NEWS OF THE WEEK.

711HE American corps d'armee of fifteen thousand men destined for Santiago embarked at Tampa on June 7th amidst a scene of confusion, which the Chronicle's corre- spondent evidently considers disgraceful, but which, we suspect, would occur in any army with an inexperienced Staff. The troops were, however, detained on board under orders from Washington, where the chiefs are obviously over- cautious; and it was not till June 22nd that they reached Daiquiri, a harbour about twenty-five miles from Santiago. The landing was effected without confusion or trouble under cover of a heavy fire from the fleet, and in a few days all will be ready for a march on Santiago. The attack, which will be by sea and land, will be aided by three thousand Cabans under General Garcia, and it is expected that the fighting will be very severe. The staying power of the Spaniards, whose courage no one doubts, has, however, yet to be tested, as also the effect of their knowledge that, do what they will, Cuba is lost. That may make them fight like bulldogs, but it may also make them feel that resisting destiny is very hopeless work. The first engagement will probably settle the tone of the campaign. Reinforcements are already on their way to Daiquiri, the Americans apprehending that Marshal Blanco may have reinforced Santiago, but the expe- dition, though strong in artillery, is insufficiently provided with cavalry. The fleet of transports numbers sixty, and the difficulties of loading, the astonishing quantity of room required, and the precautions necessary to keep the animals in health furnish a valuable object-lesson to ourselves when we are in a panic about invasion. It is not the men who are the trouble, but the beasts, the provisions, the munitions, and, above all in this tropical region, the supply of water. The distance is about one hundred and eighty miles.

The Spanish Government, unsuccessful in so many things, is successful in suppressing news. It is believed, however, that the existing Government grows weaker and weaker, that the Queen-Regent will shortly abdicate, and that the Ad- ministration will be carried on by a military Regency, pro- bably in the name of the young King. The movement may, however, take a Republican form, as the French wish, though the party is at sixes and sevens, its old chief, Castelar, a Spanish Lamartine, with less vanity, having refused to be Dictator. The outburst will probably not occur till Santiago has fallen; but the Catalans, who are all out of work, are wild with fury, and determined, we are told, to set up a Federal Republic. That, however, is in no way to the taste of the Army, which is the only active power in Spain.

All gossip centres round Manilla, but it is for the most part only gossip. The solid facts appear to be that the German Emperor has sent five fighting ships to the harbour to make his decision when it comes executive, that the insurgents who are besieging Manilla are for the present American in sympathy, that the fleet from San Francisco is approaching the island, and that the British have despatched two cruisers to observe proceedings. Another fact, too, is of importance. The double-turreted monitor Monterey' is, or ought to be, nearly across the Pacific, and if she arrives in safety before Manilla, will exercise much palitical influence. Americans who know her believe that she could sink the German fleet single-handed. It should be remembered that the German Government absolutely denies any intention of interfering until the fate of the Philippines comes to be settled.

The Austrian Empire seems to be going the way we ven- tured to predict. The Slays are almost openly appealing to Russia. At a recent festival in Prague in honour of the Czech historian Palacky, a message was read from the Grand Dake Constantine warmly sympathising with Bohemian independence ; while General Kamaroff, in full Russian uniform, made a speech directly attacking the Austrian Government. The Court is greatly annoyed, and another consequence has followed of even more importance. The Magyars, who have been indifferent or hostile to the German pretensions, perceive that their own ascendency in Hungary is threatened, and will for the future make common cause with the other dominant caste. This will greatly strengthen the Emperor's hands, if he has decided, as is reported, on repealing the Language Ordinance, and will also make the renewal of the Ausgleich, or agreement, much easier. The Slays, in fact, will suffer a severe check, and with them the opponents of the Triple Alliance.

As usual, M. Faure has found a difficulty in forming a new Ministry. He tried M. Ribot, but he showed himself too Conservative for the Left, and M. Sarrien, but he was too Radical for the Moderates, and he is now trying M. Peytral, a Radical Senator, who agrees to abstain from any revision of the Constitution, and to make the Income-tax, which he is bound to bring in, non-progressive. According to the latest reports, strong men like M. Sarrien, M. Cavaignac, and M. de Freycinet will join him, the last-named as Foreign Minister, but nothing is finally settled. If M. Peytral fails, M. Bour- geois will try his hand, making the Income-tax the pivot of his policy, but he has not a genuine majority. Indeed, no- body has, or, with this Parliament, will have. The case is just the same in Italy, where the Marquis Rudini has re- signed, and the King, it seems probable, will be compelled to fall back on a General—General Pellottx—and government practically by decree.

