_foreign anb Oolonfal.

FBAItCE.—The Congress of Friends of Universal Peace opened its sittings in Paris, at the Salle de St. Cecille in the Rue Chaussee d'Antin, on Wed- nesday morning. The hall will contain about 1,500 persons; soon after eleven, a very respectable auditory had completely filled the room. " The galleries on both sides and in front of the chair, and also a great portion of the paquet, were filled with ladies. Along the walls on both sides were seen the united flags of the nations whose representatives form the Con- gress. The stripes and stars of the United States occupied a prominent Position and side by side floated the tricolor of France and the union-jack of England. Though no Spaniard attended the Congress, the red and yellow flag of Saint Ferdinand was blended with the banner of St. George and the eagles of Austria."

Among the persons on the platform, were MM. Victor Hugo, Cormenin, Bastiat, Coquerel, Larochefoucauld, Bouvet, Visschers, and Emile de Gi- rardin; Elihu Burritt and Amass Walker ; Richard Cobden, Joseph Sturge, William Ewart, Charles Hindley, Henry Vincent, and Douglas Jerrold; Roussel, Van Hoorebeke, Carovd, Deguerry; and the Count Ladislas Teleki.

Mr. Cobden presented himself at an early hour: "the moment it was known that he was present he was received with the most enthusiastic ac- clamations, men and women rising from their seats and saluting the great apostle of free trade. The American gentlemen met also with an enthu- siastic reception." M. Victor Hugo was nominated President. The Archbishop of Paris had been solicited to preside, but excused himself by the following letter.

"TO THE MEMBERS OP THE CONGRESS OF UNIVERSAL PEACE.

" Paris, Aug. 17.

" Genffemen— I have been profoundly touched by the visit which Messrs. Rochnon- cauld de Liancourt, Victor Hugo, Coquerel, and Elihu Burritt, were pleased to pay me, and by the letter which you have just written to me, to offer me the Presidency of the Congress of the Friends of Universal Peace. " This, gentlemen, is an honour the full value of which I feel, and for which I should never be able adequately to express my gratitude.

" I think with you, gentlemen, that war is a remnant of ancient barbarism ; that it is accordant with the spirit of Christianity to desire the disappearance of this formidable scourge from the face of the earth, and to make strenuous efforts to attain this generous and noble end. Perhaps, alas! the time has not come when it will be completely pos- sible for the nations to enter upon this path. Perhaps war will continue for many years longer to be a cruel necessity. But it is proper, It is praiseworthy, it is excellent, to labour to make the people understand that they, as well as individuals, ought to termi- nate their differences by pacific means, and that humanity will have made immense progress on the day when an end shall have been put to these fratricidal contests.

"I beg you, therefore, gentlemen, to Inscribe my name amongst the friends of the Congress of Peace : but it is to me a source of deep regret that I cannot, on account of my health, accept the honour of presiding over you.

" If my physician, who urges me to go on a journey to avoid a dangerous state of health, would nevertheless consent to let me put it off for some days, and If my neu- ralgic pains are not too violent, It will afford me real pleasure to be present at one of your sessions.

"Receive, gentlemen, together with the expression of these sentiments, the assur- ance of my most distinguished consideration.

" MARIE DOMINIQUE AUGUSTE, Archbishop of Paris."

M. Victor Hugo then read an opening address.

He apostrophized the meeting as an assemblage from the most distant places to add another principle of a superior and more august kind to those that now direct statesmen, rulers, and legislators: they had met in that capital which had as yet only decreed fraternity among citizens—they were about to proclaim the frater- nity of men. But was this religious idea of universal peace—all nations bound together in a common bond—practicable ? Could it be realized? Many practical men, grown old in the management of affairs answered, No; but he answered without hesitation, Yes. He would shortly prove it, and would go still further. "I do not merely say it is capable of being put into practice, but 1 add that it is inevitable, and its execution is only a question of time, and may be hastened or retarded. The law which rules the world cannot be different from the law of God. But the Divine law is not one of war—it is peace. Men have commenced in con- flict, as the creation did in chaos. Whence do they proceed ? From wars—that is evident. But whither do they go? To peace—that is equally evident. When you enunciate those sublime truths, it is quite simple that your assertion should be met by a negative; it is easy to understand that faith is encountered by in- credulity; it is evident that in this period of trouble and of dissension the idea of universal peace must surprise and shock, almost like something impossible, and only ideal; it is quite clear that all will talk of Utopias: but for me,' who am but an obscure labourer in this great work of the nineteenth century, I accept this resistance without being astonished or dismayed. Is it possible that you can turn aside your head and shot your eyes, as if in bewilder-

ment, when in the midst of the darkness which as yet envelops you you suddenly open the door that lets in the light of the future? Gentle- men, if four centuries ago, at the period when war was made by one district against the other, between cities, and between provinces—if, I say, some one had dared to predict to Lorraine, to Picardy, to Normandy, to Brittany, to Au- rergne, to Provence, to Dauphiny, to Burgundy—' A day shall come when you will nolonger make wars; a day shall come when you will no longer arm men one against the other; a day shall come when it will no longer be said that the Nor-

