A second letter from Mr. O'Connell, on the subject of

Peerage Re- form, has been published in the Leeds Times. Mr. O'Connell commences

by insisting on the necessity of doing something with the Lords. Ile them in part restates his plan, and explains the method of electing the Irish and Scotch Representative Peers, in order to demonstrate that there are

already established—"the principle of representation in the Peerage

and a difference in the mode of election." He refers to the selfish policy adopted by the Peers, and especially to their proceedings since the passing of the Reform Act with regard to Ireland, as supilying proof of the absolute necessity of a guarantee against the future abuse of irresponsible power ; and this guarantee, he contends, can only be found in popular election. In reply to the assertion of Mr. Baines in the Leeds Mercury, that, "if there be an elective House of Peers, the next and immediate step will be an elective King," Mr. O'Connell refers to the election of the House of Brunswick by the Nation ; and maintains that in point of fact the King of England is already elective —" elective in the wisest way, not in his own person, but by his family." The People, after expelling the Stuarts, elected not merely a single Monarch, but a new dynasty—" a dynasty which now reigns by the best of all possible titles, for the nation's good, and by the nation's choice." After exposing the futility of the remedies proposed by the Leeds 31tr- cury, Mr. O'Connell gives a rapid retrospect of the events attending- the coup d'etat of November 1834, and of those which have since occurred; and then insists upon the fact that there is no legal remedy for the evils of our present condition. This is a powerfully written part of the letter, and we subjoin a quotation from it. "Let the Reformers of the British empire recollect the position in which we are placed. The Lords have commenced that conflict with the Commons which every thinking man foresaw would result from the reform in the lamer ; a reform which took away from the Lords their control in the Lower House, and threw them on their own resources. Many deluded thetnselves with a b, llet. that, after the Reform Bill, the Lords would yield to the spirit of the times; and though they might retard, that they would not directly resist the gradual and peaceable amelioration of the British institutions. I fear I was of the bum• ber of those who were so deceived. But we were indeed deceived. The Janda at once began the collision. They were encouraged to this outrageous conduct by the fatal influence of the Duke of Wellington. Ile succeeded with the (',tit party to procure at once, upon a most silly pretext—on the death of id Spencer—a dissolution, first of the Ministry, and next of the Parliament..cen- verting himself for weeks upon weeks into the Autocrat of England. :s■ever was there so much of bribery, intimidation, treachery, and falsehood employed to carry the elections, and pack a House of C011.11110118; but the popular spirit prevailed. The Duke's Administration, notwithstanding all the paltry pre- tences of Reform which they hypocritically assumed, were routed, and a glo- rious triumph was achieved over all the minions of corruption. The Duke, with more of boldness than of skill, took a position in his rear. He hoisted the blood-red flag of Aristocracy. Peel had too much of caution to join in that movement ; but the Duke persevered—he mustered the Peers; a great majority, amounting altogether to about 170, answered his call. They impudently a.4 audaciouly commenced the collision ; they treated the House of Commons w.ity contempt ; they instigated and encouraged the ribaldry of the judicial extralth; nary pleadings which ever were uttered before an assembly either udicia it' legislative. They exhibited a pertinacity of folly never perhaps before w nessed;.they mutilated the measures intended for the relief of the People of

England ; they rejected with scorn and insult the measures calculated to relieve the People of Inland; in short, they declared open hostility to every bill calcu- lated to improve the one country, or to secure the tranquillity of the other. " In the mean time, the House of Commons exhibited a discretion and a for- bearance beyond all praise. They did not retaliate virulence by invective ; they did not exaggerate popular principles in order to excite popular heat and clamour against the House of Lords •--on the contrary, the majority of the Commons, under the guidance of the Ministry, with singular tact avoided every error, put the Lords in the wrong in every respect, and fell short of the wishes, the wants, and the expectations of the British nation, in order to demonstrate that there was on the part of the Ministry, or their supporters, no desire for any thing like a violent or revolutionary change, nor even an inclina- tion to any organic alteration, unless driven to the ahsoltite necessity of adopt- ing such alteration by the folly and obstinacy of the Wellington and Lyndhurst party in the Lords. "In .short, the Commons, led by Lord John Russell, were tight in every thing. The Lords, led by the Duke of Wellington, were wrong from first to last.

" This is the plain and simple history of the last session. There is nothing of heat or passion, still less is there any thing of exaggeration, in the detail of the facts.

" It is only necessary to add, that there is not in the law, as it now stands, any mode or means of correcting the evil—there is no law to punish the de- linquents, there is no legal method to prevent the repetition of the same crimi- nality. The liberties of the People of England are not fenced by one single Constitutional guarantee, nor by any one known protection against the wicked selfishness, or outrageous folly of the House of Lords. The perfect impunity' and safety with which the Lords played their ' fantastic tricks ' in the last session has only encouraged them to renew the same gone in the next. They are, beside, confirmed in their determination by all the strength, the wealth, and the wickedness of the designing and unprincipled deluders, and the more numerous dupes of the Conservative Associations. All the bigotry, all the mercenary meanness, all the opulent folly, all the selfish ingenuity of all damsels and descriptions of bad politicians, arc at the side, and arrayed in support of the oligarchical and irresponsible power of the House of Peers."

