POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY.

By an arrangement with Laid Palmerston, it was agreed that Friday would be the most convenient occasion for a review of the session by Mr. Disraeli. There seems to have been some difficulty in forming a House at four o'clock, but that was got over, and before the speech- making came on the House transacted the business before it. Some questions were asked. The Bishops Retirement Bill was read a third time and passed ; and the Lord Advocate's Parochial SC11130113 (Scotland) Bill was withdrawn, because the Lords would not concur in the aboli- tion of the Church test for schoolmasters, and the Commons would not consent to the passing of the bill unless the test-abolition clause were re- tained. Then came on the review of the session.

Mr. DISEAxLI premised, that he called attention to the course of public business, not for the purpose of preferring an indictment against Minis- ters—the last day of the session is not the most convenient for a party attack—but because he hoped that during the recess some remedy might be devised for the grievances he should bring under their notice. In looking for precedents for his motion, he could only find one, and that was made by himself In 1848 he made a motion similar to the present. The House had sat for ten months, and great discontent prevailed at the slight results it had produced. It was then said that the forms of the House, that too frequent discussions, led to these results. Those were dangerous allegations. The House of Commons is a House of free and ample speech, as its name implies. The main claim of the Com- mons on the confidence of the country is that in one place truth is always elicited in the long run. The Government of that day, anxious to divert from themselves the rising odium, absolutely nominated a Committee to in- quire whether the forms of the House were really obstacles to the conduct of business; and that Committee deeidedthat neither the forms of the House nor free discussion prevented the satisfactory accomplishment of public business. Now, what is the cause of the discontent that has risen within the last two months ? A Minister ought not to be too prone to legislation. He should not deal with a subject unless he feels that he can deal with it satisfactorily and conclusively. It might be his only duty to ask the House to grant supplies. And although a Minister might be conscious that great subjects demanded attention, yet the country might be involved in a war or accomplishing a peace, and those might be reasons for not bringing those subjects forward. But these pleas will not avail Lord Palmerston ; for he has voluntarily introduced " a greater number of questions of great importance than probably any Minister ever introduced to Parliament." He could` not plead that the country was at war, because at the opening of the session, when we were at war, her Majesty's Speech recommended the House to attend, to many subjects of internal improvement. Let him remind the House of some of the subjects brought under consideration. " We have been asked, in the first place, to construct a high Court of Ap- peal, the highest court of appeal in the last instance. All will acknowledge that that is a question which may be described as the greatest of legal ques- tions. In all countries it may he described as the greatestof legal ques- tions ; but in this country it is more than the greatest of legal ques- tions, because it is the greatest of constitutional questions—because in having. to consider the creation and constitution of a high court of appeal, we have, from the nature of our institutions, not only to fulfil that great' object, but we have incidentally to consider even the very elements of a Senate, or rather of an Upper Chamber. We have been called upon this year to consider a new law of partnership, framed upon new principles and adapted to this advanced age, which should facilitate the application of capital to commerce in the most commercial countryin the' world. We have been called upon to consider the whole law of divorce; and an important change in the law of marriage. We have been called upon to consider the whole discipline of the Church ; the testamentary jurisdiction of the country ; the police of the country ; a reform of the most ancient, the most wealthy, and the most powerful municipality, intimately, connected with the history and liberties of England ; the superannuation ofthe whole civil service of the country ; the criminal appropriation of trust property. ; the education of a whole kingdom ; the retirement of Bishops from their sees ; and last, but not least, the correct means of ascertaining the most im- portant produea of. the empire by a!system of agricultural statistics. Why, lair, these are not light questions. They are not only among the most grave

that concern a state, but they involve the very principles upon which so- ciety itself is based."

Having given this general enumeration Mr. Disraeli went into details, and gave a long list of measures, stating when they were introduced and when they were abandoned ; and asking, is that a satisfactory state of things ? What is the cause of this " great catastrophe," this discontent that has suddenly arisen. " I believe that this failure of legislation is mainly, if not entirely, to be attributed to the fact that the lords and gentlemen who now form the Ministry cannot command a Parliamentary majority." Mr. Disraeli elaborated this point ; and in order to show that there are still two great bodies of opinion in the country, made a statement of the principles of his party. " For example, I hold that to be a conservative principle which re_gards the Parliamentary settlement of 1830 as a satisfactory settlement. I hold that to be a conservative principle which, without any blind or bigoted ad- herence to the doctrine on all possible occasions, believes that tampering with the suffrage is a great evil to the state. (Ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches.) I believe I am right in maintaining that that is a conservative principle which holds that the due influence of property in the exercise of the suffrage is salutary and beneficial. (Ironical cheers from the same quarter.) I think it is a conservative principle which holds that in any representative scheme the influence of lauded property ought to be sensibly felt. I hold that to be a conservative principle which would maintain inviolate the union between Church and State, and which

would not only preserve but expand the ecclesiastical institutions of this country. I hold that to be a conservative principle which maintains that

