however, one great evil to be avoided. Many people had an idea that this would be a prying into their private affairs, and this would especially be the case if the statistics went into the actual state of the crops. There would also be a difficulty in eliciting a true opinion as the real state of the crops, for many farmers might fancy their neigh- bours crops to be better than their own, or they might have a private object to gain in representing them to be so. But if the statistics merely related to the number of acres under each cultivation they would gain all the intelligence neces- sary for a national purpose, and that without prying into those affairs which people generally liked to keep to themselves. The second question involved the question of remuneration. They had questioned the chief constable as to whether the police could deliver these papers without taking them away from their other duties. Mr. Bayly had stated that they certainlycould do it if time were given them to leave the papers at the houses of the farmers on their walks. With respect to remuneration, the committee had recommended the payment of a shilling a day, meaning by that that a conetable was not to receive that amount if not employed the whole of a day, but only a proportionate part of it. The third point, as to whether the returns should be obtained annually, was one of comparatively small importance. He thought it right to state to the Court that in many counties the magistrates had expressed an opinion that the police would not be properly employed in discharging this duty, and that it would be placing them in a false position. It had been alleged in one county that the police would be engaged in delivering papers which had no legal authority—he meant until the famishing of these agricultural statistics was made compulsory. lie confessed that he did not see much ground for that objection. They might leave them to be filled up or not as the occupiers pleased, and they would not be made answerable for them in any wa." Mr. G. W. Hunt, M.P., was strongly of opinion that the proposed employment of the police would tend to make them unpopular and thereby weaken their efficiency in criminal matters. He concluded by moving an amendment to the effect that it was not desirable to

employ the police in the manner proposed. Lord Lyveden feared that the statistics would always be very incomplete. Still, he thought that imperfect information would be better than none at all, but he did not think the proper mode of collecting that was through the police. Farmers would learn to dislike the policeman as being in the pay of Government, and coming round to collect statistics which they did not wish to give. After further discussion, Mr. Hunt's amend- ment was adopted, and the Committee were requested to prepare an answer to the Secretary of State.

— An experiment in the establishment of a military police force has recently been tried with great success at Woolwich. Fourteen soldiers, distinguished for good conduct and temperance, have been organized into a police corps, with most beneficial effect. Not only have the streets, previously almost impassable after nightfall, become com- paratively quiet and orderly, but the number of desertions has greatly decreased. It is proposed to increase the strength of the corps to an extent which will render it adequate to the difficult task of pre- serving order in a garrison town containing nearly 5,000 soldiers. The men arc dressed in their ordinary uniform, and only distinguished from other soldiers by the letters "M. P.," in red and yellow cloth on their left arms.

— Sir William Atherton, M.P., the Solicitor-General, presided at a tea meeting, in the new Wesleyan chapel, at Newbottle, near Sunderland, on Wednesday night. In the course of his opening

speech the learned gentleman reviewed the origin and history of the Methodist body, for whose worship the chapel had been

erected. He believed that John Wesley was raised up by a be- nignant Providence to preach the Gospel to millions, who would otherwise have lived and died in ignorance of the very sound of the Gospel. At the time Wesley was raised up, the poorer classes in this country, though nominally under the charge of the clergy of the Established Church, were in reality all but uncared for. It was never the intention of Wesley that Wesley Methodism should take a posi- tion antagonistic to the Established Church, but that it should rather support it as an auxiliary. He (Sir W. Atherton) believed that such had been the result, aud that the Church had derived great benefits from the movement set on foot by Wesley, both with respect to its own internal advances, and the improved condition of those masses whom it was difficult for the clergy to reach. While the social posi- tion of the Methodist preacher brought him into more effective con- tact with the mass of the lower order than it was possible for a clergyman of the Establishment to attain, the internal arrangements of the Wesleyan body brought all its members together into such a close correspondence as to make their Christianity a momentous every- day reality, and not a mere affair of Sunday only. With regard to education, Sir William said : " By education he meant religions education, because, in his opinion, separated from religion it was no education at all, but a perversion. He believed that Wit were possible to train youth in the bare knowledge of general literature, in reading and writing, and leave them ignorant of the existence of God, of their duty to their Maker, and of the divine canon of their duty towards their neigh- bour—if they could carry out such a model of instruction (education he would not call it), he was pruaded that, so far from baying benefited, they would have injured the persons who should be the subject of their experiment. And in making that remark, which was familiar enough, he might say they were not destitute of authority and proof of its truth in the history of their race. The Greeks and the Romans of the olden time were polished people, but, being ignorant of the true God, in spite of their learning, eloquence, sad polish, they were sunk in the most debasing practices, and presented the hideous spectacle of polished vice. But in what respects were they different from what must he the condition of this or any other country where secular knowledge was imparted without religion? To fit a man properly for the duties of Christianity they must give him a knowledge of the various other objects which concerned him coupled with a constant reference to the great Author of Good, the great doctrines of charity and love of man to his Maker which the Bible inculcated. Let this double instruction be given, as it would be in the school which had recently been built on that spot, and they did all that man could effect or do towards the proper cultivation of his fellow-mau, and towards enabling that fellow-man to fulfil his duty in his station in this life, and after this life to enter upon a life of eternal blessedness. There were some who founded their objections to religions education upon the great variety of religious opinions—a variety which, when applied to the Protestants of this country, was very greatly .exaggeratM—and who advocated the separation of secular instruction from religious instruction, supposing the parents of the child to be disposed to take advantage of the law. That was the only controversy on the subject of religious education in this country, and very Mae now remained of it."

— The great annual gathering of Essex Tories took place at Castle Hedinghana, on Friday. Though the attendance at the dinner was rather above the average, the number of M.P.s who addressed the meeting was less than usual—only three of the Tory members, who at present fill all but one of the ten Essex seats, being present. Sir Brydges Henniker occupied the chair, and was supported by Major Beresford, M.P., Mr. Du Cane, M.P., Mr. P. 0. Papillon, M.P., Mr. Majendie, Lieutenant-Colonel Ruggles-Brise, &c. The health of the county members was proposed by Mr. Majendie, and Major Beresford, as senior member, responded first. After con- gratulating his audience on the late splendid harvest, he devoted the remainder of his speech to the consideration of American affairs. Though the strict neutrality which our Government main- tained between the belligerent parties had drawn upon us the hostility of both, he was convinced it was the only wise and politic course open to us. One good result of the present catastrophe

