Erhutto out Vrnrrthiugn in Vartiamtut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEER.

110ufis OP LOrms. Monday, Feb. 20. No business of importance. lisesdeb. 21. Barnstaple Election ; Petition presented from Lord Ebrington. ,Thurs , Feb. 23. University of Oxford ; Question and Answer—Transport of Cvalry ; Question and Answer—Troops in the West Indies ; Question and Answer. .Fri&y, Feb. 24. Eastern Question ; Lord Beaumont's Motion ; withdrawn after debate. House or Comumvs. Monday, Feb. 20. New Member ; Mr. Palk for South Devon—Eastern Question, Navy Estimates.; Debate ,resumed; Estimates voted._ Property Qualification 13111, read a first time. Tuesday, Feb.21. Manchester and SalforerEducation Bill, thrown out by 105 to 76. Wednesday, Feb. 22. University .of Oxford; Question and Answer—Pardon of Mr. Smith O'Brien announced by Lord Palmerston—Committee of Supply, report agreed 40. Thu'reilay, Feb.28. Dublin Hospitals; Select Committee appointed—Metropolitan Bridges ; Select Committee appointed—National Education (Scotland) Bill ; Lord Advocate's Statement; leave given.

Friday, Feb. 24. Committee of Supply; Army and Navy Estimates—Disabilities of Colonial Clergy Bill, read a first time—Ways and Means; Committee.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords. The Commons.

Hour of Hour of

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Meeting. AdJournmen Monday 1511 bh 30m Monday 4h .(m) 2h Urn Tuesday 5h bh 35m Tuesday 4h .... 12h Om Wednesday No sitting. Wednesday Noon .... lh 45m Thursday bh ., . 6h Om Thursday 4h . 10h 30m Friday 5h .... 9h 35m Friday 4h Jai) lh 15m

Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 6h e, tih — this Session. 15;

THE EASTERN QUESTION": NAVY ESTIMATES.

The debate on the Eastern question, arising on the motion for going into Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates, was resumed on Monday.

Mr. COBDEN said that he should not have addressed the House at all on the question of going to war with Russia, had the issue before them—. the end to be attained and the means to attain it—been clear and intelli- gible : but, even after the explanation of Lord John Russell—whose speech on Friday reminded him of the trumpet-blast before the shock of arms—he confessed himself ignorant both of the object and the means of carrying on the war. For himself, he promised to stick to the business in hand : but he asked the House to begin at the beginning ; since their passions had been so appealed to against this Russian aggression on Tur- key, that perhaps the origin of the melancholy dispute had been forgot- ten. With copious quotations from the blue-books, Mr. Cobden showed that the dispute originated in the demands upon Turkey by M. Lava- lette on behalf of France in respect to the Holy Places ; and that Russia intervened because Turkish concessions to France had changed the status quo. It is heart-sickening to find that we are perpetually running through a cycle of instincts—going back to the times of the Crusades; not, indeed, like the hero who stands in Palace Yard, to fight for the Christian against the Mussulman, but for the Mussulman against the Christian ! Following the course of the diplomatic transactions, Mr. Cobden made out that the rejection of the Menschikcdf note was the act of the Allies, not of the Turkish Government. Was that act advisable ? Russia had only acted as we acted when we compelled Brazil to carry out a treaty and put down the slave-trade. It is said that bad the Sul- tan signed the note he would have signed away his independence. But we recognized the grievances of the Christians ; and we are now-going to war because we insisted upon Turkey refusing to do that by a note to Russia which we intend to ask her to do by a note to ourselves. If the Turkish Government represented the population of Turkey—if Turkey were astate like Russia—we.might have-taken our stand on the abstract principle of national independence ; but the majority of the subjects of the Porte are not Turks, and if they had votes their policy would be on the side of the Czar. From the despatches of Lord Clarendon, Lord Stratford, and the Consular agents in Albania, Epirus, and Bosnia, it ap- pears that the Christians are oppressed to the verge of revolt ; that the Turkish Government pursue an unwise policy and carry on a reckless maladministration ; that dissatisfaction consequently prevails in Bulgaria and the whole of European Turkey ; that districts denuded of troops are exposed to robbery and rapine ; and that there is danger of the Imperial Government's being overpowered. Mr. Cobden asked whether Lord Palmerston would repeat the declaration he made at the close of last ses- sion, that during the last thirty years Turkey had made greater progress than any other country during the same .period ? In July last, Lord Clarendon used as arguments enforcing the necessity of a peaceful set- tlement, that bywar, no doubt, Russia would be crippled ; but Turkey, in dangerdrom internal dissolution, might be irretrievably ruined. And we are asked, exclaimed Mr. Cobden, "to form analliance—or, to use a commercial phrase, to enter into partnership—with a state in the position which I have described !" Undoubtedly, it would have been better for us to have taken the side of the majority and enlisted the Christians on our side. That -would have secured us .the only chance of preventing the aggression on Turkey.

One of the popular errors respecting 'Russia had been that the trade of Russia is insignificant compared to that of Turkey. That notion is er- roneous. The official returns do not show the extent of our imports from Russia. No doubt she keeps up the Protectionist delusion which we-have but lately abandoned, and what we, get no doubt we pay for. From reliable sources he asserted, that our imports from Russia amount to 13,020,0007., including articles of primary importance to our manufactures. How is machinery to work, and locomotives to travel, without tallow to grease the wheels ? Look, too, at the imports of linseed to the value of 1,300,000/. ; of flax and hemp, 3,200,00W. -If he-turned to Turkey, he found that our exports to that country do not amount to more than 3,000,0007.