mans are attacking the Picardians, or that the people of Lorraine are repulsing the Burgundians. You will still have many disputes to settle, interests to con- tend for, difficulties to resolve; but do you know whom you will select, instead of

armed men, instead of cavalry and infantry, of cannon, of falconets, lances, pikes, swords? You will select, instead of all this destructive array, a small box of wood, which you will term a ballot-box, and from which shall issue—what ?—

an assembly; an assembly in which you shall all live; an assembly which shall be as it were the soul of all; a supreme and popular council, which shall decide,

judge, resolve everything—which shall make the sword fall from every hand, and

excite the love of justice in every heart—which shall say to each, Here termi- nates your right, there commences your ditty. Lay down your arms!' And in that day you will all have one common thought, common interests, a common destiny; you will embrace each other, and recognize each other as children of the

same blood and of the same race: that day you shall no longer be hostile tribes, you will be a people ; you will no longer be merely Burgundy, Normandy, Brit- tany, Provence—you will be France I You will no longer make appeals to war— yon will appeal to civilizationI'—If, at the period I speak of, some one had ut- tered these words, all men of a serious and positive character, all prudent and cautious men, all the great politicians of the period, would have cried out, ' What a dreamer! what a fantastic dream! How little this pretended prophet is ac- quainted with the human heart ! What ridiculous folly ! what absurdity ' Yet, gentlemen, time has gone on and on, and we find that this dream, this folly, this absurdity has been realized And I insist upon this, that the man who would have dared to utter so sublime a prophecy would have been pronounced a mad- man for having dared to pry into the designs of the Deity..

" Well then, you at this moment say—and I say it with you—we who are as- sembled here, say to France, to England, to Prussia, to Austria, to Spain, to Italy, to Russia, we say to them—' A day will come when from your hands also the arms they have grasped shall fall. A day will come when war shall appear as impossible, and will be as impossible, between Paris and London, between Si. Pe- tersburg and Berlin, between Vienna and Turin, as it is now between Rouen and Amiens, between Boston and Philadelphia. A day will come when you, Franca —you, Russia—you, Italy—you, England—you, Germany—all of you, nations of the Continent, shall, without losing your distinctive qualities and your glorious individuality, be blended into a superior unity, and shall constitute an European fraternity, just as Normandy, Brittany, Burgundy, Lorraine, Alsace, have beau blended into France. A day will come when the only battle-field shall be the market open to commerce and the mind opening to new ideas. A day will come when bullets and shells shall be replaced by votes, by the universal suffrage of nations, by the venerable arbitration of a great Sovereign Senate, .which shall be to Europe what the Parliament is to England, what the Diet is to Germany, what the Legislative Assembly is to France. A day will come when a cannon shall be exhibited in public museums just as an instrument of torture is now, and people shall he astonished how such a thing could have been. A day will come when those two immense groups, the United States of America and the United States of Europe, shall be seen placed in preseace of each other, extending the hand of fel- lowship across the ocean, exchanging their produce, their commerce, their industry, their arts, their genius, clearing the earth, peopling the deserts, meliorating crea- tion under the eyes of the Creator, and uniting, for the good of all, these two irre- sistible and infinite powers—the fraternity of men and the power of God.' Nor is it necessary that four hundred years shall pass away for that day to come. We live in a rapid period, in the most impetuous current of events and ideas which has ever borne away humanity; and at theperiod in which we live a year auffices to do the work of a century. But, French, English, Germans, Russians, &laves, Europeans, Americans, what have we to do in order to hasten that great day ?— To love each other ! To love each other is, in this immense labour of pacifica- tion, the best manner of aiding God ! God desires that this sublime object should be accomplished. And to arrive at it you are yourselves witnesses of what the Deity does on all sides. See what discoveries are every day issuing from human genius—discoveries which all tend to the same object—peace! What immense: progress! What simplification ! How Nature is allowing herself to be more anti inure subjugated by man ! How she every day becomes still more the handmaid of intellect and the auxiliary of civilization ! How the causes of war vanish with the causes of suffering ! How people far separated from each other so lately now almost touch! How distances become less and less I And this rapid approach, what is it but the commencement of fraternity ? Thanks to railroads, Europe will soon be not of more extent than France was in the middle ages. Thanks.to steam-ships we traverse the mighty ocean more easily than the Mediterranean was formerly crossed. Before long, men shall traverse the earth, as the gods of Homer did the sky, in three paces! But yet a little time, and the electric wire of concord shall encircle the globe and embrace the world."