was, that it had completely falsified the predictions of ultra- Liberal statesmen, who of late years had been constantly asserting that American institutions secured a greater amount of freedom than our own. The bubble of Republicanism had burst from its own natural weakness and defects, and not from that of any external causes whatever, and lie trusted its failure would be a lesson to Utopian Reformers as to the vanity of their doctrines. With reward to the question most directly affecting us—the cotton supply—he was convinced that it was to India that we must look to make up the deficiency. In order, however, to secure an ade- quate production of cotton in India, a large infusion of British energy. and British capital would be necessary, both for improve- ment in the mode of cultivation, and for the construction of roads, and other means of transport. In conclusion Major Beresford gave a brief retrospect. of the principal events of the session : " With regard to the events of the past session, he should be extremely brief, as they would no doubt be ably dealt with by his honourable colleague, Mr. Du Cane. It had been remarked since Parliament had been prorogued that it was a very poor miserable session, which afforded nothing upon which we could congra- tulate ourselves or look back with satisfaction. He differedthowever, from such a view ; indeed he regarded the aesaioh with great satisfaction, as It put a final conclusion to the horrible reform mania, which seemed not only to have turned the heads of the Liberals, but also to have turned the heads of even a Conserva- tive Ministry. He could not see that Lord John Russell's or Lord Palmerston's Government were a bit more inclined to bring forward reform measures and force them down the throats of good Conservatives like himself. In the past session we had had the good fortune to see an end put to this re- form mania, and for this he did not give credit either to the Govern- ment or the Parliament, for it was the good sense of the English people which had brought both the Whig and Tory parties to their senses. But although Parliament had not to tackle a Reform Bill last session, it bad two or three little matters of that sort before it just to play with, and upon these there was some little skirmishing. Thus, when a bill for appropriating the vacant seats was given as a little concession to the people who did not get their Reform Bill, there was some little fighting upon that subject. For his own part, when it was to be determined how the new seats were to be distributed, he did not so much consider what constituencies should be rewarded by having fresh members as- signed to them as what places should not have their representatives so increased. Thus, he said to himself, ' We have got quite metropolitan members enough ; we don't want any increase there ;' and next he reflected,' I was born in Ireland, and have a pretty good knowledge of that country, and we don't want any more Irish members.' (Laughter.) Scotchmen, again, complained that they were a neglected, wretched people, always bullied and insulted, and of whom nobody took any care ; but be was inclined to say, Leave a Scotchman alone, he will take care of himself(laughter); so that in his votes he rather voted who should not have the extra members than who should receive them (laughter); on the whole, the affair ended, he thought, as well as it could be expected to terminate. One feature of last session was very remarkable and exhilirating to the Conerva- fives, and that was that they never went into the House on Wednesdays without getting the best of it. They defeated every attempt upon Church and State, and upon all that was established in the country Wednesday was the day on which the small Reformers brought forkard their attacks, and the Conservatives repelled every one, including even the attack upon church rates. It was a me- morable and remarkable fact that the Conservatives very frequently. passed disagreeable nights in the House of Commons in the coarse of last session, but never disagreeable days. (Laughter.)" Mr. Du Cane also responded. The honourable gentleman congratu- lated his audience on the progress of the " Conservative reaction," which he had predicted last year, and the crowning triumph of which had been the Conservative victory in South Lancashire. This result, he believed, was to be attributed chiefly to the Reform and Anti- Church crusade of Mr. Bright, and the sadden collapse of democratic institutions in America. Reform excursion-trains without proper intervals and danger-signals, were very dangerous things, and he hoped that more than one recent smash might act as a warning to Reformers who were desirous of travelling express pace. He was convinced that the landmarks of party were every day becoming better defined, and that before long the great issue between those who would amend and improve our institutions and those who would impair and perhaps destroy them, would be fought out, and that the former would triumph by a large majority.

"He would go a little farther even than this. He had no wish to see a Con- servative Government again prematurely restored to office, but he believed that the country was growing weary of a coalition of statesmen who, despite their great ability, were nothing more or less at the present moment than the dis- cordant representatives of discordant and antagonistic masses of political opinion. Great as was the personal esteem deservedly felt by all classes in the country for Lord Palmerston himself (hear, hear), the national feeling was not duly repre- sented at the present moment by that anomalous mixture of passive obstruction and Radical associations which passed current with the present Government for a Liberal and enlightened policy."

It was said in some quarters that it made very little real difference whether a Conservative Administration was in office :

" He did not think, however, that if a Conservative Government had been in office the country would have seen that which was observed at the commencement of the Seesion—viz the present Government celebrating the obsequies of Parlia- mentary. Reform with all the genial joviality of an Irish wake (laughter), and yet giving their support some fortnight afterwards to two Radical Reform measures brought forward by sections of their extreme supporters. He did not think that if a Conservative Government had been in office that Government would have been seen, like the present Government, giving their support Wednesday after Wednesday to a series of measures, promoted by the same sections, which indirectly, if not directly. had for their object the spoliation of the Established Church. (Hear, hear.) It was true that these measures did not form any part of the Ministerial programme at the commencement of the Session, and it was doubtless true that the veteran Premier chuckled slyly in his sleeve and made merry over their defeat; but one and all of the bills received both by vote and voice Ministerial support. If a Conservative Government had been in office, the country would not have seen, as was seen every Wednesday last Session, a Home Secretary forced upon his legs to address Conservative speeches to his friends about the gangway, and to give Radical votes afterwards in the lobby. (Laughter.) It must not be forgotten that towards the close of the session a little shuffling of the cards took place in consequence of the death of that most amiable, excellent, and lamented statesman, Lord Herbert, and the Home Secretary was made War Minister. He (Mr. Du Cane) could only hope that in quitting the Home-office for the War Department Sir George Lewis had not carried away with him his somewhat strange notions of last Session, and that he would not make a series of warlike speeches, introducing a series of Man- chester estimates. (Laughter.) Again, he did not think, if a Couservative Government had been in office, they would have been found passing a Budget intended merely as a salve for the—as regards the Reform Bill—baled poli- ticians of Manchester and Birmingham."

Mr. Du Cane then entered into an explanation of the policy of the Conservatives with regard to the financial measures of the present Government, and defended them from the charge of inconsistency oa the question which had been brought against them :