Then, what are -we going to war for If the danger from Cossaok- ism be so great as is alleged, why is .it that Austria and Prussia are not OR the alert ? It might-be supposed that those who are nearest would be the first to fight. Is it-for us to fight the battle,of.Cossaokiam against:all the world ? And if we.do fight, why not confine operations to our navy ? He was bound to oppose such a mad policy as that of sending troops. There is no party in the country who would hesitate to join in a just war for the interests of peace ; but he was opposed to war with Russia upon so fine and gossamer-like a thread as whether the _Sultan should declare to-the Emperor Nicholas or to the Four Powers that he would preserve the privileges of his Christian subjects. "I think the best thing is to fall back upon the Vienna note. (Derisive laughter.) I see no objection to it." (Renewed-laughter.) Lord Joan MANNERS expressed.a hope that the country would support the Government when it is found that they are in earnest. He put forth a view, subsequently advocated at great length by Mr. Disraeli—that Lord Clarendon had unduly put faith in the assurances of Russia. He also charged the Government with .having delayed to cooperate 'with France. Sittings this Week, 5; Time. 35h 46m

— this Session. 19; — .99h On

Mr. Hommel,/ combated Mx. Cobden's view, which he had heard with surprise and deep regret In the teeth of facts, Mr. Cobden persists in speaking of Turkey as an effete and worn-out power. The real question

is, whether the Emperor of Russia is to be also the Emperor of Turkey. Mr. Horsman avowed that he had sat down to the blue-books with a

feeling unfavourable to Ministers; but he had come to a conclusion that

no course could be suggested that would not have led to results far more disastrous than that at length taken by the Cabinet. Glancing at the negotiations in detail, he showed that if Ministers had landed us in war

by accepting the crossing of the Pruth as a casus belli, they would have been censured for a display of precipitate energy, which they are now

censured for not having displayed. He insisted that the position of Eng- land and France and Turkey had been bettered by delay ; and that the Czar, who six months ago was regarded as the chief supporter of order, is now unmasked as the greatest revolutionist. We are going to war ; and he would have been glad if Lord John Russell had assured the House that we are not going to war to reestablish the status quo or enforce the renewal of old treaties. Government must not accept peace except on terms giving ample security against the repetition of a similar aggression. He trusted Russia would be compelled to indemnify Turkey for the expenses of the war, and to restore her territories. If'Ministers speak to the people as men rather than as diplomatists, they would obtain their cordial sup- port : the people would welcome sacrifices, and gladly brave any danger, to save Europe from the horrors of a barbarian incursion, and establish the peace and liberties of the world. Mr. Dnuumokrn made a speech in his own peculiar way, the drift of which was that England ought not to have meddled with the question. They were about to enter on a religious war for the tomb of Godefroi de Bouillon—which is already so broken that it cannot be sat down upon. "It appears that the author of the mischief from the very beginning has

been the Pope." (Laughter.) It is a religious war. "In fact, the pre- sent dispute is, whether the milliner shall come from Paris or St. Peters- burg to dress these idols" at Jerusalem. Mr. Drummond attacked Lord Aberdeen.

The head of the Government prides himself upon his powers of conceal- ment In another place he said he should like to see any one who would extract more information from him than he liked to give. "That statement reminded me of a story which I heard once in Scotland : a Highlandman had gone to India, and, on his return to England, brought home a parrot as a

present to his wife, which talked remarkably well; a neighbour, not wishing to be outdone, went to Edinburgh and brought his wife home a large owl. On its being remarked to him that the owl could never be taught to speak, 'Very true,' he replied, but consider the pooer o'thocht he has in him.' " (Loud laughter.)

We have found out that Turkey is necessary to the balance of power ; but how happens it that we did not find that out before the battle of Navarino, "which I remember Lord St. Helen's saying was a capital battle, only you knocked down the wrong man." And now, after reducing the Ottoman empire to the last stage of decrepitude, you

think you can uphold this tottering power on the pretence of the

balance of power. But if you are determined to go to warif it be true that it is to establish the balance of power—to humble Rus- sia and support the infidel Turk—if you will compel Austria and Prussia to stand true to their engagements, " then I say, Go where glory waits you.' " Strike your blow at the heart of Russia, and don't go wasting your shots in the Black Sea. At least do one thing—pro- claim the reestablishment of the kingdom of Poland; and this will effect more to bring these Continental Sovereigns to their senses than all your guards and fleets. Mr. IssAe Burr wished to know for what we are going to war ; con- tended-that we have no right to dictate the terms of peace to Turkey ;

and warned Ministers against making a mere parade of their forces for the purpose of arriving at a dishonourable peace. He was cheered by the House when he said that if Russia and Turkey were judged not by professions but acts, the Christians would be found on the right bank of the Danube.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT remarked, that Government is placed between two fires. One party say they have arrived tardily at the right place by

taking.the wrong road ; another party say that they took the right road at first, but have arrived at the wrong place; and both are unanimous in declining to test the opinion of the House on the merit of the arguments they have maintained. He combated such arguments as that Russia was not a formidable power : history disproved that ; and if the Russians are a nation of slaves, their intense feeling of nationality makes them strong. Ministers are not inclined to enter on war so much for the purpose of defending Turkey as of opposing Russia.