the establishment of the Church sliould be respected, and that the Church itself should not be the stipendiary of the civil power. I hold that to be a conservative principle which would maintain the Established Church in Ireland—(Ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches)—believing that it is perfectly reconeileable with respect for the rights and privileges of all classes of her Majesty's subjects in that kingdom. I hold that to be a con- servative principle which would cherish and protect all hereditary influences, because they are opposed to a crude centralization, and because they are the source of a power at once beneficent and economical. I hold that to be a conservative principle which would respect venerable corporations--(Laugh- ter and ironical cheers frorn.the same quarters)—and uphold a free magis- tracy throughout the country. The ironical cheers of the honourable gentle- men opposite convince me that I am right in this estimate, and that there is a body in this country which, though I had scarcely expected it, is even repre- sented in this House, and which holds opinions exactly the reverse of those which I have stated. (" Hear, hear !" from the Ministerial benches.) The cheers from the Ministerial benches show that there is in the country, and even in this House, a body who believe that the Parliamentary settlement of 1830 ought.not to be maintained, seeing that it arrests the progress of a cause, in the advancement of which they feel an interest—a body who believe that what we regard as the wholesome influence of property on the suffrage ought to be prevented—a body who instead of cherishing and encouraging, would check and repress the natural influence of landed property. on Parliamentary representation. I have no fear of misrepresenting the opinions of honourable gentlemen opposite when I say that there are among them those who look with suspicion on the union between Church and State—who, if they bow to it, do so only because it is already established—who are not in favour of expand- ing, and scarcely in favour of maintaining our ecclesiastical institutions—who would be glad to see the Church the stipendiary of the civil power—who are opposed to hereditary influence—who, instead of a free magistracy, would have a magistracy constructed upon principles which they regard as more precise and rational, but which in our opinion are not so favourable to the preservation of public liberty in this country." On foreign affairs he insisted that there was the like divergence between Liberals and Conservatives ; declaring for his own party, on the three car- dinal points, against the dismemberment of the Russian and Austritin empires, and in favour of the expansion of the United States. These con- servative opinions, he argued, are represented in the Government. " Whe- ther I look to subjects of internal interest, or to the great questions of foreign policy, the Government seem to me to be pursuing a course which is in harmony with conservative policy and conservative principles." It would be better that avowed Conservatives should carry out a conservative- policy; but his consolation was, that if the present system continues, it must exercise a deleterious influence on the Liberal party ; and he called on the Conservatives to take heart, since the Liberal party could not long exist when its chief and selected men are in power and continue to hold office not only without carrying Liberal principles into effect, but without even avow- ing frankly their profession.

The formal motion with which Mr. Disraeli concluded was for a return of the number of public bills, and their titles, the orders for which, in any of their stages, have been discharged during the present session, and the date of the discharge of each of such orders.

Lord ParstertsroN said, that while listening to Mr. Disraeli's observa- tions on the Conservative party, he was led for a while to admire his generosity in telling his followers that there was nothing in the opinions or conduct of the Government that should lead them to withhold from it their entire support. But he was soon disabused. Mr. Disraeli, per- haps feeling confidence in his own supporters--knowing that he was act- ing with security in advising them to desert—endeavoured to sow dis- union in the ranks who sat opposite to him. Lord Palmerston did not fear that any schism would be produced on the Liberal side. As to foreign politics, nobody could dispute the statement, that our rela- tions with Russia, Austria, and the United States, are cardinal points in that policy; but it was surprising that Mr. Disraeli said nothing with re- gard to our relations with France. We may say of his silence what was said of the statue of Brutus—that its absence was more striking than the presence of others.

recess we may console ourselves with the reflection that, in spite of those partial inconveniences to which the right honourable gentleman has referred, we have enjoyed the confidence of the House of Commons. (Much cheering.) There is no gainsaying the record of divisions upon votes of censure."

Very little discussion followed. Mr. GIBSON lamented the loss of the Local Dues and the Oath of Abjuration Bills, and warned Lord Palmer- ston against his passion for large military establishments. Mr. NAPIER reminded the House that nothing has been done with regard to the Inns of Court. Mr. MOIVBRAY made some complaints respecting the Charity Commission. Mr. VANCE complained that Irish business was brought on at a late hour. And Mr. LOWE denied that he had "abandoned" his Partnership Bills.

The motion for returns was agreed to.

In reply to Mr. LAYAIiD, Lord Pentans.roti stated that it is not the intention of Government to found any further proceedings upon the report of the Chelsea Commissioners.

On the passing of the Bishops Retirement Bill, the following was in- serted in lieu of the original preamble, on the motion of Mr. HENLEY- " Whereas it is expedient to make provision for certain annual sums to be paid in case of the resignation of the Right Hon. and Right Rev. Charles James Lord Bishop of London, and the Right Rev. Edward Lord Bishop of Durham, respectively."

In the Upper House, Lord WENSLEYDALE, now an hereditary Peer, was introduced by the Duke of Argyll". and Lord Lyndhurst, and took the oaths and his seat.

In reply to a question from Earl St. VINCENT' the Marquis of LANS- DOWNE said that the Government did not intend to take any proceedings in reference to the severe censures passed by two Judges upon Lord Combermere for his conduct in relation to the late Mr. Dyes Sombre's

Case.