"It was said that the Conservatives began first by questioning the existence of a surplus, that, foiled by Mr. Gladstone's convincing statistics, they then turned round and raised a war cry of tea versus paper, and that, beaten on that also, they subsided into the old argument again of no surplus. But the course which the Conservatives pursued was perfectly consistent from beginning to end. As for questioning the existence of a surplus, they had not only a perfect right to question its existence then, but at the present moment also. The surplus, they alleged, was caused by anticipating credits, and this in the face of a bad harvest, and under all the circumstances of a far too sanguine estimate of the probable receipts from Customs and Excise. Although it was impossible to tell what the financial year might yet bring forth, although Mr. Gladstone was a very wonderful rhetorician, and a very lucky financier, yet it was only necessary to look at the last quarter's revenue returns to see that the Conservatives had some little justi- fication for making the assertions which they put forth. The revenue of the last quarter plainly showed that the receipts from Excise had not recovered from the effects of the late bad harvest, and, as we had yet to learn what might be the full effect of the restriction of our cotton trade and probable failures and dis- asters among the papermakers as one of the almost inevitable effects of Mr. Cobden's amateur diplomacy, while the harvest of this year, although excellent in quality, was in many districts deficient in quantity, there was quite enough at the present moment to justify us in regarding with very deep anxiety our financial future. But when night after night Lord Palmerston and Mr. Glad- stone solemnly assured the House of Commons that all contingencies had been fully foreseen, and that the Estimates of the receipts from Customs and Excise had been framed so as to meet every possible eventuality which could befal the country, the Conservative party were amply justified in responding, 'You say there is a surplus; very well, we accept your surplus upon your solemn as- surance, though not, we admit, without great doubt and misgiving, and if you say that taxes are to be redressed, and that pledges are to be kept, then we call upon you to redeem your pledges in the order in which they were made, and to deal with those taxes which press hardly upon the necessaries of life, and which have long since been condemned by your own unanswerable arguments; at all events, surplus or no surplus, do not repeal a tax for the repeal of which there is no actual demand, but which we know very well, if once repealed, can never be restored.'" He therefore maintained that the course advocated by the Tories was consistent from begining to end, and it was only rejected by a narrow majority, which, he had been assured, was the result of a mere declaration of Mr. Gladstone, that he was not a convert to the financial doctrine of the Manchester school : "Now, remembering as he did certain old standing pledges of M. Gladstone upon the subject of the income tax and the tea duties, he was not inclined to place unlimited confidence or to derive unlimited consolation from Mr. Gladstone's implicit declarations. However, the Budget of this year was past and gone, and if the Conservatives found in the Budget of the future that Mr. Gladstone was really determined to mete out a fair and impartial measure of direct and indirect taxation, that the income-tax was reduced, pari passe, with the tea, hop, and malt duties, then they would say that it was never too late to mend, and that Mr. Gladstone had seen the error of his ways. But if, on the other hand, they found source after source of indirect taxation trenched upon, while the income tax remained in all its deformity and inequality, and that the excellence and dis- cipline of our Volunteer force was to be made the excuse for a wholesale reduc- tion of the standing army and the Estimates, then he believed that the Conserva- tive members who absented themselves on the great Budget division might possibly live to regret the coarse which they had taken. (Hear, hear.)"

Mr. Du Cane then congratulated himself and his audience on the overthrow of his old antagonist, Mr. Locke King,

" Who came cantering into the House as if nothing had happened, upon his 101. county franchise charger. The poor old hobby seemed, however, to be sadly weak in his limbs, and to be giving way in his wind (laughter), and he gave his rider such a fall that it was very doubtful whether he would have the courage to mount him again. (Laughter.)"

In conclusion, Mr. Du Cane referred briefly to American affairs, drawing nearly the same moral from them as Major Beresford had previously done. He thought that when we looked across the Atlantic, we were justified in saying with Mr. Canning-

"Thank God that we are born under the British monarchy—that we are not prepared to sacrifice the efforts and experience of centuries and the struggles of more than a century for a liberty as perfect as ever blessed any country upon earth, for visionary schemes of ideal perfectibility, or doubtful experiments of possible improvement. (Loud cheers.) — Lord John Manners, M.P., Mr. Hartopp, M.P., and Mr. Packe, M.P., were present at the annual meeting of the Loughborough Agri- cultural Association, which took place on Friday. .1n responding to the toast of the county members, Lord John !ef,01 tiers said politics being strictly forbidden, and .persons like himself being incompetent to address a meeting on purely agricultural topics, it was a question of great diEculty with him to know what he should say in answer to the compliment which had been paid him. The only safe ground for hint would be a cautious review of the session, carefully avoiding anything like politics. In the course of his remarks on the various measures passed during the session, Lord John Manners devoted special consideration to the question of agricultural statistics : " I have said that the Agricultural Statistics Bill was not heard of during the past Session of Parliament, but although that was the case, and although great differences of opinion undoubtedly existed as to the best means for procuring agri- cultural statistics, I think every one in this room will admit that it is of the greatest in rtance to farmers no less than to others classes of the community—but princi- y to fanners—that should, if possible, know in time the recourse which may obliged to be had for the necessary supply of corn. (Sear, hear.) Last year we are told on the highest authority that not less than 40 millions of money were sent out of this country in order to purchase corn for the consumption of the people. (Rear, hear.) We are witnessing at the the present moment the terribly evil results which follow from a dependence on foreign countries for a supply. of the raw material of any one of our great industries. (Hear, hear.) And if in addi- tion to that slackness of labour and that diminution, if not cessation, of wages in the cotton districts which I fear we must regard as too probable during the ensuing winter, we should have to add an enormous drain of something like 30 or 40 millions of money for the purchase of corn, I say our prospects would indeed be most gloomy and alarming. (Sear, hear.) But, as the chairman has justly and righteously said, thanks to Almighty God, we are not threatened with that second and greatest of dangers, and. owing to the harvest having been secured, we may hope to be spared that enormous drain on our resources for foreign corn. (' Hear, hear, and cheers.) I see in Ireland—where agricultural statistics are obtained—I see there, with some surprise, that during the last ten years the breadth of land under wheat cultivation has very greatly diminished, and there are those who are good authorities in that country who take rather a gloomy view of the state of things there, in consequence of thegreat diminution of the breadth of laud under wheat cultivation. (Hear, hear.) Bat, gentlemen, as I have said, our harvest, in these islands has been on the wholes good harvest,though not equal to an average, and I trust we may look forward with hope and confi- dence to the future. (Cheers.)" — The seventh winter session of the evening classes in con- nexion with King's Colleo'e, London, was opened last week, with an introductory lecture by Mr. Morley, English lecturer at that institu- tion. In the course of his lecture Mr. Morley gave a brief résumé of the attendance at and progress made by the various classes during the past year. The total number of students attending at all the classes was 650, being an increase of 101 on that for the session 1859.60. Of these, the largest number who attended any one class was 231—the number of students who received instruction in French from Pro- fessor Marlette. The next largest attendance was that of 133 at the mathematical classes ; and a nearly equal number of students-131- attended the Latin class. 82 students received instruction in Greek, 115 in English, and 77 in German. 45 were instructed in the too generally neglected subjects of English History and Geography. The Italian class was attended by 32 students. Political economy was studied by 34 students, and 34 attended the Chemistry class. 21 studied Spanish and 10 Dutch, two subjects introduced for the first time m the last sesssion. The list of subjects is a long and varied one, and there are still three more to be reckoned in the number of classes. Arithmetic and book-keeping, physiology and bo- tany, all attracted a fair proportion of students. For the last four years a course of summer classes has been provided, for those who did not wish to entirely lose such a large portion of the year, and during last summer they were at full work with an attendance of nearly 200 students. At the close of the lecture Mr. Morley expressed his hope that the session then commencing would show a still larger number of students availing themselves of the advantages offered to them by the evening classes of King's College.