The Times' correspondent at Pekin announces that the Temagli Yemen and the Emperor have signed a decree grant- ing to an Anglo-Italian group at the Chinese capital a monopoly of the coal-mines in Hunan and Shensi, with a right to build railways to facilitate their working. The con- cession is supposed to be most valuable, and the Times pub- lishes a railway map of China as China is immediately to be; but we should like to be a little more sure that the whole business is not on paper. The mileage of railways as yet built is insignificant, there are all manner of official obstacles, particularly with regard to the conveyance of materials

by water, and the people of Hunan have an unpleasant habit of cutting the throats of those who, as they think, disturb the " geodetic tranquillity" of their province. It is quite right to obtain concessions, if they are not extorted, but we should like to see a little more actually done before so much fuss is made about them. One would think, to read a great deal now published, that the Governments of Europe had gone into the promoting business. Hooleys on thrones are not nice.

Sir John Gorst on Friday week when proposing the vote for Education made an extraordinary speech. Instead of defending his Department, he attacked it, and the policy of the Government with respect to it, with his whole force. He said the State would shortly be spending £11,700,000 a year on a most inefficient system. The children cannot learn while they are dismissed at so early an age, the attendances are most irregular, though this could be corrected if the Govern- ment chose, and the voluntary schools are inferior as com- pared with Board-schools. Even as regards religious education, the Bible was infinitely better taught in London Board-schools than in the voluntary schools. In short, the Minister of Education condemned the existing system root and branch, and as no man can effectively work a system he detests, he ought to be removed. Mr. Gladstone would have removed him within an hour of his making the speech, and even Lord Palmerston, who cared little about education, would next day have been talking to his successor. We do not say this from any dislike to hie views, some of which we have repeatedly supported, but from a profound belief that indiscipline such as Sir John Gorst always exhibits is inconsistent with government of any kind. Candid friends are very useful, but the " candid " Major who tells Atkins that the Articles of War are radically bad invites a Court-Martial, and should have one.

On Tuesday Lord Salisbury received a deputation of Unionist Members, who urged the Government to take some steps to remedy the grievances of the clergy in regard to the rates imposed on tithe - rent charge. Lord Salisbury in reply was very sympathetic, but he was obliged to point out the great difficulties which surround the question, and make it one which this or any Government would hesitate to touch. Any relief given must be given at the ex- pense of some one else. It was to be hoped that in the shape of an interim Report Lord Balfour's Commission might be got to give them some indication of its laborious investiga- tions. The question must be approached with all the cir- cumspection which belongs to a matter which is so deeply discussed, and is sometimes the subject of such bitter con- troversy, as the position of office-bearers of the Established Church. " If we approach the matter with that caution, and show that we are simply asking for justice, and not for any exceptional treatment of any class, I feel sure that the justice of Parliament will in due time listen to our appeal." One cannot expect the clergy to be pleased at so negative a reply, but under the circumstances we do not see how Lord Salisbury could have said more. In the case of the clergy who have no private means the rates are an Income-tax. This fact is a hardship, no matter what the arrangement made at the time of the Tithe Commutation Act.

On Monday and Tuesday the House of Commons again discussed the Benefices Bill. On Monday the debate was more or less businesslike, but on Tuesday the House was once more plunged into a heated theological controversy. The chief fight of the evening was over Mr. Samuel Smith's amendment adding to the cases in which a Bishop may refuse to institute under the Bill the case where a presentee has taught doctrines contrary to or inconsistent with the Thirty - nine Articles, " or participated in ecclesiastical practices not authorised by the Book of Common Prayer." —Imagine the result of reviving all the outworn con- troversies connected with the Thirty - nine Articles !- Some of them, he declared, might live to see the day when an attempt would be made to carry through Par- liament a Bill to alter the legal definition of our national Church from that of " the Protestant reformed religion eat iblished by law " to that of " the Roman Catholic religion established by law." That remark is a proof of how little Mr. Samuel Smith understands the chief influences at work

in the extreme High Church party. Their tendency is far toc sacerdotal for our approval, or for that of most Englishmen, but it is not Roman. It should be said, however, that throughout the debates Mr. Samuel Smith's speeches have, even when most mistaken, been marked by a sincere and straightforward tone, and have shown no attempt to make party capital out of a "No-Popery " cry.

Sir William Harcourt's speech was in his worst manner ;—• the old Protestant war-horse scenting the oats of office and a party triumph, from afar. After revelling in quotations from speeches made at the recent meeting of the Church Union,, and particularly a passage declaring of the clergy that they were ordained, "not as members of the Church of England, but as priests of the Catholic Church of God," Sir William Harcourt asked : "Is it consistent with what we under- stand by honour that men who enjoy the emoluments and preferments and exercise the authority which belongs to the ordained ministers of the Church of England should stand up and, amid the applause of surrounding ecolesiaatics," make such statements as these P Sir William Harcourt next read, amid cheers and laughter, an account of a Corpus Christi festival at a church in Clapham. If Sir William had gravely and quietly protested against these extreme ceremonials he would have received the support of practically the whole nation. He could not, however, resist the temptation to make a party score, and tacked on to them a denunciation of the Voluntary Schools Act. After a very proper reminder that we must never forget that the Church of England is not merely the Bishops and clergy, Sir William ended in the following strain: —" You have planted down in a parish and imposed upon an adult laity practices which are repugnant to all their feelings and to all their convictions, and if the Bishops do not choose to interfere the people have no remedy ; they are driven away from their church What is still worse, you have children of Protestant parents corrupted by these men, who not merely teach them lessons abhorrent to the religions con- victions of their parents, but who are in themselves living examples of dishonour and falsehood, and who demoralise all those among whom they live, whose existence is in itself a living lie."