Mr. DISRAELI commenced his speech, which fills nine of the Morning Chronicle's long columns, by setting forth, and iterating, that the people of this country should not, as in the last great European war, be in igno-

rance why they are going to war, and for what object they are going to war. But how is the necessary knowledge to be obtained, except by studying what are called, in language that would a few years back have

been unparliamentary, the blue-books ? Therefore he protested against the doctrine of Sir James Graham that the House must either support or censure the Government, and that there is no middle course for the House to follow, when her Majesty, in a moment of danger, appeals with confidence to its loyalty for support. With great amplification of phrase, and much .reference to despatches, which he repeatedly apologized for reading, he commented on such points of the negotiations as suited the pur- pose, he had in view. He noticed the opinion prevalent of late years among statesmen, that the policy of Russia had not been to conquer the Ottoman empire by force, but by adroitness to obtain all that authority which would have resulted from possession of the seat of the. Sultan's empire. The Emperor of Russia announced that he would defend as a portion of his inheritance his patronage over 12,000,000 subjects of Turkey. This was to be accomplished by the stipulations of treaties ; and thus at the outset, the treaty of Bainardji, which only stipulated for the building and protection of a " new church" at Constantinople, was made the base of the diplomatic campaign, and upon that stipulation Russia founded her claim to a general protectorate. This was announced by the Emperor at the very outset of the recent negotiations. The question of the Holy Places was soon settled; but still the Russian forces accumulated on the frontier. Count Nesselrode said that his Government would ask an equi- valent for the privileges which the Greek Church had lost at Jerusalem; but, said Lord John Russell, he never told us what he wanted. Wicked Count Nesselrode! Infinite duplicity of Russian statesmen! But why

did not Sir Hamilton Seymour ask Count Nesselrode what he meant ? After Lord Clarendon's accession to office, a bias was shown in favour of Russia. The Turks were " lectured" on the necessity for internal and commercial reform; they were told to be moderato and prudent; and what was that but to hint thatthe Porte should comply with the demands of Russia? Ministers of course said that those demands were to be con- sistent with the independence of the Porte; but how they interpret that independence is evident from the insolent character of their friendly dic- tation. Mr. Disraeli went over and censured the conduct of Lord Cla-

rendon throughout the period of Prince Menschikoff's mission ; insinu- ating that Lord Clarendon had shut his eyes to the policy of Russia up to

the occupation of the Principalities. He dwelt much on the fact that the personal assurances given by the Emperor of Russia, which Ministers pleaded in their own excuse, had not been embodied in the printed cor-

respondence. From an adverse survey of the despatches, ho at length

elaborated this alternative conclusion—that Ministers had been influ- enced throughout either by credulity or connivance. If by credulity, then we may have a long and a severe war, ending perhaps for the public benefit : if by connivance, you may have a war carried on by connivance—" a timorous war, a vacillating war—a war with no results, or rather with the exact results which were originally intended."

Here Mr. Disraeli brought another accusation against Lord Clarendon. Was he justified in stating, on the 25th of April 1853, that there was no danger of the peace of Europe being disturbed, when he knew of the military preparations of Russia—knew that Prince Menschikoff wanted to negotiate a secret convention, and that Prince Menschikoff bad left Constantinople ? Was he justified in saying that Prince Menschikoff's mission was to arrange disputes with respect to the Holy Places ? Criticizing the famous Vienna note, he declared that it would be most difficult to account for it on the hypothesis of credulity ; that he could not bring himself to believe some of the most eminent and able statesmen could have produced such a failure or made such a mistake. But if from the first there was a foregone conclusion in

the Cabinet, or at least in the majority of the Cabinet, that the independence and integrity of Turkey were a farce, and that by a conscientious connivance the affair might be settled, then he could account for the Vienna note. He described the dreary interval after the failure of the Vienna note. He laid hold of expressions in a speech of Mr. Gladstone at Manchester,—that "the condition of Turkey was full of anxiety, misery, and perplexity" ; and that "in- tegrity and independence" could not be predicated of Turkey in the same sense as of England and France. He said that Ministers were only aroused by the energies of the Turks themselves—by the patriotic spirit of the people whom Mr. Cobden libels and reviles—by the vigour of the subjects of a sovereignty "full of anxiety, misery, and perplexity." Oltenitza saved the Turks once ; Sinope operated again in their favour : our fleets were ordered to enter the Black Sea. But what did they do ? When he heard of the return of our squadrons to the Bosphorus, he could not but recall the words of a great orator, when he said, " Oh Athenians ! the men who administer your affairs are men who know not how to make peace or war." He repeated, that if the policy of the Ministry be that of connivance, then a disastrous war would lead to an ignominious peace.

Turning to the preparations made for the future, Mr. Disraeli glorified Lord Malmesbury—a man of sagacity, and a Minister of unswerving firmness—for having foreseen the value of the French alliance. He taunted Sir James Graham and Lord John Russell with abusing Empe- rors—with having called Louis Napoleon "a pirate." He expressed a hope that no engagement had been made with France as to not disturbing the territorial arrangements of Europe. We quote Mr. Disraeli's con- clusion in his own words.