He briefly indicated the enormous expenses of a state of preparation for war in time of peace. Europe expends 2,000 millions of francs in the maintenance of armies, and 1,000 millions more in maintaining establishments of war. In ad- dition, Europe lost the produce of the work of more than 2,000,000 of the healthiest, the most vigorous, the youngest, the chosen of her population—worth not less than 1,000 millions more. The annual cost of the standing European armies cannot be less than 4,000 millions of franca. In the thirty-two years during which peace bad lasted, 128,000 millions of francs had been expended oft account of war! "If during those thirty-two years that enormous sum had been expended in this manner, America in the mean time aiding Europe, know you would have happened?—The face of the world would have been changed. Isthmuses would be cut through. Railroads would cover the two continents; the merchant navy of the globe would have increased a hundredfold. There would be nowhere barren plains, nor moors, nor marshes. Cities world now be found where there are only deserts. Ports would be sunk where there are now only rocks. Asia would be rescued to civilization ; Africa would be rescued to man; abundance would gush forth on every side, from every vein of the earth at the touch of man, like the living stream from the rock beneath the rod of Moses. Misery would be no longer found; and with misery what do you think would disappear? —Revolutions. Yes, the face of the world would be changed! In place of mutually destroying each other, men would pacifically extend them- selves over the earth. In place of conspiring for revolution, men would combine to establish colonies ! In place of introducing barbarism into civilization, civiliza- tion would replace barbarism. The Continent, in place of being a battle-field, would have become an universal workshop; and in place of this sad and terrible spectacle of Piedmont prostrated, of the Eternal City given up to the miserable oscillations of human policy, of Venice and noble Hungary struggling heroically, France uneasy, poor, and sombre, misery, mourning, civil war, gloom in the future —io place, 1 say, vest, bad a spectacle, we should have before our eyes hope, joy, benevolence, the efforts of all towards the common good, and we should behold the mysterious ray of universal concord issue forth from civilization." Revolutions have been owing to these very precautions against war; and poverty, which is the only real danger, has by these very means been augmented. Yet they would not despair, but on the contrary would hope more enthuaiaatically than ever. " Let us not be unjust to the time in which we live—let us not look upon it otherwise than as it is. It is a prodigious and admirable epoch after all; and the nineteenth century will be, I do not hesitate to say, the greatest in the page of history. All kinds of progress become revealed and manifested almost simultaneously, the one producing the other: the cessation of international animosities, the effacing of frontiers on the map, and of prejudices from the heart—the tendency towards unity, the softening of the manners, the advancement of education, the diminution of penalties, the domination of the most literary languages—all is at work at the same time Henceforth the object of all great and true policy shall be this —to cause all nationalities to be recognized, to restore the historic unity of people,

and last this unity in the cause of the civilization of peace. In our ancient Europe, England made the first step ; and by her example, before us now for ages, she declared to the people, Yon are free!' France took the second step, and announced to the people, ' You are sovereigns!' Let us now make the third step, and all simultaneously, France, England, Germany, Italy, Europe, America —let us proclaim to all nations, ' You are brAhers!' " [The report states that M. Hugo resumed his seat amidst the moat enthusiastic cheering, which had often broken in upon his address.] Formal rules for the regulation of business were then passed. The Archbishop of Paris was appointed Honorary President of the Congress. The letter of the Archbishop was read in English; Mr. Cobden offering to be the translator, and acquitting himself to the satisfaction of the audience-

and also to their amusement by a little blander, announcing the letter as that of "the Archbishop of Canterbury."

The general speaking was oommeuced by M. Visschers, the President of the last year's Congress at Brussels; who recapitulated the progress elude in the past year.

He recalled the presentation of an address to Lord John Russell, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, who " testified the sympathy of the Cabinet of Eng- land for the peace of the world'; the accession of Richard Cobden to their ranks, a man whose energy shone oat the more brightly by opposition, and his ohampioaship of the question in the British Parliament; the proclaiming in the American Congress, by M. Legate, that the idea of universal peace sheltered under the aegis of the laws was the bean ideal of society, and that the present disposition of men's minds presaged its advent,— views supported by Senators from many other States ; and the eloquent and sym- pathetic appeal to the Constituent Assembly of France from the lips of their col- league, Francisque Bouvet, in behalf of an universal congress for the purposes of peace. M. Visschers related his presence at large meetings in London, Birming- ham, and Manchester, and his observation that everywhere in England public feeling was with the apostles of universal peace; the formation of societies there, which had sent petitions to the British Parliament with 200,000 signatures; and the vote of 79 Members of that Parliament in favour of Mr. Cobden's motion—though Corn-law Abolition, at its first introduction, obtained only 14 votes. In fine, the movement which had its birth in the United States, and had been fostered in Eng- land, was now gaining strength and maturity in many countries of Europe. After announcing the names of the French gentlemen who had gained the essay-prize, he concluded with these words—" We do not seek to add a new page to the Re- public of Plato or the Utopia of More: but we hope for the honour and welfare of humanity; yet to see a pastor such as Fenelon, and friends of the human race such as Franklin and William Ladd, who, carrying out our views, may meet with a jurist each as Bacon or Blontesquieu to reduce them to a code of international law."

M. Bonnetier advocated the reference to arbitration by nations, in lieu of an ap- peal to arms.

The Reverend John Burnet—" The large assembly of today is a practical re- futation of the slander that France and England are natural enemies." (im- mense applause.)

Mr. Cobden reiterated this observation; adding, that whosoever so stated was guilty of untruth.