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 22ND.

Monday was a grand day at Leeds. In the morning, the Leeds Hospital for Women and Children was inaugurated by the Earl of Carlisle, and in the evening Lord Stanley presided at the soiree of the Leeds Mechanics' Institute. After the proceedings at the hos- pital—which consisted of a prayer by the Bishop of Ripon, and a brief speech from the Earl of Carlisle—were concluded, an address from the Mayor and Corporation was presented to the Earl of Car- lisle, at the Town Hall. In reply, his Lordship said: "You have, indeed, not unexpectedly, reminded me of the connexion which it was formerly my good fortune to establish with you, and which it was my pride to maintain through a long series of years and succession of events. It is not here—it is not in Leeds, it is not among many familiar names, and I am happy to say still, some familiar faces, that I should be in any danger of forgetting that I was once, indeed, an unsuccessful, but nine times a successful candidate (loud and long cheering) for the representation of the great county of whose feelings and emotions Leeds has ever supplied the most active and ardent pulses. Those were no sluggish times, and they had, of course, their differences of opinion and their divisions in action, to which it is a happiness, 1 think, that we need not now recur. Indeed, for my part, it seemed to me that even a Yorkshire enemy was the next best thing to a Yorkshire friend (laughter), and far better than the cold friends of most other places. (Applause.) To denote merely the nature of the struggles in which we were then tiling a common part I need only mention the names of my earliest and my latest colleagues. The first was Henry Brougham (loud cheers), and the last was Richard Cobden. (Renewed and protracted cheers.) Those names speak for those measures which Yorkshire did more, I believe, than any part of the empire to raise from the level of party conflicts into national convictions—the abolition of slavery and freedom of trade. (Loud cheers.) You have been pleased to make a passing. allusion to the high and responsible position which, by the favour of my Sovereign, I hold in the sister kingdom. It so happens that, while during 14 years of my public life I was connected with the representation of Yorkshire, during 12 years I have been connected with the Government of Ireland. As I am willing to hope that the labours of my Irish office did not materially interfere with the discharge of my duties to my consti- tuents, so I am confident that the Irish people will not regard me with less favour when they shall learn that besides the honour I hold from the Crown I have not lost the goodwill of my fellow-citizens. (Great cheering.) Ladies and gentlemen, the matter of an address is of so purely personal a character, that I feel afraid you will think I have talked too much of myself. But it is at least open to me to congratulate this great community, not so much on their obvious advance in material prosperity and external splendour as on the honoured place which they have long held, which they still hold, which I pray they may ever continue to hold, in every aim and undertaking which have for their object to assuage human suffering, to promote the physical, the social, the intellectual and the religions improvement of all classes of the community ; to keep bright the lamp of knowledge, to keep steady the light of freedom, and to raise upon the happiness and virtue of man the fittest sal most abiding temple to the glory of God. (Cheers.)" His Lordship. was afterwards entertained at luncheon at the Music Hall, where, in responding to the toast of his health, he again advo- cated the claims of the newly-established hospital. In the evening, the annual soirée of the Leeds Mechanics' Institute and Literary Society was held at the Town Hall. Lord Stanley presided, and addressed a very crowded audience on the progress of education : "He believed that a fault of modern teaching was the natural ambition of teachers to crowd a great deal into a limited time. After reading some facts from the last report of the Irish Educational Board, he appealed to every in- structor or patron, to every master of a school, and to every clergyman, whether a considerable portion of the children did not pass through the routine of lessons literally without carrying away anything which could be of use to them in after life. Various opinions had been expressed, and various opinions would be, expressed on the merits of the new educational code which was exciting so much sensation. He would not go into the matter of pledges given and personal expectations broken, but it appeared to him to be a wise and rational measure so far. What was now wanted was not so much to augment the number of scholars as to utilize the number they had. In noticing the practical result of education upon our national manners and life, he said no man could doubt the importance of bodily health, and no more real benefit could be conferred upon a people than when they reduced the amount of mortality and lessened the amount of disease, but this was in a great measure prevented by ignorance either on the part of the working man or of society as to the physical laws of our being and the essential importance of pure air, pure water, sufficient drainage, and healthy bodily exercise. People might say the fault of all, except the last, lay with the land- lords; but if the people took an interest in those things, and understood their immense public importance, there was no danger of landlords not doing their duty. He rejoiced to see the progress the co-operative movement was making. He did not say this in the hope of encouraging it, it would make its own way. He held that such institutions as these would enable the working man to work out that important social problem, and they supplied a gap in our educational system which could not otherwise be filled up."

Mr. Forster, M.P., Mr. Baines, M.P., and Mr. Crossley, M.P., also addressed the meeting, and the proceedings terminated with an enthusiastic vote of thanks to Lord Stanley.

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 23RD.

— Dr. Letheby's report on the sanitary state of the City of London for the summer quarter was presented to the Commissioners of Sewers on Tuesday. It appears from that document that both the births and deaths of the last quarter present a marked improvement on the averages of the last six years, the former having advanced from 820 to 839 in the quarter, and the latter having declined from 683 to 640. The death-rate of the whole City was 22.5 per 1000, and in the three unions into which the City is divided—eastern, western, and central —the death-rate was 25.9, 24.0, and 18.7 respectively. In the Cripple- gate subdivision, however, where the number of inhabitants per acre is 290, or nearly double the number per acre for the whole of the City, the death-rate was 29.8. The death-rate for the summer quarter in all England is 20.4, in large towns in England 23.8 ; so that the City, though above the average for the whole kingdom, yet shows favourable contrast to the provincial town districts. 'Ike mortality among infants during the quarter was very large, 45 per cent. of the total deaths having been those of children when five years of age, the per-tentage of infants for the whole kingdom being only 41. 1404 houses were inspected during the quarter, and 852 visits made to the common lodging-houses of the City, the result of which has been the issuing of 596 orders for sanitary improvements. 21,706 lbs. of meat, besides a great quantity of poultry, were seized and destroyed in Newgate and other markets as being unfit for human food. With regard to the water supply, 34 of the City pumps were examined in the course of the quarter, and in every case the water was fouled with surface drainage. Not one of the City wells derives its supply from the deep strata of the London basin, and only two—those in Glover's Hall-court and in Guildhall-buildings—furnish water which is at all fit for domestic purposes.