" On Friday night, when I made some observations, the noble Lord the Member for the City of London said that I made an important declaration,

because I rose with the concurrence and indeed at the request of honourable

gentlemen on these benches, to state that we would offer no opposition to the vote for men, which the noble Lord wished immediately to pass. (Cheers from the Opposition.) The noble Lord was pleased to say that that was an

important declaration. I confess myself that I was rather surprised at the somewhat exaggerated view the noble Lord took of those simple words ; for, whatever opinion we may entertain of the conduct of the Government in the management of those transactions which have led to this terrible conclusion, I cannot suppose that, upon these benches, there can be any difference of

opinion as to the duty we have to fulfil—to support the Sovereign, and to maintain the honour of this country. (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) I can assure the noble Lord, that so long as the Opposition benches are filled

by those who now occupy them, he will at least encounter men who will not

despair, under any circumstances, of the resources and of the fortunes of their country. (Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) The noble Lord possesses

great historical information, and has great experience of this House. I can-

not but believe that the noble Lord must have drawn his opinion of those who sit opposite to him from his recollection of other and preceding Oppc• shims. (" Hear ") I don't know whether on the part of the noble

Lord it was an effort of memory or of remorse. But this I can say, I can answer for myself and for my friends, that no future Wellesley on the

banks of the Danube will have to make a bitter record of the exertions of an English Opposition that depreciated his efforts and that ridiculed his talents. (Cheers from the Opposition.) We shall remember what we believe to be our duty to this country ; and however protracted may be the war—however unfortunate your counsels—at least we shall never despair of the Republic." (Loud cheers.)

It was one o'clock when Lord RtimEnsrox rose to speak. Late as the hour was, he said, he would not be discharging his duty did he not offer some observations in reply. They had met to deliberate upon a most solemn and important occasion: the country was on the verge of war ; the papers on the table had been produced with the express view that Parliament might review and express its opinion upon the conduct of Ministers. Still he did not expect to hear from any Member what had fallen from Mr. Disraeli ; because, were he of opinion that a Government was justly chargeable with credulity or connivance, he would feel that the only course open to him would be to withhold from that Government the confidence of Parliament. Yet were they told that a Government so condemned should receive the supplies, and be intrusted with the fortune of the war ! Many charges might be brought against Ministers. They might be charged with rashly rushing into war.: but no an) has

made that charge. They might be charged with -b on ,war by

delay or credulity : but that is not a charge Which can analpined. Their forbearance and moderation makei Ahern stand well in the :° of the country. To say Ministers'had dung to every hope of tergating the disputes, and had trusted those not deserving of trust—these are not charges, but proofs that all has been done to avoid war.

Lord Palmerston, by a reference to dates, disproved the allegation that Lord Clarendon had misled Parliament on the 25th of April 1853. When Lord Clarendon spoke, Prince Menschikoff had not left Constantinople, for he did not leave it until the 22d of May ; the latest declaration of the Russian authorities, in the hands of Lord Clarendon, was made by Count Nesselrode on the 28th of March, when he said the settlement of

the question of the Holy Places would arrange everything between Russia and Turkey. That assertion was repeated on the 30th; and when such assertions are made by a Government like Russia, the Go- vernment to which they are made is entitled to place confidence in them. But when Count Nesselrode said that our Government had known from the outset what were the demands of Russia upon Turkey, he asserted that which was utterly at variance with the fact. Lord Palmerston felt bound to say, that, " by itself and its agents, the Russian Government has throughout these transactions exhausted every modification of un- truth, concealment, and evasion, and has ended with assertions of positive falsehood." Returning to the charge of delay, he justified it, on the ground that it was important to secure the cooperation of Austria and Prussia : last summer we might have had no reason to expect their cooperation. Lord Palmerston vindicated the object of the war ; and, amid cheers from both sides of the House, he answered Mr. Cobden's appeal, by de- claring that he abided by the assertion that there is hardly any country which in the same period of time has made such progress in its internal arrangements as Turkey. He showed that it is not long since our Ca- tholic fellow subjects in Ireland stood upon a much worse footing than the Christian subjects of Turkey. Yet he fancied the men of science and literature of the day before Catholic Emancipation would have been

much surprised had they been told they were barbarians, and deserved to be conquered by France, iu order that the Catholics should be placed on the same footing as the Protestants in this country. He observed that the power of Russia for aggression is overrated, and with France and England against him the Emperor's chance is entirely desperate.

Ministers are willing to lay the case of Government before Parliament and the country, convinced that the country will be satisfied they have not reck- lessly involved it in war ; a war the consequences of which be would not underrate, but which he thought will be different from all others in which this country has been engaged. He had no hesitation in applying to the coun- try for assistance to carry on the war with vigour. " But if it be the opinion of the country or Parliament that we have shown weakness and credulity or the infamy of connivance, let them take the conduct of the war from the

hands of a Government incompetent to carry it on, and place it in the hands of those in whose ability, judgment, and sagacity, they can place greater re- liance." (Loud cheers.) Colonel SIBTLIORP said he had no confidence in the Government ; and expressed a hope that it would not be humbugged by France or Austria. As an humble Colonel of Militia, he would be ready to give the Execu- tive all the assistance in his power in prosecuting the war. ("Hear !" and laughter.)

Here the debate ended, and the House resolved itself into a Committee of Supply.

In this Committee, 16,024,1001. was voted to defray the charge for out- standing Exchequer Bills.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM, deferring, on account of the lateness, any state- ment in respect of the Navy Estimates, proposed the following votes,—

the number of seamen was fixed at 41,000 ; boys, 2000 ; marines afloat, 8000 ; marines on shore, 7500 ; total, 58,500 : 2,192,6711. for the pay, and 870,3241. for the victuals.