The other speakers were M. Giron, M. Preux, Dr. Mahan, President of She Ohio Sooiety of Peace, and Mr. Henry Vincent; the last speaker, briefly to caution the Congress against falling into matters of detail, which might bring about differences of opinion. The day's proceedings terminated at five o'clock, by adjournment till next day.

The following programme has been issued among the " proceedings " of the Congress.

"PEACE CONGIff-sS, 1840.—PRO6RAMME OF RESOLUTioisS.

"Recourse to arms being a usage condemned alike by religion, morality, reason, and humanity, it is the duty of all men to adopt measures calculated to bring about the abo- lition of war ; and the following resolutions will be submitted to the friends of Universal Peace assembled in Congress at Paris, on the 22d, 23d, 24th, and 25th of August 1849.

"1. As peace alone can secure the moral and material interests of nations, it is the duty of all Governments to submit to arbitration all differences that arise between them, and to respect the decisions of the arbitrators whom they may choose.

" 2. It is of the highest importance to call the attention of Governments to the neces- sity of entering, by a general and simultaneous measure, upon a system of disarma- ment, for the purpose of reducing the national expenditure, and of removing at the same time a permanent cause of disquietude and irritation from among the nations.

"3. The Congress recommends all the friends of peace to prepare public opinion in their respective countries for the formation of a Congress of Nations, whose sole object it should he to frame a code of international laws, on just principles, and to constitute a supreme court, to which should be submitted all questions relating to the reciprocal right and duties of nations.

"4. The Congress condemns all loans and taxes Intended for the prosecution of wars of ambition and conquest.

"5. The Congress recommends its members to endeavour to eradicate from the minds of all, in their respective countries, both by means of a better education of youth, and by other practical methods, those political prejudices and hereditary hatreds which have SO often been the cause of disastrous wars.

"6. The Congress addresses the same invitation to all ministers of religion, whose Sacred mission it is to encourage feelings of good-will among men ; as well as to the various organs of the press, which exercise so powerful an influence over the progress of eivalzation.

7. The Congress earnestly hopes for the improvement of the means of international communication ; fur the extension of postal reform ; for the universal adoption of the same standard of weights, measures, and coinage ; and for the multiplication of peace societies, which shall keep up a correspondence with each other.

" 8. The Congress decides that the Committee be instructed to draw up an address to an nations embodying the resolutions of the Congress ; that this address shall be pre- sented to the various Governments ; and that special means be taken to bring it under the attention of the President of the French Republic."

The Paris correspondent of the Morning Chronicle adds the following to other indications lately given of the continued want of confidence in the existing order of things.

" We have at the present moment a most striking instance of the extent to which want of confidence has gone. The most desirable situations in the gift of the French Government are the Receiver-Generalships: they have been always the first objects of the ambition of the rich and powerfully-protected; yet at the present moment there are several Receiver-Generalships vacant, and the Government cannot get any one to accept them. Some months ago, M. Dosne, the Receiver- General of the department of the North, and father-in-law of M. Thiers, died. The place which he left vacant is said toyield a revenue of 200,000 francs (8,0001. sterling); and it has not yet been filled up, because there are no candidates. M. Thiers was asked to name a candidate, and it was intimated to him that his no- minee would be accepted. He declined the responsibility. Several bankers have been applied to, and they have all refused. Can anything be a better proof of the utter bouleversernent of affairs, than that 8,0001. a year should thus be going begging? The fact is, that between the caution-money to be paid into the hands of the Government and the capital required for the purpose of carrying on the business of the department, a Receiver-General of the Department of the North sauna have a fortune to commence with of less than two millions of francs; and no man having that sum can be found in France who will venture to pay it even as a deposit with the Government, although the bribe is no less than 8,0001. a year." -The same writer groups evidences of impoverishment in higher quarters. " While the representatives of Louis Philippe are selling the palace and grounds of Neuil#y, to pay the debts contracted by the last representative of the Monarchy during his tenure of the throne, M. de Lamartine, the father of the Republic and the destroyer of the Monarchy, is selling his patrimony of hilly and Monceaux, to pay the debts which be incurred while in office. But this is not all: Louis Na- poleon, who has inherited the power of both, has been obliged to relinquish his balls ;ad dinners; and within the last week has dismissed half his household."

AUSTRIA.—On Tuesday evening, the Globe published this intelligence- " It appears from information which reached Warsaw on the morning of the 16th of this month, that the Hungarian Diet had dissolved itself, after surrender- ing its powers to Giirgey. This act was followed by an unconditional surrender to the Russians, on the part of Gorgey, in the name of all persons in arms against the Austrian Government. This event took place at Arad, on the 11th instant.

"An arrangement had been entered into between the Russian Field-Marshal and Gorgey, in virtue of which a commission, composed of an officer from each or the three belligerent parties, was to proceed immediately to all the divisions of the Hungarian forces, to put a stop to further hostilities."

Subsequently, a bulletin by Prince Paskiewicz was published from the Warsaw Gazette, which agreed generally with this intelligence; but it gave no date nor place to the surrender, and it stated that "the sole condition demanded by Gorgey was to lay down his arms before your Majesty's [the Russian] army." Concurrently with the Warsaw bulletin was published in the London papers the following extract from the Vienna Official Gazea, of the 17th instant-

" TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH.

