SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.
MIOOKAPUT,
The Diplomatists of Europe. From the French of M. Capefigue. Edited by major. General Monteith, K.L.S., F.R.S., &c lackissort. Titavma,
Wanderings of a Pilgrim in the Shadow of Mont Blanc. By George B. Cheever, D.D.
MEDICINE, Wiley and Putnam. A Practical Treatise on Healthy Skin; with Rules for the Medical and Domestic Treatment of Cutaneous Diseases. By Erasmus Wilson, F.R.S., Consulting Sur- geon to the St. Pancras Infirmary, and Lecturer on Anatomy and Physiology in the Middlesex Hospital. Illustrated with six steel Engravings by Bugg. Churchill. A Clinical Introduction to the Practice of .Auscultation, and other Modes of Physical Diagnosis ; intended to simplify the Study of the Diseases of the Lungs and Heart. By H. M. Hughes, M.D., Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, Assistant Physician to Guy's Hospital, Sic Longman and Co.
H. CAPEFIGUE'S DIPLOMATISTS OF EUROPE.
Ti!. CAPEFIGUE Li a French Legitimist, of a kind difficult to describe, He abominates the Republic, or at least the Republicans, and is not well
inclined to Napoleon ; he favours the Restoration, yet regrets the inevi- table means that led to it ; he censures the acts of the elder Bourbons, yet rather, it would seem, for their not taking precautions to enforce their ordinances by keeping down the people than for any dislike to their tyrannical aims. " Order," in fact, is M. Capefigue's idol; and he likes those men best who can maintain things as they are with a strong hand.
Toryism as it was seems his favourite political principle : Castlereagh and Metternich are his models of statesmen ; Pozzo di Borgo and the Duke of 'Wellington only coming in for a lesser share of admiration.
The .Diplomatists of Europe is a sort of sequel to the author's other works ; enabling him to use up matter upon personal history and per-
sonal traits in a manner unfitted for history itself, where events and the actors in connexion with them form the objects. The downfall of Napoleon, the first and second Restoration of the Bourbons, and the Con- gresses to which they led, are indeed the leading historical topics of the vo- lume, (though earlier and later links in the chain of events may have to be noticed); and the heroes of this book are the diplomatists engaged in those affairs. Metternich, Talleyrand, Pozzo di Borgo, Nesselrode, Wellington, and Castlereagh, were all prominently employed in these great revolutions and the diplomacy which followed them. Prince Hardenberg, though not so conspicuous, and owing his reputation to the more solid merit of national reforms, was equally an actor in those transactions ; and the Duo de Richelieu, the first Minister of the second Restoration, negotiated the treaty of occupation with the Allied Powers. The Duo de Richelieu,
however, had no influence similar to that of the preceding statesmen; and M. Pasquier, whom his enemies describe as an inveterate place.
hunter, and who certainly has lived in place all his life, was only Napo- leon's Prefect of Police at the time of his disasters. Indeed, both these personages seem introduced on the score of a fellow-feeling; for their politics, such as they are, resemble those of M. Capefigue, and would have led to some impracticable "juste milieu" after the Restoration.
The plan of the Diplomatists of Europe is a series of sketches not very unlike those of Lord Brougham, but with greater amplitude and
elaboration. A brief notice of the family and early life of each person leads to a sketch of his public career, where the diplomatic transactions he has been engaged in, and the general character of his policy, form the
principal topic, to the exclusion of his private life, unless in the case of some striking circumstance which M. Capefigue can insert to produce an effect or to turn a period, to tell of his own conversations, or to intimate his friendship with the most illustrious.