The votes were agreed to, and the House resumed.

A brief but spirited conversation took place on Wednesday, when the report of Supply was brought up.

Mr. HUME said, he did not wish to interrupt the proceedings of the House during the recent debate on the Eastern question, but he could not allow this occasion to pass without stating that it was the first time since he had been in Parliament that he had not taken part in the ques- tion of voting the number of men. He had abstained from taking his usual course by the peculiar circumstances in which the country was now placed. But, after the unfair charges brought against members of the Administration, those who, like himself, belong to no party, are called upon to state their candid opinion on the subject.

He was one of those who thought that the Government, so far from being blamed for having exhausted every means of maintaining peace, deserve the thanks of their country for the proper alarm they had evinced on this trying occasion at the horrors and expense of war. If it had appeared to him that there was any evidence of neglect on their part in conducting the negotiations, he would have been disposed to overlook it for the sake of the peaceful object which they had kept ever in view ; but so far as the papers went, they showed that the Government—not only the present, but the for- mer Government of Lord John Russell, and also the intervening one—had done everything in their power to keep aloof from the quarrel between the Latin and Greek Churches, whilst they had all along shown an anxious desire to conclude the dispute between Russia and Turkey. He gave the Govern- ment, so far as he could, every credit for having done what they had in this matter. At the same time, he believed they had been very much deceived by placing confidence in Russia ; though he could not blame them for having done that with respect to a Government which had for so many years been acting in cordial alliance with England. He could not blame them for placing confidence in the statements, oral and written, made by the agents of that power in the recent negotiations; but he had no hesitation in saying they had been deceived. The shame, however, was not with them, but with those by whom they had been deceived. Under these circumstances, although he could not but regret the necessity for our landing large bodies of troops on the Continent of Europe, he was prepared to support to the fullest extent, not the honour of the country—for he held that to be an empty word—but the measures of the Government in the impending struggle. When he looked back to the gradual encroachments from year to year by Russia on the neighbouring countries, he could not but think that those encroachments, if allowed to proceed, would become dangerous to the general liberties of this country and of mankind at large. It was on that ground that he con- sidered the Government compelled to take the course they had done. Con- sidering that we are situated on the very verge of the Western Continent of Euro that our comma ervaded the whole world, and that the liber- ties of rd 'might be said to depend to a great extent on the liberty of Raglan he, did not think,tatOvivemment were to blame for the anxiety they h anifeeted in this' mattek. The increase that had taken place in the vo `01134.00.0 snot, on this o6 ion was moderate, in his opinion, con-

side imiteksenCP- }pd he happy to think that the expense was

less in proportion to the numerical increase of the men than he had appro.. hended ; which was owing, no doubt, to the laudable anxiety on the part of the Government to economize the expenditure. He thought, therefore, the measures set on foot by the Government to stay the encroachments of Russia on the liberties of mankind had been conceived and executed in the beat and most economical manner.

In reference to a remark which fell from Mr. Drummond on a preceding night, Mr. Hume could not think it was either consistent with fair play, with the dignity of that House, or with the maintenance of the authority of the Government, for any one to throw doubts on the character of the head of the Administration. He thought the attack upon Lord Aberdeen most un- generous and most unjust ; and he regretted to think that while some Mem- bers were ready to give their confidence to the Ministers, they were taking means to degrade them in the public estimation. He thought the Govern- ment were seriously to blame for the secrecy with which they had, till lately, surrounded all the documents relating to the dispute between the contending powers. He was satisfied, if the Government had published those documents from time to time, that many of the charges against the Government would not have been made, and they would have escaped most of the aspersions and doubts which had attached to their conduct as public men on this occasion. He thought the people of England would rally round the Government in a time of difficulty and danger like this ; and they ought fairly, in a matter of this kind, to have been trusted, and not suspected. He would express a hope, that in this or any future proceeding of the kind, should such unhappily occur, the Government would never again leave those who might be disposed to support them in ignorance or doubt as to the grounds on which they might do so. He never expected to live to see the day when the people of this country would stand up as one man almost in support of Turkey. He never thought to have seen the day when, in a question of this kind, where outlay was necessary and great expense was to be incurred, he could come forward and so entirely express his opinion in favour of the conduct of the Government. In doing so, he begged again to say that he thought all through the transactions they had acted withpru- dence and good faith, and deserved the confidence and approval of the country. (Cheers.)

Mr. MoNcirroN Miasma observed that Ministers had paid a severe penalty for withholding papers. He expressed a hope, that in case any portion of the Army should be sent to the East, due provision would be made to guard them against change of climate and of living, of hardship, exposure, and the chances of war ; and that proper medical officers would be appointed and all scientific means employed for the protection of the army. He had no fear of the British soldier on the field of battle—he could be trusted there ; what he did fear was " the arrow that flieth by night, and the pestilence that walketh at noon-day." He believed that the preparations for the impending war were vigorous and irreproachable. Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY censured the Government for want of vigour in the early part of the question. Sir DE Lacy EVANS defended the Go- vernment. He hoped they would not make their warlike preparations by driblets, but carry them out with vigour " at once." Lord PALMERSTON assured the House, that information had not been withheld from any distrust of Parliament or the country, or from any de- sire of concealing the nature and progress of the negotiations. He was sure the House would see that premature publication of unfinished ne- gotiations may prejudice the successful result of those negotiations ; and that premature publication must defeat the chance of a successful issue. He also responded to the hope expressed by Mr. Manes that all care would be taken of the health and comfort of the troops.