"His Excellency Feldzeugmeister Baron Haynau to his Majesty the Emperor.

" His Excellency the Feldzeugmeister Baron Haynau informs his Majesty the Emperor, by means of a courier, who will reach Schtinbrunn by the evening team, that on the 13th of this mouth, at Vilagos, the rebel chief Gorgey, together with a great part of his army, amounting to between thirty and forty thousand men, laid down their arms and surrendered at discretion."

In this extract a date and place are given which harmonize with the general tenour of the despatch, that the surrender was unconditionally made to the Austrian army under General Haynau. In late despatches of Prince Paskiewicz himself, addressed to Warsaw, it is stated that Generale Grabbe and Ost-Sacken still held Gorgey in check between Onod. and Tokay, on the West bank of the Theiss, on the 28th and 29th of July. Subsequent Warsaw despatches state that Paskiewicz himself defeated Gorgey at Nagy Karoli, on the 9th instant. Nagy Karoli is about 140 miles by road from Arad. Yet on the 13th, only four days after, Gorgey is said to have surrendered, with thirty to forty thousand men, at Arad. Vilagos is Eastward of Arad, and the same distance from Nagy Karoli, These circumstances would discredit the news if it came from Austrian sources: but the Russian despatches have generally been faithful; and the fact of' Gorgey's surrender somewhere, with some troops, cannot be doubted. The last accounts of him, before this of his surrender, concurred in stating his force to he under 20,000 men, with forty guns.

There are accounts of a meeting of the Diet [probably military leaders only] at Arad, at which Gorgey advocated surrender, and was opposed by Kossuth Bern, and Dembinski. Gorgey is said to have swayed a portion of the Southern army to join him in his resolve to.surrender; and there- upon Kossuth, Bem, " and the leading members of the Diet," are raid to have set out for Orshova, guarded by the army of the Baczka, and deter- mined to resist to the last. There have been for some time past rumours of Gcirgey-'s opposition to the extreme political aims of Kossuth, and of his being head of a party desirous of peace. The present news may be the climax of these differences.

But, in addition to this news, there is intelligence that Haynau has forced his way against the combined forces of Dembinski, Guyou, and Vetter, commanded in person by Beim to the walls of the great fortress of Temes- var, so many months beleaguered by the Hungarians. This important re- sult was gained on the night of the 9th instant, after a battle, or running engagement, of artillery, continued through the day of the 9th, in which General Haynau reports himself to have captured 6,000 prisoners and a great store of arms. He states that Bem arrived from Transylvania while the battle was commencing, and took the command; his army was driven in " helterskelter confusion and rout " in the direction of Lagos; but Haynau did not pursue him; and it seems that large masses of insurgent troops are concentrating between Arad and Szegedin, with/ the apparent intention speedily to venture a fresh general engagement.

Among the letters said to have been taken from the travelling carriage of General Bern, captured by the Russians in the " battle of Schitsberg," appears the following by the President Kossuth-

"I had no garrison in Pesth, and could not therefore expose the bank-note manufacture to a surprise of the enemy; therefore I was obliged to take the whole concern to pieces, and transport it (no feather-weight, for, what with presses, re- gisters, &e. it amounts to about 6,000 centners) to Szegedin, just at the very time when I was forced to break off the note-printing at Debreezm, on account of the approach of the Russians. The setting np of the machinery cost at least fourteen days, and during fourteen days we made not a single florin. Therefore you got no money but the 125,000 florins which I Fent you on the 9th from Szolnok. I do what a man can, but I am no god; I cannot create out of nothing. For a whole year no receipts, empty coffers, and war! At this moment I have to maintain the tbllowing troops:

Transylvania 40,000 men.

Upper Army and Comorn 45,000 Vetter (South Army)

360 Theirs Army 26,00°0° Peterwardem 8,000

Grosswardein, Arad, Szegedin, Baja, Zarander, frontier Cordon, and small Detachments 10,000 Total 165,000 men.

" Then there is the reserve squadron' of eighteen hussar regiments, seven batta- lions forming, 20,000 sick, 60,000 Landsturm,—all of whom I must clothe, feed, pay, and take care of: then powder-mills, foundries, gun and sabre manufactory, cannon borery, bayonet factory, 24,000 prisoners, the whole civil administration, &c. All this is no trifle, General; and for fourteen days the bank-note press idle. I beseech you be patient. I am no god. Die can I, and willingly, for the father- land, bat creation is a function beyond me. " Three days more, and the bank will be all right; and then I can and will re- mit, weekly, to your cashier, 200,000 florins. You want 800,000 florins, all in 30 and 15 kreuzer pieces. I beg you to recollect that this will need 9,400,000 impressions; the press, too, worked by hand, steam not applicable; only twenty presses at work; so that each press comes in for 470,000 operations; so that, with ten impressions a minute, working day and night without a pause, to produce this amount requires thirty-three days. And this sum is the tenth part of our whole monthly outlay. This to explain the difficulties. I will do what man ean more is impossible for me.