The character of the book is French all over, as well in its merits as in its defects and weaknesses. M. Capefigue has the grace of manner in re. counting, and the vivacity of style, which give interest to very common- place matter. He has all the polite insinuation of the older school, which could say the most impertinent things without rudeness, or more pro- perly without coarseness ; and he can convey very deadly charges in the affectedly polite way of his countrymen. He has also their turn for ge- neralizing, and for finding mares' nests in the guise of a principle. The whole notice of Pozzo di Borgo is based upon the plan of running a rivalry between Pozzo and Napoleon, because they were both Corsicans, and the island faction the former sided with denouneed the Bonaparte family in 1793. Hence, in melodramatic fashion, Pozzo di Borgo runs down Napoleon, and triumphs over his fall ; whilst projects based upon principles are continually put into everybody's head, and made grounds of action, in the "learned commentator" style. Notwithstanding M. Capefigue's admiration of Toryism and the English aristocracy, he has very strange ideas upon the subject ; and, bred up among unscrupulous politicians of the old or the new regime, he has not the slightest idea of the honour of an English gentleman or the general public character of the country. He states that Canning, when Foreign Secretary, was the cause of defeating the Walcheren expedition, by betraying the plan to Fouthe, through envy to Castlereagh! and he attributes the "revolution at the Palace "—that is, the murder of the Emperor Paul—to English influence, not as if it were a matter of great turpitude, but rather a stroke of policy. He occasionally favours the world with the results of his conversation with the diplomatists whose career he describes, and sometimes gives an account of their intimate conversations among themselves. This "secret
history," however, is not always entitled to implicit credit, for we doubt whether men like Metternich are quite so communicative of their inmost thoughts when asked what M. Capefigue would call "indiscreet" questions; and the author sometimes lets his imagination ran away with his facts Thus, in 1802, he raises the ghost of Paoli to protest against the ad- vancement of the Bonapartes, (consequent upon the peace of Amiens,) though the man himself did not die till five years later. Except in the sort of apocryphal anecdotes alluded to, there is no alr solute novelty in The Diplomatists of Europe. It has an attraction in
its literary merit, and the character of the men who are here brouOt together. But its main interest is in the•views which the author's poli- tical principles and disposition to generalize.induee him to take. In the
notice of Hardenberg, there is a powerful though brief sketch of the mi8ery which the French invasion brought upon Prussia ; and a very striking argument to justify her defection from Napoleon after the Russian camftaig1 as well as accounting for the deadly hatred of the Prussians to the French. The exposition of Castlereagh's Continental policy is one of the best defences that has been made for that Minister ; and, upon the prin- ciples of M. Capefigue's Conservatism and artificial diplomacy, is a just one. Metternich's character is defended in the same way, but stands less hi need of defence.
One of the most elaborate sketches is that of Talleyrand ; who is no favourite of our author. The enmity, however, is artistically managed : M. Capefigue cannot conceal his animus, but he conveys his unfavour- able view rather by an insinuating narrative than by open attack. Alleged gallantries and other unbecoming conduct in his youth are presented as curious personal traits ; the accusations of pecuniary corruption are impressed without being dwelt upon ; and, after having "deeply studied the question," M. Capefigue denies that Talleyrand was dismissed on account of his opposition to the Spanish war. The following passage, in which he expounds his idea of the cause of dismissal from Napoleon's counsels, may be taken as a good specimen of his manner ; and as affording a picture of the hollow condition of the Imperial power when at the height of its seeming grandeur,—a hollowness soon after demon- strated by the conspiracy of Mallet.
"The real cause of Talleyrand's disgrace was the active attempts he made to negotiate peace with England independent of Napoleon. The Emperor did not at all like men who acted upon their own opinion; he liked everything to originate with himself alone. He got rid of Talleyrand as in succeeding years lie shook off Fouche, Minister of Police. "There are times when men of consideration are a source of embarrassment; when advisers are no longer required—devoted servants alone are necessary. The Prince of Benevento took advantage of the circumstance; and as the Spanish war was very unpopular, he assumed the attitude of a martyr to his love for peace and moderate measures. He was always clever enough to account for his being out of favour, by attributing it to some motive which might secure him a good place in public opinion; and he then profited by his situation to wage an underhand but murderous war against the power which had rejected him from its circle of activity. When he was no longer at the head of affairs for the purpose of directing them, be took care to bring up the rear for the sake of causing hindemnce and annoy- ance. Nevertheless, his dismissal was IICINV covered with a golden mantle; he re- ceived the title of Vice-Grand Elector, with the same salary of 500,000 francs that he enjoyed during his ministry. The activity of his mind led him afresh into commercial pursuits: he gambled in the Stocks, became a partner in a banking-house at Hamburg and in Paris, invested considerable sums of money in the English Funds, and awaited patiently the course of events. To know how to wait is a great mark of political knowledge; and it was one of Talleyrand's favourite axioms, that patience often leads to favourable situations: he never would be in a hurry.