" Sir, I can only assure my honourable friend and the House, that that subject is one which above all things attracts the attention and employs the care of her Majesty's Government, not only now, but always—but more es- pecially at the present time, considering the distance of the place for which they are to embark. Every care has been taken to provide for the health and comfort of the troops, and every precaution adopted to guard them from those injuries and inconveniences which may arise from the various casual- ties resulting either from climate or from actual war. Therefore, those friends and relations whom they leave behind may be satisfied that nothing will be omitted which it is possible to do to provide for their health and their comfort while engaged on the expedition on which they have been sent. It is a peculiar advantage of the British service, that greater care is taken of British troops than of the troops of any other nation in the world ; and although it may be attended with some increase of expense, and may seem at first sight to render the British army more expensive than any other army, yet if we measure expense by results, ours is actually the cheapest arrangement which can be made. I will venture to say that if you take forty or fifty thousand of any army in the world and an equal number of British troops, you will find that, owing to the greater care which is paid to our army in respect of food, clothing, and medical attendance, the forty. thousand British troops will, on the day of action, bring into the field of battle a far greater number of men than a similar army of any other nation in the world. That is one reason—I may say it without any national vanity —of the great efficiency in the field of British troops in comparison to the numbers employed."

Mr. Murrrz said, he was confirmed, by the perusal of the blue-books, in the opinion he expressed at the end of last session, that the question would have been settled sooner if Government had shown greater energy at first. But having got into the war, "all we have to do is to exert our- selves like Englishmen, and get out of it as well as we can." After a few words from Lord ROBERT GROSVENOR, in defence of the pacific policy of Ministers,—which, he said, had gained "a triumph of diplomacy" by enlisting Austria and Prussia on their side,—the report was agreed to. TRANSPORT OF CAVALRY.

The Earl of CARDIGAN called attention to the proposed mode of trans- porting the cavalry and artillery to the East in sailing-ships instead of steamers. It is desirable that the force should arrive at its destination in as efficient a state as possible. Horses suffer in a long sea-voyage. He thought the country would not grudge any small additional expense.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE concurred in the opinion that the country would not refuse the additional expense : but that is not the difficulty. It is precisely because steam-navigation is in a flourishing condition that the proposition is impracticable without deranging the postal arrange- ments of the country. When it was first determined to send an expedition to the Mediterranean, there were those who assured the Duke that it would be absolutely impos- sible to transport 20,000 men thither in steam-vessels without entirely de- ranging the arrangements of the companies. That has not proved to be the case ; the difficulty, such as it was, has been overcome by the patriotic readi- nese evinced by all the companies : it was his duty to state, however, that he knew the arrangements which had been made by the Government had already proved a serious inconvenience to many of those companies. He was afraid the suggestions of Lord Cardigan could not be carried out. The Earl of Etrarnmaouoa suggested that steamers could make two or three trips while sailing-vessels made one, so that steamers of 5000 tons would land the force as speedily as, and a portion more speedily than, sailing-vessels of 15,000, the tonnage required. Lord DE Res said, that when he was connected with the service he had known cavalry-horses conveyed with great safety in sailing-vessels.

TROOPS IN THE WEST INDIES.

The Earl of DESART asked whether an arrangement had not been made for the withdrawal of troops from the smaller West India Islands ? He believed it was false economy. In the recent riots at Tortola, the Governor had to apply for assistance to a Danish island ; and it was disgraceful that British subjects and territory should be protected by foreign arms.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE said, Lord Desert was correctly informed as to the withdrawal of troops from St. Vincent, Tobago, Dominica, and St. Christopher ; but the measure had not been adopted solely on the ground of expense. By being dispersed in detachments, the discipline of the troops was greatly deteriorated ; and in time of war these small de- tachments were useless, and might, by being defeated, entail disgrace on the British flag. That the military reason. The civil reason was, that the retention of the troops in colonies for police purposes prevented those colonies from establishing a police ; and the result of the with- drawal would be, that the West India Islands would fulfil a duty they bad long neglected, and provide themselves with a police. The policy the Government had adopted is not to be limited to the West Indies, but will be extended to all our Colonial possessions. In Canada, efforts are made to concentrate the troops, and some small forts maintained at the close of the war have been abandoned.

Earl GREY thought that the measure was judicious, but it must be carried out with precaution, otherwise the White inhabitants, actuated by alarm at the Blacks, might leave the West India Islands prematurely. Lord ELGIN supported the views of the Colonial Secretary.

Oxrosw UNIVEBSITY.

In reply to Mr. Bract:ars, on Wednesday, Lord Jouw RUSSELL said he thought the Hebdomadal Board deserve credit for the pains they have taken to explain their scheme ; but, as Lord Palmerston had already sig- nified to the Chancellor of the University, "her Majesty could not be advised to assent to the proposal for granting a licence in favour of the draught of constitution proposed by the Hebdomadal Board." In reply to Mr. WALPOLE, Lord 'JOHN RUSSELL added, that the com- munications that have passed between Lord Palmerston and the Univer- sity and Colleges will be laid on the table of the House in time for dis- cussion.

