SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

The History of Etniria. Part I.—Tarchun and his Times. From the Foundation of Talquinia to the Foundation of Rome. By Mrs. Hamilton Gray.... Hatchard. Tustin",

Austria. Vienna, Prague, Hungary, Bohemia, and the Danube; Gallicia, Styria, Maratia, Bukosina, and the Military Frontier. By .1. G. Kohl.

ifxracri. Mrropursres. Chapman and Hall. F.ssays on Partial Derangement of the Mind in supposed connexion with Religion. By the late Joliu elle} ne, M.D.. F. R.3.E., M.R.I.A.. Physician General to his Majesty's Forces in Ireland. With a Portrait and Biographical Sketch of the Author Longman and Co. ; Corry, Dubin s.

DRAMATIC POETRY.

Strafford; a Tragedy. By John Sterling. Mason,

MRS. HAMILTON GRAY'S HISTORY OF ETRURIA

Is a more readable and interesting volume than we expected so remote and misty a subject could have produced. No literary ability, or native elegance, or enthusiastic labour of love, can in- deed change the nature of things, making the obscure clear or the conjectural certain. Persons whose very names are doubtful or disputed—events which have to be established by a deduc- tion from scattered passages in ancient authors reporting an uncertain tradition long after the occurrence, and very often at second-hand—nations whose origin, course, and existence depend upon questions of etymology in a language imperfectly under- stood—are things that cannot from their very nature afford any certain knowledge, and must be altogether wanting in those characteristic traits which impart life and interest to historical narrative ; whilst the scrupulous caution that belongs to critical history rather indisposes authors of that class from bestowing much attention upon the origin of nations. But remote history of the conjectural kind may possess the attraction that belongs to acute and ingenious disquisition. The theory sought to be esta- blished may or may not be true ; but those who doubt either its truth or the possibility of establishing its truth, may cheerfully admit the clever and curious felicity with which remote and frag- mentary authorities are collected and brought together, till the different and opposite bits dovetail into a coherent whole. They may also admire the spirit with which the dryness of archmology is often animated, and receive many suggestions concerning the condition of the ancient world, as well as acquire new views of well-known facts from the manner in which a vivacious com- mentary exhibits them. And to all this praise Mrs. HAMILTON Gaer's History of Etruria is entitled; though we may doubt her conclusions respecting the ancient Etruscans, at least to the extent alleged. To give Mrs. GRAY'S theory and authorities at large, would be to write a long essay on the subject of the Etruscans. It may be briefly stated thus. The name by which the Etruscans called them- selves was Rasena, Rasnes, or Rasn; the radicals of which words were R.S.N, (the vowels in Etruscan being, apparently, always a matter of indifference); and the early Greek designation of this people was Tyrseni or ty R S N i; the t being merely a servile letter. The name of an ancient people is a thing of much con- sequence in tracing their origin, since it was never arbitrary, but always bore a relation either to their personal qualities, their re- puted ancestor, or their primitive seat : and, coupling the name of Rasn or R.S.N with the general authority of the tradi- tion which represents the Etruscans as arriving in Italy by sea, Mrs. GRAY solves her first problem, touching the original seat of the Etruscans, and the whence, why, and how they came to Italy, in this manner. They came originally "from the great and ancient city of Resen, or R.S.N as it is written in the Hebrew Bible, the capital of Aturia, in the land of Assyria." From the striking similarity between the religion and habits of the Etruscans and Egyptians, our authoress considers that the Rasena resided for some time in that country, probably as conquering Hyksos or " strangers," who had emigrated to seek their fortune; and that they were ex- pelled from Egypt about 1250 years before Christ, or about con- temporaneously with Gideon and the Trojan war. This second and involuntary emigration from Egypt Mrs. GRAY bolds to have taken place under the leadership of Tarchun, the great lawgiver and founder of the Etruscan race : and, having once fairly landed him and his settlers in some part of Umbria, she suspends her narrative to take a review—and a very clear and in- genious review it is—of the Umbri, Sikeli, and Pelasgi, the previous inhabitants of Italy. She then proceeds to give an account of the progress of Tarchun in Italy, partly based on traditional stories and partly deduced from the cities existing in Etruria proper, which she conceives are proved to have been founded by Tarchun, as they are identical with his religious and political institutions. What these were are then expounded at length ; not exactly front Etruscan authorities, for beyond their monuments none exist, but partly from tradition and partly from Roman practices; the syllogism standing thus. 1. The Etruscans taught civilization to Italy, more especially in religion, laws, and arms; whilst very many particular institutions and practices were avowedly taken by tbe Romans from the Etruscans, who continued to be their teachers till the decline of the Republic. 2. The Roman practices, laws, and opinions, were so and so. 3. Therefore, such were the insti- tutions, laws, and social state, under Tarchun ; for it is admitted that Etrurian wisdom and science declined rather than improved in the later ages.