" The water from the city wells is constantly changing—in fact it is hardly the same from hour to hour ; for the soil through which it passes is pierced in every direction with drains and sewers, and is charged with every species of cor- rupting refuse, which passes in variable proportions into the porous strata, from which the water is pumped. This ought to tell ns, not merely of the disgusting nature of the supply, but also of the dangers which lurk within it. Experience has shown that wells like.these are liable at any moment to receive the leakages

i

from a cesspool or a sewer, and thus to be the immediate cause of fatal disease. In the autumn of 1854 there was a sudden and serious outbreak of cholera in the parish of St. James, Westminster. The course of the disease was confined to a small area in the neighbourhood of a favourite pump in Broad-street; and soon it was remarked that of 73 persons who died during the first days of the visitation, 61 had been drinking the water of the pump. It was also remarked that among persons who were living in the same street, and occasionally in the same houses, those only were attacked who drank the favourite water of the pump; in fact in a number of cases which were particularly investigated, it was ascertained that persons who lived at a distance from the parish, and who had the water sent to them, because of its supposed goodness, were seized with cholera and died. A full inquiry into all the circumstances of the matter proved that the well had become charged with cesspool drainage, and had thus acquired its poisonous action."

Dr. L,etheby adduces several other instances of sudden outbreaks of epidemic disease, which were clearly traceable to impure water supply. In conclusion, he states his conviction that the water supplied from the City pumps is decidedly injurious to human life, the root of the evil being, of course, the crowded graveyards in close proximity to the wells :

" In the whole of this metropolis, in a space of not more than 218 acres of soil, there were buried not long since as many as 60,000 dead in the year. In a generation of thirty years this would give us 1,600,000 of decomposing bodies in the surface soil of London ; and through these the water percolates to find its way into the porous stratum which supplies the shallow wells. At best, the change of this corruption is but imperfect, and the presence of ammonia and saltpetre tells of the process of decay, and indicates the dangers which accom- pany it."

— The new educational code was discussed on Monday at a meet- , ing of the friends of the Worcester Diocese Training College. Lord

Lyttleton presided, and among those present, were the Bishop of Worcester, Lord Calthorpe, Sir John Pakington, M.P., Mr. Adderley, M.P., &c. Lord Lyttleton, in opening the proceedings, expressed his satisfaction with the general character of the educational system of Government, and also his opinion that it was necessary to act on the report of the Commissioners in some extent : "He did not think any serious ground for complaint could have been made if that bad been done in a proper way ; but it had not been done in a proper way; and he (Lord Lyttleton) could not express too strongly his opinion of the folly and infatuation of Government when in dealing with the report they mixed up the rights of private individuals—namely, the rights of certificated masters— with the strictly abstract question. That mistake has been so strongly impressed upon Government that they had suspended the operation of their Minute to the 81st of March next. That, in his opinion, was what ought to have been done in the first place ; for he held that the Council had no right to lay the revised lifinute on the table of the House on the last day of the session, as they had done. His Lordship then urged upon the students of the College to abandon all fear that they might have contracted with respect to the operation of the Minute, and to prosecute their studies as if no Minute had ever been adopted, until the time when the matter should come before Parliament, and be thoroughly discussed and decided upon. Government, he remarked, had not regarded the interests of certificated masters as vested interests at all. There was still a danger that they would not do so, and in so far there was a suspicion that they would do the same again; but for all that he advised them to suspend their opinions and judgment until Parliament entered upon the whole question. He expressed his intention of bringing the matter before the House of Lords himself, although he doubted whether that was the proper place to deal with the question. He was, however, confident that the advocates of educatiou—Ilis friends Sir John Pakington,. Mr. Adderley, and others—would bring the matter before the House of Commons, which he looked upon as the legitimate body to deal with the subject as it should be dealt with."

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 24TH.

Another Buckinghamshire Agricultural meeting has taken place, and again Mr. Disraeli has sent a polite note, expressing his great disappointment at being unable to attend, and enclosing 51. to be given as a prize. The annual meeting of the Amersham Agricultural Association was held at Amersham, on Wednesday, and though Mr. Disraeli was not to he had, the Hon. W. Cavendish, one of the county members, and Mr. T. T. Bernard, M.P. for Aylesbury, were present. In responding to the toast of the "Members for the County and the Borough of Aylesbury," Mr. Cavendish gave some useful cautions as to the way in which harvest homes and agricultural meetings of all kinds should he managed. If strict order were not preserved, they were apt, as in one or two instances which he had witnessed lately, to be degraded into mere scenes of fighting drunkenness. On the vexata queestio of prizes for length of servitude, Mr. Cavendish offered the following suggestion :

" Your society here awards money prizes to cottagers, and to labourers for long servitude. I think it would not be without its advantages if the society would take a hint from others in the immediate neighbourhood, and, instead of giving mere money prizes, would give the labourer some medal or memorial which he could hang up in his cottage, and point to with pride as having been given to him for his good conduct and general character. (Bear, hear.) One of my father's (Lord Chesham's) shepherds obtained one of these memorials the other day. It is merely a printed card, but he is more proud of it than if he had received ten times its value in money. In point of fact, he experiences the same feeling as the soldier who glories in attaching his medal to his breast, to show that he has won it. (Cheers.) It is much more valuable to him than the money it would be worth, even if it had cost ten times the amount, and he takes a pride in dis- playing it. It is precisely the some with the agricultural labourer, who is de- lighted to show to his friends and neighbours a memorial of the esteem and respect entertained for him by those above him. (Cheers.)"

Mr. Bernard, M.P., also responded :

" Adverting to the condition of the homes of the cottagers, he said he enter- tained a strong impression that no improvement would be effected except by legislative enactment. They must cut at the root of the evil, and it could only be done by the Legislature. It was of no use laying down plans for the improve- ment of the dwellings of the labouring classes unless there was some legislative enactment by which those plans could be carried out. When they met at a social meeting like that it was ' Hail, fellow, well met;' and they were quite ready to talk about the question, and to assert their anxious desire to do what was right towards the men they employed. But the moment they came to con- sider bow they should carry their good intentions into effect they came to cross purposes. One found that it was inconvenient to alter the existing state of things ; another, that it would interfere with his property; and the consequence was that the evil remained uncorrected, and nothing was done. ([fear, hear.) It was too much the custom in the present day to make the willing horse bear all the burden, and, in his opinion, it was only by legislative enactment that they could properly apportion the burden generally. (Hear, hear.) By legislative en- actment, and by legislative enactment alone, cottages would be made more cre- ditable to the landlord and more comfortable for the labourers who occupied them. (Cheers.) He thought the subject was one of the greatest importance, and he trusted that before long it would occupy the consideration of Parliament. No one who was acquainted with the agricultural districts could entertain a doubt that the morality of cottage life depended very materially upon the character and condition of the homes supplied to them. (' Hear, hear,' and cheers.)"

With reference to harvest homes, &c., Mr. Bernard was of opinion that it was far better to entirely to exclude all intoxicating liquor at such gatherings. He had recently attended one at Waddesdon, where that principle was carried out, and though upwards of 1000 people were present, everything went of with the utmost propriety. After several toasts of a coal character had been proposed and honoured, the proceedings terminated.