Mr. Balfour's reply was quiet and dignified, and he most wisely refused to follow Sir William Harcourt into the theo- logical arena. He did, however, we are very glad to see, speak a few impressive words in condemnation of the excesses of ritualism—a condemnation with which we desire to associate ourselves—though he also very sensibly declared that he did not believe that there was the slightest danger that the religious convictions of the people were going to be revolu- tionised because certain practices prevailed in this or that church. The reproof administered by Mr. Balfour to Sir William Harcourt seems to us so exactly to represent the feeling that these debates have produced on the minds of serious and religiously minded people of all kinds that we shall quote it in full :—" Profoundly as I disapprove of the kind of ceremony of which the right hon. gentleman read us a detailed account as having taken place in a church in South London, I confess that to see them tossed across the floor of this House and made the subject of laughter, and made to give point to some Parliamentary retort, offends myself to a degree which I do not find easy to express, and which absolutely prevents my following, at all events, in the wake of the right hon. gentleman in dealing with matters which, whatever our opinion may be upon them, at any rate represent sacred truths." The Westminster Gazette Bees in this an argument against a State Church,—i.e., a Church under Parliamentary control. Surely it misses the point. Mr. Balfour, though he would not have agreed with, would not have objected to, such a speech as that by Mr. Samuel Smith,—for it was essentially reverent and in good taste. Sir William Harcourt's speeches show a very different tone, though he too is, we believe, sincere at heart. Unfortu- nately, however, some defect of head or temper makes it almost impossible for him to show any strength of conviction without using the language of insult to his opponents. Because one is earnest one need not adopt the attitude of a. roaring bully.

The debate on the Benefices Bill was expected to be even wore bitter on Thursday night. Contrary, however, to all -expectation the Opposition collapsed, there was no beating of the Protestant and "No Popery" drum, and at the end of the evening the Bill, as amended, was ordered for third reading on Monday. It was formally stated that this sodden -change of tone in the Opposition was due to the fact that Sir William Harcourt's amendments had been ruled out of order by the Speaker. We think it is more likely that the leader of the Opposition and his friends were influenced by the strong reaction against a "No Popery" campaign which has made itself visible daring the last few days,—a reaction led by Mr. John Morley's sensible and manly reminder (addressed to the Liberal Women's Association on Wednesday) that no good had ever come out of recent anti-Popery movements. Another cause of the cooling of the Opposition was probably the disgust and indignation felt by the Irish at Sir William Harcoart's allusions to Rome. Mr. Davitt's inter- jections, and Mr. William Redmond's letter, showed that the

union of hearts" was in serious danger. The "alliance" has not hitherto been of much benefit to the nation, but if it prevents any more debates like that of Tuesday, it may really turn out -a blessing in disguise.

At a luncheon held on Wednesday, on the occasion of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the dedication of St. Alban's, Holborn, Lord Halifax hit back, not very wisely as we think, at Sir William Harcourt. His language was "a disgrace to an English gentleman ; " and " Sir William Harcourt said what he knew to be untrue." The vicar (the Rev. A. J. Suckling), who followed, declared that "he was obedient in the abstract, although it was possible he might be -disobedient in the concrete." A Bishop, he went on, " was not to be obeyed except in his Godly admonitions." That was not a very meek sentiment, but it has such an English, nay Puritan, ring about it that we cannot find it in our hearts to criticise. The men whom Laud and Charles persecuted were always ready to obey Godly admonitions, only, unfortunately, they never found the admonitions of Bishops to be Godly. Canon Knox Little's speech was in a similar vein, but not so insubordinate in tone. Indeed, it strikes us as one of the soundest things yet said during the -controversy. " Papalism " in the English Church was not to be permitted, but right authority was. "In a Church, such as the Church of England, there must be a large liberty, both for High Church and Low Church, and they must not try to drive each other out." If the High Church party will really maintain this spirit,—the authentic and essential spirit of the English Church whenever she has been at her best—and we believe that their wisest and most trusted leaders sincerely wish to maintain it, they will find the nation gradually side with them. But, remember, the Low Church are in danger of being driven out, and of taking refuge under the " Papalism " of Sir William Harcourt, as long as there is no limit placed on the practices of the extreme ritualists.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer dined with the Lord Mayor on Wednesday to meet the bankers and merchants of London. His speech was full of good sense. Alluding to the claims made on the Exchequer, he stated that he did not believe it was the business of this country to be the banker of the uncivilised world. There was something in the atmosphere which drove a Minister, when he had nothing to say about his own Department, to talk about foreign affairs. Acting on this principle, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach dealt with the problem of France and the Niger, and dwelt on the fact that war had only been avoided with great difficulty. " The country had not known—none but her Majesty's Government had known—how great the risk had been during these few months, and what were the dangers that might have been incurred." At the close of his speech, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach used words which will be endorsed by all sensible men. " We could not utilise the whole globe ourselves. We possessed already many of its choicest and most valuable spots, and if we applied to our public affairs that spirit of right and wrong which we would apply to our private affairs, what right had we to grudge to other nations that which we did not want for ourselves P He had no fear for the future of our trade or of our country." We are heartily glad to see the dog-in-the-manger policy so clearly and firmly denounced in high quarters. As our readers know,