Against this powerful combination for evil, Mr. O'Connell calls upon the Reformers to unite with energy-

" I therefore address the people of England, of Scotland, and Ireland ; I call upon all real Reformers, and especially upon that great and growing class, called Radical Reformers, who, with me, glory in the name, to rouse them- selves from torpor, to give up lesser pursuits, and to rally for the commence- ment and the progress of these legal and constitutional exertions which are necessary, in order to obtain the Reform of the Lords : that Reform can be caused only by constitutional " pressure from without." We cannot expect that any Ministry will initiate such a Reform as this; nay, it would be folly in any _Ministry to participate in the struggle to bring about this Reform, unless it shall first be called for by the unequivocal and loud voice of a great majority of the intellect and of the vigour of the British people.

' The task is ours, not theirs. The Ministry, in this respect, must obey, not lead the popular impulse, until such time as that impulse is so strong as to be able to remove the great obstacles to success.

" The Reform of the Lords is the great, the radical improvement, iu the British constitution. Do you wish for an extension of the elective franchise to universal suffrage, or, at least, to household suffrage ?—You never can obtain the one or the other, until the House of Lords is reformed. Do you wish to procure for every voter the protection of the ballot?—You wish in vain, until the House of Lords is reformed. Do you see the utility of shortening the duration of the representative trust in the Commons?—You must wait until after the Reform. of the Lords. Do you desire a perfect Corporation Reform ? —You know you cannot get it until the House of Lords is reformed. Do you honestly look for justice to the People of Ireland ?—You know that you will not be allowed to make one step towards that object until the House of Lords is reformed.

" Brother Reformers—brother Radicals—I appeal to your good sense, to your patriotism—to your political integrity. Do not he led away from the first and greatest and most useful labour in the cause of Reform—that of the Lords. Do not listen to those who would divert your attention to stale complaints and modern grievances, alleged against the M'Ilig,s. Let us reserve these until the public enemy—the Tory oligarchy—is reduced into subjection. The lion of the fold, the lordly aristocracy, has vowed to arrest the progress of every improve- ment in the political state of these realms. When you have pared his talons and drawn his fangs, we will return to the detail of our grievances and constitu- tional deficiencies, with the certainty of being able to achieve every needful and every useful amelioration of our institutions, by peaceable means, without the slightest risk to the social state, and without the smallest danger of revolu- tionary violence."

The responsibility of the Peers being established, the doctrine of Ministerial responsibility would no longer be a fiction.

Mr. O'Connell proposes to effect the Reform of the Peers by a new law to be entitled—" An Act for the Rejbrm if the House of Lords, by combining the Representative principle with the practice of hereditary rank and title."

The letter concludes with an energetic appeal to the Reformers to be up and stirring—.

" Reformers, you perceive at once that our rights and liberties are under the absolute control of 170 Peers, headed for the present by the Duke of Wellington. If his Grace ordered out 170 of the Grenadier Guards, and marched them down to Westminster Hall, and made them kick into the Thames every bill which the House of Commons passed for any salutary or useful pur- pose, the tyranny would appear so monstrous that no man would endure it. But what is it to us, Radical Reformers, whether he kick such bills tint by means of 170 Grenadiers or 170 Peers? The Grenadiers would be the better looking set of fellows of the two, that is all the difference. Tyranny is the re- sult in the one case precisely as it is in the other. " In vain is the chant, ' Britons never will be slaves,' sing and swear it as loud and as long as you please. Britons are abject slaves so lung as a paltry oligarchy can ruin every project of political improvement, and ruin it with per- fect impunity. " What then do I propose? Reformers, behold the activity and the union of Conservative bigots and plunderers and their dupes. Imitate that activity ; exceed that combination. In every town in which there are ten minds throb- bing for that which is called the birthright of Britons—free-loin, let them he formed into a Reform Club or Association ; let each club address the Throne and petition the Parliament for the Reform of the Lords ; let every county, city, town, village and parish petition. There were two millions of signatures to the petition, for the emancipation of the Negro slaves ; should there be any difficulty in procuring four millions of signatures to petitions for the emancipa- tion from oligarchical power of the white slaves of this empire? " Reformers, be up and stirring. Who will be the first to begin ? Who will be entitled to boast hereafter, that he it was that prepared the first ; aye, or the second, or third petition and address, fur the correction of the aris- tocratic nuisance. I am the apostle of the doctrine, that moral power, properly brought into action, can conquer all obstacles. My faith in this doctrine has been confirmed by seeing its results to be splendidly and usefully strecessfaL The moral power of the British People carried the emancipation of the 1Ss- senters and of the Catholics; that moral power broke the chains of the Ni to slave; that moral power achieved the present and progressive reform of the cor- porations in Great Britain ; that moral power obtained the present and prevail- sive reform of the (louse of Commons; and finally, that moral power will worn all its victories by the Reform of the House of Lois's."