This account of Tarchun and his institutions is followed by a history of ancient Etruria till the foundation of Rome, or rather of the early heroes of poetry and fable, with a coup d'ceil of Etrurian

civilization throughout Italy. But this is inferior in breadth, in. genuity, information, and even in probability, to the previous parts. The manners, customs, religion, and laws of a nation, whether de- duced from their own monuments or the records of a cognate people, are always broad and interesting, when properly treated ; but any attempt to produce a story of persons and particular events by showing that the received fables are fake, and then endeavouring to make out something true, is pretty sure to end in a dry and un- satisfactory account. Dr. ARNOLD is no exception ; for in his nar- rative he followed the example of Iavy and told the story as it was told to him ; reserving disquisition for another part, where he con- fined himself to results, without entering into details. In the discussion and exposition of Etrurian history, Mrs. Hem!, TON GRAY must be considered as rather collecting and popularizing existing researches, than as herself exercising original research; for though she refers to and has doubtless consulted original authori- ties, yet her attention has been directed to them by modern scholars. At the same time, her pursuit has been stimulated by an ardent enthusiasm, which has imparted to her studies all the force and freshness of original research. She also brings to her dis- quisition much collateral classical knowledge, and an extensive re- flection upon modern history and modern institutions. We do not say that these accomplishments are always under the guidance of a sceptical spirit or even a severe taste. Mrs. GRAY not only con- siders the evidence connected with the Etruscans as much more cogent than it can reasonably be supposed to be, but she assumes a degree of wisdom, virtue, happiness, and so forth, under the Etruscan rule and institutions, which is scarcely probable with their system of caste, the character of the mra, and all we know of the effects of their teaching upon Rome and the peoples of Italy. Still, in despite of any foibles of enthusiasm, it must be fully admitted that The History of Etruria has called attention to a

very curious and important subject in the history of mankind, has popularized a topic of modern research which has been rather buried under the rubbish of mere scholarship, and has furnished some pregnant hints and suggestions in reference to the advance- ment of civilization among mankind.

This criticism may convey an idea of the character of the work. Its manner will be best exhibited by examples ; taken, of course, from those passages which, having a more general interest, are the most capable of disconnected exhibition. Here, in the account of the ancient augurs, is a proof of the endurance of the Tuscan in- stitutions : for, except in their self-denying virtue, Augur is but another name for Pope.

THE ETRUSCAN AUGUR.