that policy has, and always will receive, our strongest con- demnation.

The launch of the great battleship ' Albion,' 12,500 tons, at Blackwell on Tuesday was attended by a shocking disaster. The Duke and Duchess of York having promised to be present, a crowd said to have numbered two hundred thousand persons attended to witness the ceremony, forty thousand entering the building yards, and the launch of the mighty ship was most creditably performed, though the Duchess failed in her effort to break the usual bottle of wine over the ship's bows. As the vessel reached the river, how- ever, she displaced with her weight many thousand tons of water, which, rushing up the creek, lifted a frail bridge over an old disused slip, and flung off two hundred people who were upon it. They were chiefly wives and daughters of the dockyard employes, and thirty-one of them, with five men, were drowned, the thousands of willing rescuers not perceiving in the midst of the excitement and of the thunders of cheering what had occurred. It is stated that although the police did not anticipate the "backwash," they considered the bridge un- safe, and had prohibited entrance on it. The crowd, however, disregarded the prohibition, and the police, being unable to use force to hundreds of women, who were practically on their own ground, gave up the effort, and being overwhelmed with work, forgot the bridge. We have commented elsewhere on this terrible affair, and need only say here that no one was to blame save for a little self-will such as every crowd occa- sionally displays, except, as the police admit, a crowd in West London. That, being completely civilised, obeys the lifted finger of a policeman, or any " Take Notice," however inconvenient.

Apparently Mr. Rhodes does not possess quite the power and authority in the Cape Parliament of which he boasts so loudly when he is over here. In the Cape House of Assembly on Wednesday Mr. Schreiner's motion of want of confidence in the Ministry was carried by 41 votes to 36. The defeat of the Ministry, we are told by the Times' correspondent,, was "due to the defection of a few Progressives who refused to follow Mr. Rose-Lanes's lead in rallying to the Ministers, although they had supported the Redistribution Bill." Sir J. Gordon Sprigg declared that he adhered to every word of his letter to Mr. Chamberlain, and said he felt certain that it still represented the views of the great bulk of the people with regard to Mr. Rhodes. Mr. Rhodes has, therefore, failed to prevent the defeat of the Ministry. They will not, how- ever, resign, but will dissolve at once, and the Redistribution Bill will be lost. It is said that Mr. Rhodes must win at the General Election, and we suppose he will, for when in doubt the elector generally votes for the man with the longest purse; —but nothing is certain in South African politics. Another item of South African news which may be important is that the Transvaal Volunteer force, numbering some one thousand three hundred men, with two quick-firing guns and a field telegraph and ambulance, has crossed the Swazi border to attack the paramount chief of Swaziland, who, according to Mr. Chamberlain in answer to a question on Thursday night, is at his mountain kraal with one thousand followers. No acts of hostility have, however, yet taken place on either side, and it is possible that terms will be arranged. If not, we shall have an ugly recrudescence of the native question, spreading possibly into Basutoland.

The poll in East Huts for the seat vacant through the death of Mr. Abel Smith (Unionist) has resulted in the return of Mr. E. Cecil (Conservative) by a majority of 2P3. The Unionist majorities were in 1885, 1,236; and in 1892, 1,458. Compared with 1892 the Home-rulers have added a thousand to their vote, while the Unionists have had theirs diminished by two hundred. It is said that the muzzling order has had a great effect in the constituency, and it is also said that the attacks on the Government for not being Jingo enough about China and Russia had no little influence. If there were any prospect of an immediate General Election the situation could not be regarded as a pleasant one from the Unionist point of view. In two or three years' time, however, the issues that have affected East Harts may, and probably will, be as dead as Queen Anne.

Bank Rate, 3 per cent.

New Consols (2f) were on Friday, 1111. 6