In the souse of Tests ea Thursday, the Earl of DERBY complained that Government had prevented the independent action of the University of Oxford, by announcing that they could not consent to the scheme put forth in the petition of the Hebdomadal Board; and he asked whether Ministers would, before they publish their own scheme, send it officially to theUniversity, so that it•ratight be takeii into consideration? The Earl of ABERDEEN answered, that it is not the present intention of Government to submit their, lan officially to the Hebdomadal Board.

Anything of the nature of deliberation is .out of the question in Con- vocation, which has no power to do more than lay " yea " or -" no " to the propositions of the Hebdomaddl ;Board—except, indeed, that any gentleman -might, if he wished, make a Latin speech ; and the only additional informa- tion-which the Government would have obtained by waiting umil after the .proceedings in-Convocation would therefore have been, as to whether that body-assented-to or dissented -from the propositions of the Board.

MANCHESTER AND PUBLIC EDUCATION.

'Shortly after the.time usually allotted to private business, .on Tuesday, Mr. ADDEBLET rose to move the second reading of the •Manchester and Salford Education Bill. He was glad it was :brought forward apart from private business, ashe should-wish it to be treated more as a public bill. The object was to enable the ratepayers of _Manchester to rate themselves to a common fund, which, proportionally distributed among existing :schools, would give adequate-education to the inhabitants of that city. He would prefer that the bill should be a public bill, but.he had been .compelled to bring it forward in this shape. Though nominally local, i was.a general measure.; and so.great were its merits, that he was sure every city and town in the kingdom would follow in the wake of Man- chester. Mr. Adderley briefly reviewed the three theories of education —the secular, the voluntary, and ,the denominational,—and decided for the last. He did not dqprecate raising sums'of money, by rates for edu- cational purposes.; but he held that:the free rate .of.a free community was the.contribution of that community levied upon itself had was little more in essential principle than a voluntary contribution; the only distinction that could be drawn between a voluntary contribution and a local rate luting, that the one was fluctuating and the other permanent, that the one rested upon individuals and the other was spread over the whole com- munity. He contended, that if the bill was a local measure the blame lay with Lord John Russell, avho had promised a general educational measure.

Mr. Matra Gzesot opposed the second reading; contending that it was an abuse of privilege to introduce Bach a measure as a private bill ; for it was never intended that such measures as Parliamentary re- form or national education should pass through that House by means of the technical form of a private bill, whereby public discussion was evaded. The bill had jumped to a second reading ; had it been a public bill, leave must have been asked to bring it in. Would the House commit itself to a principle of national education upon a private bill ? Besides, the Municipal Council of the borough had unanimously petitioned against the bill. He took his stand upon the principle that it would be inexpedient to make matters of general public policy the subject of private legislation. He moved as an amendment, "That education to be supported by public rates is a subject that ought not to be dealt with by any private bill?

A discussion ensued, in the course of which Lord JOHN RUSSELL showed the insuperable difficulties connected with the motion. Giving the promoters of the bill great credit for their labours, he regretted that the forms of the House would interpose difficulties in the way of the accom- plishment of their desires. Had the bill been introduced as a public measure, the Speaker would have stated, that, as it was intended solely for the benefit of the people of Manchester, it could not be introduced as a public measure. Then Manchester was not agreed on the subject, and the Town-Council had adopted a resolution in effect asking the House not to allow the bill to proceed. By this bill the ratepayers were to under-

take the expense of schools, which were to be free schools, and to admit persons who did not conform to the rules in respect to religious teaching, still retaining the schools under the same management as heretofore. There would be great difficulty in carrying that into effect. Persons now subscribe sums and attend and conduct schools on the principles they think best. But if people were no longer asked to contribute money in this way, and found the rules disregarded, they would cease to attend from week to week, and would discontinue their labour of love. There would be less objection to a permissive measure, enabling communities to set up schools according to one or several schemes. In Lord John's opin- ion, we shall not realize anything like a system of national education, in which there shall be any approach to uniformity, for a long time to come. Lord John repeated his known objections to the secular plan—a plan entirely repugnant to the people. Subsequently, Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, who defended the measure, ex- plained, for Mr. Milner Gibson's edification, why it was necessarily in- troduced as a private bill. If the bill were to be locally carried out, were local in its objects, and

sought to carry out its objects of local taxation, it could be passed only as a private bill. Therefore any objection on that ground could not be sustained, as the promoters had no other course open to them. But if the House read the bill a second time in the only form that it could be laid before the House, it would enable them to consider it more fully in Committee.

In the prolonged discussion that arose, Mr. Adderley's views were

supported by Mr. NAPIER, Mr. HARCOURT, Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE, Mr. PATTEN, Mr. CHAMBERS, and Mr. E. BALL. Opposed to these views, and mainly following the arguments of Lord John Russell and Mr. Gibson, were Mr. W. J. Fox, Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. HENLEY, Mr. WAL- POLE, Mr. BROTHERTON, and Mr. MUNTZ. Mr. PETO and Mr. MIALL defended the Voluntary principle. Sir GEORGE GREY, early in the de- bate, took up an independent position, and suggested that Ministers should state what course they would pursue as to the general subject of education. In his reply, Mr. ADDERLEY observed, that if Government bad adopted the proposition of Sir George Grey, ho should have been

content to accept it. But he felt, when Lord John Russell told him he might take up a public bill if he chose, that was a mere evasion of the subject, and he must divide the House. For the second reading, 76 ; against it, 105. The bill, therefore, was lost ; and the amendment was carried without a division, the words "at present" being inserted by permission of the House. NATIONAL EDUCATION FOR SCOTLAND.