— The reopening of Lichfield Cathredral, after its complete re- storation from designs by Mr. G. C. Scott, RA., took place on Tuesday. The proceedings were opened at eleven o'clock by morn- ing service in the cathedral, at which nearly 4000 persons were pre- sent, including the Bishop of the diocese, the Bishop of Oxford, the Bishop of St. David's, Dr. Spencer, late Bishop of Madras, and a large number of the clergy of the diocess. The Earl of Lichfield, the Earl of Shrewsbury and Talbot, Lord Wrottesley, Lord Hather- ton, Lord and Lady Bagot, Sir J. Pakington, Lord Lyttleton, Mr. Beresford Hope, &c., were also present. Morning service was per- formed by a choir of nearly 600 voices, and a collection in aid of the restoration fend was made. After service, luncheon was served for several hundreds in several large tents near the cathredal, the Earl of Lichfield presiding, when a variety of toasts were given. In the afternoon, service was again performed in the cathedral, and a sermon preached to a crowded congregation by the Bishop of Oxford. Before morning service the following address, signed by a very large number of the clergy of the diocese, was presented to the Bishop of Lich- field :

"My Lord,—We, the undersigned members of your Lordship's clergy, desire at this season, when, having concluded your recent visitation, you attend at the re-opening of your cathedral church, to express our thankfulness for the many benefits which your careful and fatherly superintendence has, under God's blessing, conferred on this diocese during the eighteen years of your episcopate. The diligence, the unfailing sympathy, the self-sacrifice, and the attention shown to every claim of duty, have been felt by all of us to be a pattern and a stimulus. When in our perplexity we have needed counsel, sound advice has been given ; when in our difficulty we have needed help, we have been welcomed with courtesy and hospitality; no efforts have been spared for our assistance. You have done all in your power to set forward peace. Your justice, moderation, munificence, charity, will, as we hope, be increasingly blessed to the edifying of the body in love. We presume not to dwell on the admirable manner in which you have discharged the duties peculiar to your high office—ordination, confirmation, visitation, and the like; but we specially desire to record our grateful acknow- ledgments of the important services rendered to us and to the Church by year unwearied zeal in preaching throughout all parts of our diocese ; setting no an example of cheerful labour in the Word and doctrine, benefiting ourselves and our people by the teaching you have communicated. We fervently pray that under God's continued mercy you may enjoy such a measure of health ant strength as will enable you to persevere in your course of well-doing, governing your diocese with the firm and mild rule which befits the servant of our common Lord, and being long preserved as the guide and comfort of your clergy and your flock. Trusting that this expression of our feelings may meet with your accept- ance, we remain, my Lord, your Lordship's dutiful and affectionate servants." — Mr. Alderman Salomons, M.P. for Greenwich, addressed his. constituents on Wednesday night. He repudiated the idea that the late session had been an unproductive one. No less than 134 public. and 249 private acts had been passed, many. of the latter interfering- with important private interests which required minute and laborious investigation, while among the former were the Bankruptcy Act, the Irremovable Poor Bill, the abolition of the Paper Duty, and the abolition of passim:, tolls. He regretted that no Reform Bill had been passed, but the truth was, that no party was strong enough at present to carry a Reform Bill without a strong pressure front with- out. He feared that no reduction of taxation to any great extent could be looked forward to for next session; he himself, however, would do all he could to promote economy. He next referred to America:

" But perhaps the most important question which now agitated the public mind was the civil war in America. It was impossible at the present moment to- say how that deplorable struggle would end. Of one thing, however, there could be no doubt—it must inflict serious injury upon this country. Last year our trade with America amounted in value to 74,000,0001. We imported cotton, corn, to- bacco, and other merchandise to the amount of 44,000,0001., and we sent to America, in return, goods to the amount of 30,000,0001. That prodigious trade was now disturbed, and the result was a great deal of distress and no anal amount of loss. Manchester was threatened with a dearth of cotton, and although judging from our experience in the case of corn and other commodities, he be- lieved that a good price would always secure a supply of the article required, yet there could be no doubt that if the Northern States could prevent the cotton of the South from being brought to market the consequences would be severely felt in our manufacturing districts. France was in the same position as ourselves; she was equally dissatisfied with the present state of things, and it was even reported—ho knew not on what authority—that if the Emperor could get Eng- land to join him he would do something to disturb the blockade of the Southern ports. It was to be hoped that no such attempt would be made. Oar own in- terests required that we should be entirely neutral and should refrain from taking a part on one side or the other. (Hear, hear.) He believed that when Lord Lyons, very early in the dispute, inquired whether any interference would be acceptable, he was sent away, to use a popular phrase, with a flea in his ear. Our plain duty, then, was non-interference; bat, at the same time, the blockade of the Southern ports ought not to be a mere paper blockade. The Americans had always strenuously protested against paper blockades, and they could not com- plain of us if we now insisted that the Southern ports should not be closed except by an effective blockade. (Near, hear.)"

Alderman Salomons concluded his address with a few remarks on the Italian question, and the proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to the honourable Member for his unremitting attention to his Par liamentary duties.