The first and highest power in Etruria, as afterwards in Rome, was that of the augur ; who in the case of Tarchun, Romulus, and many other founders of states, was the same with the king, though ostensibly his power related to sacred things only. If Tarchun introduced augury, then all the Italian angers and all the earliest augural institutions must derive from him ; and hence we refer to him the facts relating to their office, which are preserved to us in the narrative of others. The augur was, in plain words, the representative of the Divinity upon earth—the absolute and despotic declarer of the Divine will,whom it was blasphemy to contradict and rebellion to disobey. The Divine Being, however, whom he represented, and in whose character be must act, was pic- tured as the constant father and protector of his people, with his eyes ever upon their actions, his heart ever alive to their interests, and his ears ever open to their prayers. He cared for the least of his children as much as for the greatest ; punishing equally their crimes, rewarding equally their virtues, and rendering it obligatory upon them all, from the sovereign to the peasant, to walk by one law and to observe one rule. The augur expounded the wiU of the gods, consulted it himself according to a written code, and declared it to the people. W ithout him there could be no election to any office; and in Etruria every office was elective, though many were for life. Without the augur there was no king, no dictator, no pontifex, no ruler, no vestal, no fecial, no priest. The Etruscan maxim was, that " there is no power but of God ; the powers that be are ordained of God": and therefore alike in the meanest and in the grandest and most important of their deliberations concerning tbe public weal, the will of the gods was consulted. The person of the augur was sacred, and his office endured for life, in order to raise him above fear in the discharge of his duty; and he was supported at the public expense, that he might have no temptation to bribery. He was al- ways a Lucumo, no man of low caste being eligible ; and he must have been possessed of a competent knowledge of military affairs, for no general could cross a river, or a frontier of any kind, or fight, or divide among his soldiers the conquered land, without the augur's permission. There could be no marriage nor adoption in the lucumonal houses, and no meeting either of themselves or their vassals, without him. There could he no public function without aus- pices, and the auspices must not be consulted if the augur forbade. He could dissolve any assembly, and nullify any election, by declaring, however untruly, that he heard thunder ; and the only !muds to his power, or cheek to his sub- tilty, was in the equal power of the other augurs his copartners. Such a mul- titude of affairs would necessitate, at the very least, one augur in every great city ; and there were probably three or four, according to the population and the extent of labour which devolved upon them. Romulus appointed an augur to each tribe, to interpret dreams, oracles, and prodigies, and to tell whether the thing decided upon, by them or for them, should be fortunate or not. In Rome, Romulus elected three besides himself; and it is not unlikely that Tar- chun may hare set the example, and have left it as a rule that each tribe in every state and city should have one augur. When this great officer died, his place was filled up by the remaining augurs, either with or without the Lucumoes. Tarchun established colleges for these men; and in the early days of Rome, the patricians filled the vacancy, if one died, by electing another in concert with the actual augurs ; who might reject the person chosen by vote, if they pleased. Should an augur, touched with human passion, pronounce a decree which was evidently self-willed and in- jurious to the public interests, another augur might oppose him, and by light- ning revoke his decree, otherwise it must stand. As not above three instances of this kind occur in history, we gather from it that the augurs were always men diligently educated to understand their science and to govern them- selves ; and that they were carefully chosen from among their equals, as the persons who were supposed to understand best the public interests, and to care most for them.

This institution maintaiced its influence in Italy for many hundred years; whence we presume that there was much reality connected with its foundation,

that its members bad a real belief in Divine guidance, and that they were usually upright and skilful in the exercise of their office.

The following eloquent passage on the relationship of patron and client may be taken as a specimen of the manner in which Mrs. GRAY brings modern institutions to bear upon ancient life.

CLIENTSHIP AND CLANSHIP.

The Locumo, [ Senator or noble,] as we gather from Livy, was the governor, judge, priest, and general of the people. The clansmen, on the other hand, were the members who supported the chief; they laboured for him, traded for him, and fought for him. The glory of his Louse was their glory, and the misfortunes of his family were their misfortunes. They paid his debts if poor,. ransomed him if prisoner, and followed him into banishment if exiled. This we know from the fate of Tarquin and others. They found their wellbeing in him, and be found his wellbeing in them. The connexion between them, like that of every primitive people, was patriarchal ; and they bad even their share in the government of their country, by voting on his side.

Alen who despise, as slavish or degrading, the relation of patron and client, should visit, with eyes and ears open, the mountains of Scotland. There they may still witness the hardy independence and intrepid daring, the warm af- fections and the generous impulses, which grow up as the fruits of such a system. It is consoling to know that romance, when it exhibits and works up the noblest feelings of our nature, has its elements founded in truth. It is gratifying and delightful to our better minds, though it may be bumbling to our pride and selfishness, to see among the poor Highlanders, the coutempt for all that is mercenary, the value for all that is elevated, the refined tone of feeling which marks the poorest cottage, and the spirit of self-sacrifice and sublime magnanimity which will display itself in word and action, the moment that chord is touched, which lies deep in the Highland heart, of the connexion between the clansman and his chief. This spirit is not y et quite extinct ; and oh that it never might he! There are still districts in which the old bond has not been broken ; where poverty can walk erect and be warmly welcomed in the houses of the great, if it bear but on its front the ancient badge of integrity, fidelity, and courage. Throughout the British empire, and indeed throughout Europe, we can find men who will give, and proudly give, their heart's blood for the man or the principle they lore. But in the Highlands we find the poor and uneducated, who will give it from depth of filial sentiment, without faction, without bigotry, without self-interest, and who have not learned, and never will learn, to sell either their minds or bodies for the price of gold. The spirit of lofty honour and profound affection, though doubtless in some respects the result of 1 eculiarities in the Highland temperament, 3-et, from hav- ing been so general, proves itself also to have been tie effect of the Highland institutions : and where the cord has been loosed or the tie dissolved, it has in no instance been on the side of the people, but on that of the alienated chief, who has been brought up for himself, with foreign feelings, in a foreign land. • •