"Now for something of much importance, Lieutenant Field-Marshal.

"Messrs. Rolexes and Bulliak, emigrants from Wallachia, proposed to me the formation of a Wallachiau legion. I approved the principle, and for the details re- ferred them to the Lieutenant-General. Think of it. The matter is weighty-- very. Should you enter Wallachia, (which I could wish,) this battalion should form the vanguard. The consequence would be incalculable. If the matter comes to a march into Wallachia, I beg you to take these gentlemen into year confidence some days beforehand, that they may be your pioneers-' for it is devoutly to be wished that we should be regarded as friends in that quarter. In the proclama- tion I hold it highly necessary to say that we come as friends of the Turks and Wallaehians, to deliver them from the oppression of the Russians. The. Turks are playing a double game. Nand lea compromettre. "I see in the papers your decree, whereby you suspend all civil jurisdiction. That is a step fraught with incalculable consequences, and can, without my consent, only come to pass when I acknowledge before the Diet that I am not Go- me, Toy dear Lieutenant Field-Marshal? Believe me, I have cares enow without ray friends laying on more. That is what people call suspending constitutions. Bias the Ministers need the authorization of the Diet to take such a measure, nu- less they would beimpeached. A portentous crisis may grow out of it Give me vac c hand to ward off this peril of intestine conflict. I entreat you, reflect upon oar interview at Grosswardein. For the rest, I am of right good hope that we shall beat our foes, if we be but at one among ourselves. I am, alas, very sickly. "Accept the assurance of my especial high regard, L. KOSSUTH.

lams.—The Calcutta mail arrived in town on Sunday, with advioes from Calcutta and Bombay to the 2d, and Madras to the 9th July.

The most interesting contents of the Indian papers are speculative. It is reported that events threaten another North-west campaign as soon as

the cold season commences. The ambiguous conduct of Gholab Singh,

the Maharajah of Cashmere, during the late Sikh war, has had some light thrown on it by the discovery of evidence showing him to have been in

traitorous communication with our opponents. It is said that the Indian Government have found it necessary to demand the surrender of the Maharajah's guns (150 in number) as a measure of precaution; and that he has given the characteristic reply, that personally he should be happy to show so much confidence in us, but his men will resist it. It is thought that we have no alternative but to go and take the guns we have asked

63r; and, apparently with this object, orders have already been issued for the concentration into moveable columns, prepared to march at a moment's notice, of a large portion of the troops now occupying Lahore and Peshawur.

Sir Charles Napier arrived at Simla on the 16th of June; and found already there, Lord Gough, Lord Dalhousie, Sir Henry Lawrence, and Major Mackeson. It is rumoured that Lord Dalhousie intends to summon the Supreme Court from Calcutta to join him at Simla; a step rendered necessary by the extension of our territory so far to the North-west.

The financial affairs of the Nizam had at last reached so hopeless a state of embarrassment as to call for the Governor-General's interference. The

Nizam debt to the Indian Government is estimated at 54 lacs of rupees, and

either immediate payment or a cession of territory of equivalent value has been demanded. The insurgent Rohillas in the Nizam's territory, who made the regal pretensions of Appa Sahib the original ground of their revolt, have been defeated in another encounter, by Captain Howarth. It will be recollected, that soon after the first defeat of the rebels by Briga-

dier Onslow, the Brigadier lost hisllife by a fall over a precipice: in the present instance also, the commandant's death by an unmilitary cause followed immediately after the successful conflict—Captain Howarth died of apoplexy, brought on by the heat, soon after the engagement with the rebels.

Tho Gwalior territory has been the scene of insurrectionary attempts by some of the leading chiefs. Notwithstanding the intense heat of the weather, a force was detached under Lieutenant-Colonel Graves, which succeeded in destroying their principal stronghold, Bicturwar, and several other forts of minor consequence. The leader, with his adherents, managed very skilfully to effect his escape, and the troops sent against him were not sufficiently numerous to follow up their successes completely; a cir- cumstance much insisted on to show the necessity for increasing the regu- lar army.

The Indian papers devote much space to reports of the proceedings in the trial of Moolraj; which reached the eleventh day on the 12th of June, and had then only arrived at the end of the case for the prosecution. The

evidence of Mr. John Lawrence had told strongly in favour of the prisoner. Mr. Lawrence was one of the Punjaub Politicals previously to the out-

break, and conducted a part of the negotiation which ended in the mission of Lieutenant Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson. This evidence went to show that Moolraj was really desirous of resigning the charge of his dis- trict, and that he counted on getting in its stead a seat in the Council and a valuable grant of land from the Government of Lahore. "Is that an arm," exclaimed the Dee-an to Mr. Lawrence, raising a sleeve which covered little but skin and bone—" is that an arm to control a province?" Thus, what had always been deemed the chief motive of the crime charged was cleared away. The Dewau had begun dismantling the fort, and sell- ing the stores; and had dismissed a great number of his soldiers; the last

step had in fact caused a state of insubordination before Mr. Agnew arrived, as the testimony of his own servant showed. These were strong indications

that the Dewan had not contemplated any resistance to the measures which the British officers were sent to carry out. The Dewan's Brigadier was a witness—he who stripped the scarf off his own waist and tore his own robes to bind up Lieutenant Agnew's wounds. This witness was intrusted with

a message from the Lieutenant to assuage the discontent of the Dewan's troops; which, however, only provoked their hostility. He was about to

ride with Moolraj to the British camp by a circuitous route, in order to

elude the Meehan troops, when the latter attacked him as a traitor, and inflicted on him severe wounds, the scars of which were shown to the dourt.

