LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
AUSTRIA'S FUTURE
SIR,—Writing from Vienna, after a year's experience of conditions in Austria, I should like to be allowed to elaborate, if somewhat belatedly, on the excellent article by Mr. Kenneth Lindsay, M.P., on " Austria and Britain " that appeared in your issue of October nth. It is almost im- possible to over-emphasise the importance of the two principal points that were outlined so clearly in that article. First, the extreme importance of Austria in relation to the problems of Europe as a whole—a fact that gives to Austria a significance far beyond its size and population, and at the same time renders the country open to forms of pressure, the nature and size of which it is almost impossible for us to appreciate. And, secondly, the state of " vacuum " existing in Austria today, which means that the country, for reasons at least partly beyond its own control, is in no way prepared to play the vital role in the course of European affairs that its geographical position and the history of the last forty years have assigned to it.
To these two vital considerations I would add that there is little doubt that probably the majority of Austrians are looking at the present time towards Britain for help and leadership. This is due partly to a natural historical sympathy that has survived two wars•and partly to the policy and conduct of the British element of the Allied Commission for Austria and the British Military Government, both of which, in spite of inevitable mistakes, stand out as being impartial and just. But it is, I think, princi- pally due to the fact that Britain is looked upon by the majority of Austrians as being the leader of a European movement towards a form of social democracy, which is turned to as being a practical alternative to Communism. It is because of these three considerations that the sug- gestion contained in the last paragraph of Mr. Lindsay's article is so timely, and should, in my opinion, be pursued with the utmost energy.
There is a patent need for a committee with a small but specialised executive staff to undertake the task of building up sound and permanent mutual relationships between the two countries in the directions outlined by Mr. Lindsay. This need is emphasised not only by the present critical position in Austria and other Central and Eastern European countries— the peaceful solution of which is recognised as being one of the first essentials in the task of creating a lasting settlement—but also by the paramount necessity for co-ordination in the efforts of a wide variety of differing bodies and committees in England, all of whom feel that they have a contribution to make in meeting the challenge presented by the conditions in Central and Eastern Europe.
The first principal task of such a committee—whether it was con- centrating on Austro-British relationships alone or covering the wider fields of Czechoslovakia and other Central European countries—would be the fostering of free exchange, and in particular enabling the citizens of both countries, especially the young men and women who are likely to he filling positions of leadership and responsibility, to meet and to study together the common problems of their own and other countries. This immediately involves undertaking the huge task of breaking down the economic and political restrictions which at present virtually prohibit any form of large-scale exchange, which is one of the essential condition's for establishing any lasting form of understanding between nations. In normal times this need coull be partially met by each country's allocating a proportion of its university facilities to foreigners, but under present conditions this can be done only on a very small scale. But there is no reason why special educative courses shouldn't be arranged, which could be undertaken with the active support and advice of the universities. This and many other proposals could be worked out by the suggested committee and operated with the assistance of the societies, committees or Government departments concerned.
It would seem that the first step should be to call a conference to consider the whole subject, and to invite to it representatives from the many different bodies and societies concerned. It is impossible to name all the official and unofficial bodies that would be interested in a plan that concerns the universities, the educational systems and especially the adult education movements and the various student bodies, the Churches, the weekly Press, &c., as well as the British Council, and more indirectly the Foreign Office and the Ministry of Education, and finally U.N.E.S C.O. and certain other bodies that do not come directly in any of the above categories. Such a conference should have as its aim the creation of a small executive committee, which for purposes to be outlined by the conference could act on behalf of all the bodies represented and co-ordinate their activities. This committee would first have to formulate and com- plete the plans, and then give its attention to their execution, including the very pressing matter of obtaining the extensive financial support that would be necessary for the carrying out of the plans.
The details remain to be worked out, and this can only be done through
the work of able and concerned people. in England. But the need is clear. Not in Vienna alone have men got the impression that time is short, and that those who are working for the establishment of an enduring peace cannot afford to dally in their efforts. The preoccupations and the responsibilities of those who will be most involved in the forwarding of such a plan are matched only by the vital urgency of the present need in Central Europe, where it cannot be denied that there is a situation that may lead to complete disaster. The need is immediate and urgent. The calling together of such a conference with the express purpose of forming a permanent executive committee is the first step towards meeting the need. This should be done immediately.—Yours
Vienna.
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