The reasoning Lowland Scotsman, and the calm phlegmatic Englishman, who consider all these feelings as visionary, will no more believe that they ex- isted of old throughout the land of Etruria, than that they are to be found in the Highlands now. Because they find no such devotion in themselves to their highest or first of kin, they cannot credit it in others ; not considering that their state of society is differently ordered, and that their stitutions do not call such emotions forth. Where the heed boasts of caring nothing for the body, as in England, the body, in return, will care nothing for the head; but in Etruria no man lived for himself, he lived for his country and his kindred. And this is as free and as happy a state as the bulk of a nation can ever know : for among the clans any continuance of domestic tyranny was impossible, the good-will of the people towards the chief being even more necessary than the good-will of the chief towards his people; and there can be no doubt that, if a tyrant did arise in Etruria, he was put away for the next of kin more worthy, even as has occurred in various instances among the clans in Scotland. We shall find examples, as we proceed in this history, which show that the Etrus- cans, though patient, peaceable, and orderly, were no more enduring of unjust wrong than brave men have been in any other climate, or under any other form of social life.

We have dwelt upon this matter perhaps somewhat long, and somewhat wide of the purpose ; yet it was impossible to describe the Lucnmoes without also describing the client,, through whose adhesion and numbers they became Locumces, at least in the first instance : and no doubt every chief at Voltumna had also with him chosen followers of his cwn clan—followers whom be treated neither as servants nor as slaves.

This description, which is less general, may be taken as a fair example of Mrs. GRAY'S Etruscan descriptions.

ISOPOLITY.

The Isopolites were the foreign neighbours or allies, with whom Tarchun

made such treaties of peace as were in his day the common fashion of the Eastern nations. Isopolity meant a community between independent states, of all things divine and human, so long as the subjects of either dwelt in the towns of the other ; and as they conceded to each other this right of inter- changing countries, the mere act of residence constituted them burghers, preserving, in their new homes, the same rank which they had held at home. They might enter the Senate to attend the debates, and be seated there in the place of honour; they might inherit or purchase land, join in the national sacrifices and feasts, many with the people on an equal footing, claim a native's exemption from toll and excise, fill offices of dignity and trust, (head the army, for instance, as Coriolanus headed the Volsci,) bring causes for judgment in their own name, and enjoy every legal and civil right : but they could not be Senators. There was an impassable gulf between them and the peers of the realm, and they could nets r share in the government of that country in which they were Isopolites. This will at once explain to us the situation of De- rnaratue, the father of Tarquinius Priscue ; as well as many other difficult passages in the Italian history. Isopolity was an international law and privilege between free and independent states, and constituted "the Italian right of exile," by which a man, a hen banished from his own country, had yet several others to which he might retire ; and lie might consider himself the lawful subject and citizen of whatever state he chose to settle in, which stood in this interchange of common rights with his own.

A foreigner, who was not an lsopolite, that is, who came from any country not thus united to Etruria by treaty, though the mere act of settlement made him a citizen, and placed him in the condition of an ..Erarian, must choose a patron, with whom he became as it were incorporated, and through whom alone he could bring any cause for judgment. With the Isopolites, the state itself was patron ; and if they were not its children, they were its honoured guests. Little was required from them ; and, excepting the peerage and its inalienable rights, all was permitted. They were welcome to serve in the army, but not obliged.