The Dewan's accountant deposed that his master was actually put under

guard for some time by his own sentries; that the insurgent soldiery drove back every person who attempted to communicate with the British camp;

and that Moolraj's face turned yellow" with dismay when he heard of the position to which Lieutenants Agnew and Anderson were reduced by the rebel soldiers. This evidence had influenced general opinion, and the prevailing impression was that Moolraj would be acquitted of direct parti-

cipation in the murders. If, however, he were found guilty of acceding to the murders, it was not thought that capital punishment would be inflicted. Hongkong papers of the 22d June have been received. Considerable excitement had arisen at Macao out of the proceedings of the Portuguese authorities towards Mr. Summers, a British Missionary, and the an-

tagonistic conduct of Captain Keppel, of the Queen's ship Meander. Mr. Summers had been cast into prison by the Portuguese Governor, for an al- leged contempt in not take, g off his hat on meeting the procession of Cor-

pus Christi in the street. Mr. Summers excused himself for making no reverence, on the score of religious scruple; but apologized for having not more carefully avoided meeting the procession. The negotiations seem to have been brief and unsatisfactory, and they were suddenly closed and the strong hand used. Captain Keppel landed a party of Marines, and himself liberated Mr. Summers; not, however, without a malee, in the course of which a man was killed.

THE Wm Innres.—A West Indian mail was brought to Southampton on Wednesday, by the Avon steamer. The accounts from Demerara reach to the 19th, and those from Jamaica to the 23d of July. The mail left Bermuda on the 7th August. inner. Half the country is on flame about it. Wherefore do you compromise

The Combined Court reassembled at Georgetown on the 13th July; and Governor Barkly addressed the Financial Representatives in a speech and more strongly but persuasively urging them to restore the checked current of financial supply.

" Five months have elapsed," said Mr. Barkly, "since I first exhorted you to reimpose taxation. I have since conducted the government to the best of my ability, with the scanty means at my disposal. I will continue to do so as long as it is possible; but I am bound to repeat, that every day. the present position of affairs is prolonged the more irreparable will be the injury sustained by the colony. Our prospects may not yet be of a nature to inspire confidence, but they are unquestionably brighter than they were at this time last year; and yet eves branch of industry languishes in consequence of this unfortunate dispute. It is needless for me to adduce proofs of a fact with which you must all be so well acquainted. To cite the most familiar instance, the works on the railway tub about, in default of aid from the colony, to be suspended, and all our prospects of improved communication and cheaper carriage frustrated; although for a twelve- month past the mother-country has been offering to lend us money on the most advantageous terms, to complete this and other similar public undertakings, if we but deigned to accept it. The difficulties with which the proprietors of sugar- estates have to contend are enormous ; but why should we insist on proclaimmg that they are insurmountable? It is easy, no doubt, to fold our hands and de- plore the past; but I know no reason why we should despair of the future, pro- vided we are only true to ourselves. The Secretary of State acknowledges the social ills under which we labour, and assures us of his readiness to sanction all such measures as are practicable for their amelioration. I have no other desire than to see the great experiment of emancipation conducted to a successful issue in this colony; no other aim than to cooperate with the Court of Policy in de- vising proper remedies for all that impedes that consummation. But no measures can be effectual without your aid. Your own fate and the fate of British Guiana are in your hands. It rests with you alone to determine whether you will con- tend for the shadow and let the substance elude your grasp."