The LORD Anvoesva, in moving for leave to bring in a bill " to make better provision for the education of the people of Scotland, and to amend the laws relating thereto," observed that the difficulties which beset the general question of education would give way to an energetic and earnest attempt; to deal with them. Education should be the last question on which dogmas should be contested. It should be treated as a question of benevolence ; but, owing to the neglect of other generations as well as our own, the question resolves itself into one of self-defence. We have suffered grow up in the very heart of the country, and in the very centre of our great towns, at the root of our social system, a savage and barbarous race, tied to us by none of the ordinary sympathies and feelings which bind together great social communities ; inheriting with their blood the energies and passions of the race from which they sprung, but with those energies untamed and unsoftened by any human influence, those passions unconquered, and their minds unenlightened by any knowledge of their duty either towards God or towards their fellow men. He did not use these words as mere matter of declamation ; they were the plain simple words of truth. At the very basis of society there is a deep, an unfathomable, stag- nant, and pestilential pit of ignorance, which if not dealt with will produce the greatest evils. He had no great hopes that the measure he was about to propose for Scotland would eradicate the evil ; but time presses, and a remedy of some kind must be applied. He proposed to establish, under the cognizance of a general board, a large system of inspection, so that a complete educational survey of Scotland might be made. The parish-schools are sustained by a rate calculated on the price of grain and paid by the heritors. That rate had been reduced from time'to time, and it expired last year ; when the minimum sank from 251. to 191. and the maximum from 34/. to 251. He proposed to fix the burdens on the heritors at 341., and to make the salary of the schoolmasters up to wt. be a payment of 161. under the Privy Council, out of a fund to be voted for that purpose. The schoolmaster to have a retiring allowance of 251. • one-half paid by the heritors, the other by the Privy Council. He proposed to abo- lish tests. He did not propose in the first instance to make any change in the body electing the schoolmasters—[the heritors and the parish minister]— but the appointment should be approved by the Inspector of the district and the General Board. Condemning the superintendence of the schools by the Presbyteries of the Established [Scottish] Church, he proposed-to leave the su- perintendence in the hands of the hcritors and ministers; giving a power of survey to the Inspectors. The bill provided that if the heritors no longer wished to maintain a school, they could throw it upon the general assessment. The Lord Advocate maintained the duty of uniting secular and religious instruction ; and asked why there should be difficulties in a land where the religious be- lief of nine-tenths of the people is substantially identical, and the only differ- ence turns on the principle of church government ? The bill provided that stated hours for religious instruction should be set apart by every school com- mittee, but that children should not be bound to attend when their parents object. When additional schools are wanted in boroughs, power will be given to assess the boroughs forthwith to maintain those schools ; but in the country districts the ratepayers will be convened, and will decide whether additional schools shall be founded or not. The General Board should be composed of the Lord Advocate, the Solicitor-General, five delegates from the Universities, and three or five nominees of the Crown. He proposed a general education-rate over all Scotland—not to exceed a penny in the pound—for the purpose of establishing a system of juvenile industrial and reformatory schools, to provide for poor parishes which might have adopted the assess- ment but could not raise sufficient funds, and to assist all denominational schools at a certain rate per scholar. The speech of the Lord Advocate was followed by general criticisms on

the bill from several Members ; some objecting to the abolition of the test, others to the severance of the Established Church from the manage- ment of schools.. But few of the speakers expressed either opposition to the measure as a whole or commendation of it. In the end, leave was given to bring in the bill.

PARDON FOR Mn. SMITH O'BRIEN. In reply to Mr. BEAMISH respecting a report that Mr. Smith O'Brien was to be pardoned, Lord PALMERSTON said, that some of those who were transported with Mr. Smith O'Brien had broken their parole and had escaped, but that " Mr. O'Brien, whatever may have been his faults, has acted like a gentleman, and has not taken advantage of the opportu- Mlles of which, had he been less honourably disposed, he might have availed himself." Therefore "her Majesty's Government intend to ad- vise the Crown to extend to Mr. Smith O'Brien the means of placing himself in the same situation, by an act of clemency on the part of the Crown, in which those other persons have placed themselves by a viola- tion of the pledges they had given." [Lord Palmerston's announcement was cordially cheered.)

DUBLIN" HOSPITALS.

On the motion of Mr. GRoc.tx, a Select Committee was appointed to in- quire into the Dublin Hospitals, with especial reference to their position now that the Parliamentary grants in aid have been reduced.

METROPOLITAN BRIDGES.

On the motion of Mr. OLIVEIRA, a Select Committee was appointed to inquire into the state and condition of the bridges over the Thames in the Metropolis ; to report whether they are adequate to the present vastly increasing traffic ; whether it be desirable to construct one or more bridges over the river ; and if so, at what point or points ; whether it would be desirable to provide, out of local funds the means of throwing open to the public the present toll-paying bridges ; and if so, upon what terms such bridges could be thrown open ?

Sir WILLIAM MoLEswowru thought the Committee would be advan- tageous. He should decidedly object that new bridges should be built at the expense of the public out of the Consolidated Fund. If new bridges are wanted, be thought they ought to be built out of the local funds of the Metropolis.