— The annual Conservatiie dinner at Leicester took place at the Corn Exchange on Tuesday, and was attended by Lord J. Manners, M.P., Lord Curzon, M.P., Mr. Hartopp, M.P., Mr. Heygate, M.P., Mr. Hunt, M.P., and Sir F. Heygate, M.P. The toast of the " Members for the County," was responded to by Lord John Manners, who dwelt rejoicingly on the progress made by Conservatism during- the past Session: " Year admirable representative (Mr. Heygate) has told you that he, for one, regards as of little moment the old party Shibboleths, and that he thinks that the time has come when moderate men of all moderate parties may combine to• support the time-honoured institutions of our native land. Well, gentlemen, so far as the Liberal party of England is concerned, I believe it to be unfounded, as well as the remark which is sometimes made that there is in these days no dif- ference between the principles of contending parties, and that those time- hononred institutions are as safe in the keeping of one party as in that of another.. I do not believe in the truth of that assertion, and I will give you the reason why. it can only be true so long as what is called the great Liberal party is unfaithful in office to the principles which it professes. (Cheers.) Also, for a moment, we see the heterogeneous elements of the present Cabinet restrained by the influence, it may he, of their chief; or it may be, as I believe, by the influ- ence of the public opinion of England. (Cheers.) What should we do if we trusted only to that abeyance of democratic principles for the future? A foreign convention, domestic distress, or the unsatisfied ambition of a single individual may change the whole current of Liberal Governmental policy; and then we shdnld find those institutions which we prided and honoured h-anded over with easy indifference to the Radical revolutionists, or the Chartists, by those to whom we had unwisely and foolishly committed their sacred keeping. Therefore, I for one, cordially agree in the policy which last Session sustained our efforts to defeat successfully each attempt which was made to revolutionise some one or other of our time-honoured institutions. I do most cordially rejoice at that movement which, year by year and month by month, adds a unit to the Conservative moiety of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) Therefore have I, for one, rendered myself here this evening, with the utmost pleasure and delight, to join you in congratulating the borough of Leicester in having so able and so faithful a repre- sentative as you have in Mr. Heygate. (cheers.) I hold it to be of the utmost importance that out of doors every effort should be made to restore the determi- nate and abnormal state of political affairs upon which Mr. Heygate has so ably dilated. I call it abnormal; and why do I call it so? V. gentlemen, two years ago a Government was formed on what was called the broad-bottomed Reform basis, and the country was led to expect not only violent measures of Parliamentary Reform, but a series of dangers in the relations between Church and State. What has been the result? You may sum up the result is one word= Nothing.' (Laughter and cheers.) but how has that negative result been brought about? Why what history. does the last session of Parliament present? We had week after week some individual member of the once great reforming Liberal party bringing forward his nostrum for the destruction of some one of our time-honoured institutions; and how was that met by this Govern- ment, in which we were told that moderate Conservatives of England might repose implicit confidence? Why, it was met in this fashion—that the Minister rose in his place and delivered a series of most excellent and philosophical reasons why the Reform as he called it, or the revolution, as we should call it, should not be adopted; and then, when the division bell sounded, walked meekly and tamely into the lobby in the rear of the revolutionary member whose measure he bad denounced. (Loud cheers.) In such an assembly as this, and with such a feeble voice as mine, you will agree with me that all speeches are worth very little; but I think you will agree with me that speeches of the description I have mentioned are worth less than nothing (cheers); and that if we are to look to the security of our institutions in Church and State, we cannot as honest and as wise men repose confidence in those who make such speeches, and then give such votes. (Cheers.)

In conclusion, Lord John Manners referred to the present state of the great republics of America, the United States and Mexico, and expressed his conviction that from one end of England to the other there was a determination that our institutions should not run the hazard of being exposed to the trials and dangers which have fallen upon the institutions of those two republics.

— The trial of Vincent Collucci, on the charge of having obtained 19001. from Miss Johnstone, under false pretences, took place at the Central Criminal Court on Wednesday. Mr. Chambers, QC., opened the case for the prosecution, and stated the circumstances of the case, which, with few exceptions, have already been brought before the public. It appeared that Miss Johnstone was introduced to the pri- soner by some of her own relations, in 1858. Shortly after becoming acquainted with the prosecutrix, Collucci made the first advances to- wards her, by admiring the beauty of her hand, and expressing a wish to be allowed to draw it, to be sent to the Exhibition as an ob- ject of beauty, and before long marriage was undoubtedly contem- plated by both parties. The first money transaction which took place between Miss Johnstone and the prisoner was a loan of 2501., ob- tained byCollucci on the pretence that he was prevented from visting his dying mother, in Italy, by a creditor to that amount in England. Shortly after his return from Italy, the engagement between the two was broken off by Miss Johnstone, notwithstanding which, she con- tinued to advance Collucci large sums of money, amounting altogether to no less than 20001. It is unnecessary again to go through the details of the bargain for the restoration of the letters, as Miss John- stone simply repeated the evidence she had previously given before the police magistrate. Mr. Keane, who appeared for the defence, contended that the object of prosecution was merely to gratify some revengeful feeling, and that the facts were not as they had been represented by Miss Johnstone. His client laboured under the dis- advantage of not being permitted to make his own statement upon oath, but he gave the same version of the case now that lie had always done. He asserted that he had not given the prosecutrix any parcel on the 3rd of August ; that no bargain had ever been made between him and the prosecutrix for the delivery of the letters to her ; and that the money was given him, not on condition of the restoration of the letters, but as a compensation for her refusal to marry him. If the account of the transaction was a true one, he contended that the prisoner was entitled to an acquittal. The Lord Chief Baron then summed up. He said the facts of the case appeared to him to lie within a very narrow compass. The only question for the jury. was, whether they believed Miss Johnstone's account.of the transaction or not. After a quarter of an hour's deliberation, the jury returned into court with a verdict of Guilty. The Lord Chief Baron, in passing sentence, said that Miss Johnstone's evidence, which ap- peared to him to be entirely worthy of credit, had made out the charge clearly.

" The defence that had been attempted on behalf of the prisoner was, in his opinion, a very great aggravation in respect of the imputation that the prisoner sought to cast upon Miss Johnstone, that she had fabricated the parcel 10 ques- tion, and stolen the letter that was contained in it, in order to give a colour to the deception, and had used another seal similar to the one that was in the possession of the prisoner, with the same object of doing him an injury. He felt it his duty to allude to this subject, because he was certain that such a defence must be looked upon with indignation by all honest men, and he repeated that it was a great aggravation of the prisoner's s conduct that he should have instructed and, as it appeared, compelled bis counsel to snake such a defence. The offence of which he had been convicted, although, perhaps, strictly speaking, it might be considered coming under the description of cheating, had by a recent alteration of the law, been declared to amount to the offence of larceny, and was put upon the same footing as that offence. By pretending to deliver these letters to the pro- seeutrix, be had got from her 19001., and he was quite sure that in the eye of every honest man his crime wasjust the same as if he had gone into Miss Johnstone's own house and had broken open her escritoire, and had taken out the money. The crime, too, was committed under most agg ravated circumstances in this respect also,—it was committed against a person who had given him pre- viously large sums of money, who had acted towards him with the greatest generosity, and towards whom he should have been bound by all the ties of gra- titude not to have committed such an offence. He (the learned judge) looked upon the offence as one of almost an alarming character, and one which called for a very severe punishment. For a much inferior crime persons in humble life and in poverty suffered heavy punishment. It did not require any know- ledge of the law to be aware that such an act as he had committed was illegal, and could not be tolerated. Every gentleman, every man at all acquainted with the social arrangements of society, must be perfectly well aware of the serious nature of such an offence, and he felt it his.duty, under all the circu in- stances, to order him to be kept in penal servitude for the space of three years."

