" FRIGHTFULNESS " GONE MAD.
[To THE EDITH& OP THE "SPECTATOR."]
Sin,—It seems that there are two opinions in naval and political circles in Germany at present as to whether the entrance of America into the war would be to the advantage or the disadvantage of Germany. In an article on "Submarine Warfare on Trade " the Frankfurter Zeilung gives these two points of view, and invites its readers to make their choice. The article is supposed to be written by an officer of "the higher submarine command."
" There are two different points of view," he writes, " on this matter. The first is shared by the majority of the politicians, and regards a complete break between Germany and America as a very serious matter, not for military but for other reasons. The second point of view is shared by the majority of our naval officers. They, on the contrary, maintain that by such a rupture the war could be brought to a victorious end, much earlier, but only, of course, on the condition that all the corresponding consequences should ensue from a break between our- selves and America. In order that you may understand the matter thoroughly I will explain the two points of view to you.
The statesmen say that America in the event of war could do four things to our disadvantage. (l) She could lay hands on our merchant ships lying .in her ports, the value of which is one 'milliard marks, and in this way we should be robbed of the kernel of our merchant service, while America, without any trouble, would Come into the possession of's fine merchant fleet. This might be a serious matter for us in the first days after peace, for America would be able to dominate our former German sea trade. (2) The United States would be able to provide the enemies of Germany with several scores of millions for the prosecution of the war. (3) America could double her output of munitions to the Allies. (4) The example of America might have a bad effect on Roumania and Greece.
On the other hand, we naval men take the following view. The moment that we were able to dismiss all consideration for the United States we could conduct the war on sea with the same highlandedness as the Britons have shown, and claim the same rights on sea as they do. We could at once declare the whole of Great Britain and Ireland under a blockade, and wo could intimate that every ship, whatever flag it sailed under, which endeavoured to enter an English harbour would be regarded as a blockade-breaker, according to the definition of the war area. It would be destroyed, moreover, without any warning in order to render the tricks which have been played useless, and above all because every merchant ship is armed, according to our experience. It is true that these steps would be a contradiction of the views that have hitherto held weight, but since the Britons themselves have not troubled about any of the international rights at sea, since the beginning of the war, we have an equal right to take up the same line. The natural consequences of these measures would be that in a few weeks hundreds of ships would be destroyed in their endeavour to reach English harbours, and in a short time this would have the effect of preventing any ship from taking the great risk of blockade-running. England would be shut off from all her imports, and since it has been reckoned that in ordinary times she has only ;hive weeks' supply, it may be assumed that England, which now, thanks to our hesitation to sacrifice life, is piling up her supplies, would in all probability be starved out in two months."
This is an amazing statement, for it assumes that we are absolutely powerless against submarines, which is not exactly the lesson which the war has taught the Germans, especially in the last few weeks. But let us follow the course of this strange argument :-
" The politicians, on the other hand," continues the writer, " point out that this course would be dangerous, for it would incense all the neutrals, and would give rise to a cry of German barbarism from the whole world if neutral ships were sunk without any warning and their crews perhaps sent to their death. To this we reply that the annoyance of the neutrals in an affair which is a matter of life and death for us need no more trouble us than it troubles the Britons at present, who, without any one to hinder them, have trodden nearly every neutral right under their feet. And as to the reproach of barbarism, that has been raised against us already to such a pitch, without any justification, that this cry could hardly be stronger. And finally, it is much more barbarous to sacrifice hundreds and thousands of your own children by an immeasurably long war. In any case, it is more humane when driven by necessity to sacrifice a few thousand lives rather than hundreds of thousands. If England met the fate which it originally prepared for us, that is to say, if it were faced with famine, it would be obliged to submit unconditionally if it did not wish itspeople to die of starvation. If England fell, France and Russia would fall also, as automatically as the limbs of a body fall when the heart has been pierced. America would then be isolated, and would have to accept any conditions that we offered. For the peace terms with our European enemies would enable us to demand the surrender of all the great battleships and torpedo-boats, so that our Fleet would be seven- times as strong as the Americans'. And if America were also bound to submit it, goes without saying that she would not only have to give up all the German merchant ships which she had taken, but would also have to pay all the war costs of the Middle Powers and their Allies."
It is almost possible to believe in the collective madness of a nation "after reading stuff of this kind, which is put.forward in a serious German paper. At all events, it reveals the extraordinary arrogance of the German Navy. " We are quite sure," concludes the writer, who belongs to " the higher submarine command," " that we can do what we say in spite of the fears of the politicians that our game will break the bank. Foresight may be the mother of wisdom, but he who dares wins is the better proverb."
Nothing, of course, would suit the purpose of the Allies better than that Germany should take the course which this " high naval' officer suggests. I hope that he speaks for the whole German Navy, and that the politicians whom he treats with such contempt will not be allowed to stand in the way of this so-called new German frightfulness, which is in fact nothing but tho course which the German submarines have pursued since the beginning. He is quite right in saying that the cry at the barbarism of the Germans all over the civilized world is so loud that it could scarcely be more intense. The article reveals the psychology of the German mind, which will
stick at nothing. But the arguments which this sea captain uses would in any other country condemn him to a lunatic asylum.—I am,
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