"A secret opposition was beginning to form against Napoleon, even in the highest ranks among the heads of the Senate, of the Government and of the Army. Fearful of yet making itself manifest by any overt act, it only ventured upon apparently trifling remarks and half-confidences; but people conspired in their minds—expressions were used which were repeated as apothegms and pro- phecies of society. 'It is the beginning of the end,' said Talleyrand, at the time of the disastrous expedition to Moscow; and this justappreciation had been warmly applauded. What a terrible opposition is that of the salons and the gay world ! It kills with a lingering death; it upsets the strongest ideas; it destroys the best- laid plans: it would be far better to be compelled to engage in a pitched battle face to face. This opposition was gradually increasing; and the Police establish- ment of General Savary, which tended more to the employment of brute force than the adoption of intelligent precautions, was incapable of restraining it: it MIS gradually appearing on every side- besides which, the men who placed them- selves at the head of the resisting party were of too much consequence for the Emperor to venture to touch them. Talleyrand and Fouche now did whatever they pleased with perfect impunity,—they were acting against the Emperor, and he did not dare to show his displeasure. It has always been supposed that Napo- leon when at the summit of his greatness, might have put down any, one; yet, great as he was, there were some men too powerful for him. The day that he had touched Talley-rand or Fouche, all the officers of Government would have considered themselves at the mercy of a caprice; Cambaceres, Lebrun, Regnault de Saint- Jean d'Angely, feeling themselves henceforth without any security against a master whom they detested, would perhaps have shaken off the yoke."
Here is a picture of Talleyrand in disgrace under Louis the Eighteenth, when he had been turned out of power, but made Grand Chamberlain to gild his fall.
"Talleyrand continued to hold the situation of Grand Chamberlain during the reign of the restored family. He was not a favourite at the Tuileries' where he
went every day through etiquette to fulfil his office, standing behind the King's
chair with admirable punctuality; and he was received with great coolness by Louis the Eighteenth. Charles the Tenth was more kindly disposed towards eveiybody, and occasionally entered politely into conversation with him on some trifling subject. He also performed his duties at the diners d'apparat. The King was seated at table, the Grand Chamberlain occupying a small chair at a little distance; and while Louis was discussing a pheasant or other game with an excellent appetite Talleyrand dipped a biscuit in old madeira wine. It was a scene of considerable interest, and used to pass in the most profound silence. Every now and then the King would look fixedly at the Grand Chamberlain with a sneerin,g expression of countenance; while the latter, with his impassibility, so coarsely defined by Marshal Lannes, would go on soaking his biscuit and slowly sipping his madeira with a look of respectful deference towards the King his master. Not a word was addressed by the Sovereign to the Chamberlain durin„e. the short repast; after which, Talley-rand used to resume his place behind the King's chair, ma cold, ceremonious manner, that reminded one of the statue in the Patin de Pierre, only with this difference, that the Grand Chamberlain's mind Was filled with the most inveterate hatred, a feeling which he extended to all the members of the Royal family.”
There is no novelty in the first sentence in the following account of Talleyrand's deathbed—indeed, it ran the round of the papers at the time; but the whole is highly characteristic, more especially of M. Capefigue.
"Accounts of the state of his health were incessantly despatched to Neuilly. Re had rendered great services to Louis Philippe; who had often consulted him and derived the benefit of his experience, and who was now resolved to pay a last visit to the last descendant of the Perigords. When the King was announced, the Prince said with a feeble voice, but without any appearance of emotion, as if the attention were due to him—' It is the greatest honour my house has received.'
"There was a strong aristocratic feeling in the expression my house': it liknified that, though the visit was honourable to his family, there was nothing to cause surprise in it. Neither did he forget, even at that moment, the etiquette
which forbids that anybody should stand in the presence of a sovereign with- out being presented; and he immediately added, iii u calm tone,' I have a duty to fulfil—it is to present to your Majesty the persons she are in the room, and who have not yet had that honour'; and he introduced his physician, his surgeon, and his valet-de-chambre. This behaviour, when at the pima of death, bore use stamp of high aristocratic manners, perfectly ill keeping with the visa with which Ms last moments had been honoured: it was part of the decorum and ancient cere- mony observed between noble families: the e,cuichisins a both bore the same relative rank—the youngest branch of the Bourbons went to visit the youngest' branch of the Perigurds. In ancient times the houses of Navarre and De Querey had met together on the common field of battle, and the cry i& que Diou had been uttered at the same time with the war-cry of Henry 11. by the old Southern nobility, the language of Oe being common to both. "People expressed surprise at the signal honour conferred upon Talleyrand; but it showed that the customs of gentle blood were not comprehended by the spirit of inferior society. No one was more attached to his illustrious descent than the old diplomatist, and the younger breach of the Bourbons came itself of too good a stock to forget it; the two cadets of De quercy and Navarre had met in Use recollection of their race, as in their political hie."