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 25TEL

— The foundation stones of two public) buildings—the New Post Office and an Industrial Museum—were laid in Edinburgh on Wed. nesday by the Prince Consort, who, with the Queen and the rest of the Royal Family, passed Thursday night at Holyrood, en route from Balmoral to Windsor. The ceremony appointed to take place first was that at the site for the Post 011ice. The building, which will present a frouta,,ae of 136 feet to Princes-street, and 178 feet to

North-bridge, will be a very fine specimen of the Italian style of

architecture. The cost of the site was 40,0001., and the estimated cost of the building about 50,0001. more. A. gallery, capable of accommodating 3000 persons, had been erected near the spot, and was crowded with spectators,11 as also were all the adjacent windows, house-tops, clock-towers, and every available spot where a view could be obtained. Before the ceremony, a large number of gentlemen, including many Members of Parliament, were presented to his Royal Highness at the Register House. An address from the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and Councilwas then presented to his Royal Highness. In his reply, the Prince Consort referred especially to the recent establishment of post-office savinfts.., banks, which lie confidently hoped would be productive of much good to the working classes. The ceremony of laying the foundation stone was then performed by his Royal Highness, after which the next proceeding was the presentation of an address to the Prince from the Principals and Professors of the University of Edin- burgh, close to which is the site of the proposed Industrial Museum. His Royal Highness then laid the first stone of the building, which will be constructed in the Venetian style, and will be of great beauty. At half-past eight P.M. the Royal Party left for Windsor, where they arrived at half-past eight on Thursday morning.

— Mr. H. C. E. Childers,',11.P. for Pontefract, addressed a large number of his constituents on the civil war in America. He believe'd that war was one which would produce a greater effect upon the history of the world than any other of the great events of recent years. As to the causes which had led to this war people were divided in their opinion :

" On the one hand, it had been said that it was a question of slavery and free- dom, the North fighting for liberty and the South for slavery, and that the North, therefore, was entitled to the sympathies of the English people; on the other hand, it way said that it was a question of protection and free trade, the North fighting for protection and a retrograde fiscal policy, and the South for free trade and a freeer interchange with foreign countries, and that therefore the South was en- titled to their sympathy. There were others who told thet+that it was the old question cf aristocracy and democracy, the South fighting for the former and the North for the latter, and, as the English nation was of a mixed character, sonic told them they must sympathize with the South, and others that they must sympathize with the North. He did not think that any one of these three theories was well founded, bat that they all, more or less, came into the con. sideration of the question.

With regard to the policy to be pursued by this country during the struggle, lie thought that the course we had taken was decidedly the wisest possible.

" From the first the English Government had refused to interfere, but by re- cognizing the belligereut rights of the South they had been denounced aspracti..

insisted

upon • interfering in favour of the South. They had, however, very wisely nsisted upon taking the course first laid down (hear), and lie hoped the time would never come when they should be dragged into the war. (A pplause.) They were very i

nearly dragged into it two or three months ago, the difference between the English Government and the representatives of the American Government on the ques- tion of privateering for a time endangering the peace of the two countries. The firmness, however, of those at the head of affaiis saved the country from such a calamity, and that difficulty had now blown over. This war had also removed the idea that on an outbreak in the South the slaves would rise and fight for their liberty. Not only was this not the case, but the slaves might no doubt be relied upon as soldiers in defence of the South. It had also corrected the mis- conception that tbe ' white trash' would not tight, for they bad hitherto fought the best."

He did not think the effect on the cotton manufacture would ulti- mately be so disastrous as we anticipated, as the consequent scarcity would direct our attention to other sources. As to the final result of the war,

"He would say nothing, but all experience was against the successful subju- gation by arms of a determined and free people ; and when they looked at the enormous extent of the North American continent, he thought they would be bound to say that in all human probability the Um.ion could not be much longer maintained. Their duty, however, must be to Mend by and watch, sympathizing with what was good and right, but carefully avoiding being drawn into any inter- ference either on one side or the other. If the South should establish their power as a separate confederacy they most recognize it, but let them not antici- pate such an event, and sacrifice their good faith and national honour by breaking the blockade as some people were recommending."

The honourable gentleman shortly afterwards concluded amid the cheers of the audience.

— Mr. Guildford Onslow, M.P., addressed his constituents at Guildford, on Wednesday. After regretting that all chance of Re- form seemed to be swept away as long as the present Parliament existed, he explained his reasons for voting in favour of Mr. Baiuss', Mr. Locke King's, and Mr. Berkeley's motions. He thought one of the most unnecessary reforms was the substitution of triennial for septennial Parliaments :

"1 should like to know what chance there would have been of a Tory Govern- ment bringing in u Refunn Bill, Linda Liberal Government refusing it, if there had been triennial Parliaments. (Cheers.) There are three parties iu the House of Commons. There are your gentlemen who say, 'I will, because I will; there's. nothing like leaving well alone: That's your Tory. Then there are the ' shiny

• gentlemeh. who won't do this, and are afraid of that That's your Whig.

And then there is the go-ahead Radical, who is willing to trust the people of England with the utmost limit of political freedom. (Cheers.) Are not Cobden and Bright steadily unfurling the flag of advance and improvement, despite the scowls of the Opposition and the apathy of the Government, the most useful statesmen in the House? When I contemplate the even balance of power in the House of Commons, I dread to think of the possibility of the transference of that power into the hands of the Conservative party. I do trust that the balance of power may be retained in the hands of the Liberals until we have a dissolution of Parliament; and in my humble opinion the sooner we have a dissolution the better it would be for the country. (Hear, hear.)"

He regretted he could not look on the present state of foreign affairs with satisfaction.

" If we look around us and examine, I am sorry to say that I see on all sides the germs of a serious war, although I do not myself apprehend any serious danger to England. So long as we adhere to the sound and dignified policy of non-interference, so long we shall enjoy those inestimable blessings which ever must accompany the reign of peace. (Cheers.) In America we see brother arrayed against brother, and family against family, and the Tories point to America, forsooth, as a warning to us Liberals; but they fail to put their finger upon that damning blot of slavery, which I believe to be the origin of this fratricidal strife, and which grew up and was fostered in the palmy days of Toryism. One of the most important measures of the session was the commercial treaty with France. Putting aside the vast stimulus to trade that must accrue from perfect free trade with our nearest neighbours, surely that commercial treaty must tend to diminish the chances of war, while it must develop the advantages of peace. I deeply regret to find that the French Emperor is not met in that straightforward spirit of tair play which is so charac. teristic of our countrymen. It is owing to that distrust of the French Emperor that we are called upon to provide upwards of 30,000,000/. for forces in a time of peace. It is owing to that exorbitant national expenditure, and that distrust of France, that our over-taxed and over-burdened population is called upon to provide 12,000,0001. for useless fortifications, which never can be of any service to this country unless our fleet were sunk at sea, and ourports blockaded by France. People say, 'It is all very well to grumble and find fault, but where is your remedy?' I will tell you. Thank God, it is in your hands. At the next election withhold your votes, and do not record them for any candi- date unless he will give a faithful promise that he will, with the utmost of his ability, endeavour to destroy this national stigma, which is blighting your industry and retarding your utmost efforts at onward progress."

At the conclusion of the address, a vote of confidence in the honour- able member was proposed and unanimously carried, and the proceed- ings terminated