On the 16th, the Combined Court responded somewhat tartly to the em- phatic portions of this address, but on the whole in a less decided tone of opposition than in previous replies. To the Governor personally they said— "We do not attribute any selfish motives to your Excellency in the course which: yon have thought proper to adopt regarding the civil list; but we must express our regret that your Excellency had not been more explicit on the subject when your Excellency assumed 'the reins of government.' Much misconception and the expression of irritated feelings might thereby have been avoided." In reference, however, to the concluding allusion of his address, they felt compelled to add- " The scanty means' at your Excellency's disposal would have been better ap- plied to carry on as far as practicable the various institutions of the country, in- stead of being monopolized by the payments on the civil list. Your Excellency, however, with prudent foresight, would appear to have preferred grasping the sulo- stance'; and you have left little else than the 'shadow' for the support of those institutions which are intended to check crime, to alleviate suffering, to give se- curity to life and property, and on which society and civilization essentially de- pend. We observe with regret the omission from your Excellency's speech, as well as from the despatch of Earl Grey, of the slightest allusion to any reform of our present constitution. An extensive alteration is urgently called for; and no measure short of the establishment of a Council and House of Assembly will satisfy the wishes and requirements of the colonists." The Governor had intimated that he should not insist on his veto to the retrenchment resolutions proffered at the last sitting of the Combined Court, and Mr. Croal, with equal desire to be conciliatory, had withdrawn the resolutions. The latest accounts state that the Court had at last taken up the estimates of 1848; and there was a general impression that the misunderstandings with the Executive would no longer suspend the finan- cial business of the colony. The news from Jamaica relates almost solely to the progress of the elections; which were going against "the King's House [or official] party." Messrs. Franklin and Grey, two Members of that party, had been displaced by Dr. Spalding, late Member for Manchester, and Mr. Westmoreland, a new Member, both "stanch Retrenchment advocates"; and in St. Dorothy, Mr. Harrison of the King's House party had been superseded by Mr. Lyon of Spanish Town, " said to be a strenuous advocate of Re- trenchment." In the two other parishes, new candidates on the side of the King's House party had been unsuccessful in turning out the old Retrench- ment Members. There was no doubt that the elections would show an increase of the Retrenchment party. In the face of this probability, the Morning Journal says that another dissolution, and even a " series of dis- solutions," will take place, in the effort to force out the Colonial Office policy. A report previously current was again generally circulated on the arrival of the second June steamer in Jamaica, that Sir Charles Grey was to be removed to Canada and be succeeded by Lord Harris from Trinidad. The report was discussed favourably by the colonists; they " knowing Lord Harris to be favourable to cheap government."

Letters from St. Lucia state that the head of the Treasury department, in which such peculations have been discovered, had thrown up his ap- pointment; and, to clear his character, had brought actions for libel against the clerks who preferred counter-accusations of peculation against him. The Committee's report stated that the Treasurer had held his office jointly with the Secretaryship of the colony: he was appointed to the Treasurership, at 6001. a year, as a compensation for loss of the office of Puisne Judge, when, some twelve years ago, " the Home Government abolished the salaries of the Puisnes." The correspondent of the Times states a re- markable fact- " Mr. Hanley has been continually writing to the Secretary for the Colonies, setting forth his own unfitness for the post of Treasurer and Colonial Secretary, and urging the fulfilment of a former promise made to restore him to his profes- sion on the Colonial bench; avowing that he was no accountant, and incompetent to the office thrust upon him. The Legislative Council had voted a salary of 4001. per annum for the new Treasurer; and a most searching investigation was going on, with a view to establish a perfect system of checking the accounts, to provide against future frauds." The African immigrants who arrived at St. Lucia about six months since from Sierra Leone " had turned out admirably well ": the planters were well pleased with them, and the immigrants were apparently quite satisfied with their West Indian life. " More had been asked for."

No further disturbance had occurred among the convicts on board the Medway at Bermuda. No additional death had happened, but two of the men wounded had suffered amputation. Mr. Black, the overseer, had been suspended, not for firing on the mutineers, but for having neglected direc- tions to read the order for Cromin's punishment; some expressions in which would have tended to allay the angry feeling that had prevailed among the convicts for some days. From all the principal islands there are gratifying accounts of the good done by copious rains, which had very generally fallen., UNITED STATE8.—The Europa arrived at Liverpool on Monday, with intelligence from New York to the 8th, and from Halifax to the 11th instant.

There appear in the American papers the first symptoms of discontent at the proceedings of General Taylor in regard to appointments. It is said in many quarters that his State Secretaries are constraining him, against his own judgment, to commence that sweeping change in the sub- ordinate State offices which he had till now most creditably avoided. One of Mr. Henry Clay's sons has received a foreign mission : it is announced that Mr. Henry Clay "does not oppose the present Administration." The returns, not yet complete, from several of the Southern States, show that the Democrats are gaining ground; and it is now probable that there will be a majority in the Senate as well as in the House of Representatives against General Taylor, his Cabinet and their policy. The cholera was decreasing in the States. During its height at Cincin- nati, fourteen physicians died, either of cholera itself or of diseases induced by fatigue and over exertion. "A great number of new ones soon arrived." " The fast-day proclaimed by the President was solemnly kept throughout the country, not on the Jewish but rather on the New Testament plan. The churches were filled, and prayers were devoutly offered up for the cessation of the cholera; but food was not rejected."

Some excitement has been caused in New York by an official step taken by Mr. Barclay, the British Consul there, relative to one of the American schemes for making a railway and waterway across the Isthmus of Panama. The following note, addressed to the agent of the New York and New Orleans Company, explains itself.

Her British Majesty's Consulate, New York, 30th July 1849.

" Sir—Her Britannic Majesty's Government being informed that an agreement for the establishment of a communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific has been concluded between the Government of the State of Nicaragua and Mr. Clapp and Dr. Brown, citizens of the United States, and agents of the New York and New Orleans Steam Navigation Company, of which company you apprized use that you were one; from the execution of which agreement it is inferred that the Government of Nicaragua has led the New York and New Orleans Company to suppose that that Government is competent to dispose of the exclusive right of navigating the St. John's River; such agreement likewise containing a clause binding the company to build a publi

"I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient servant, " ANTHONY BARCLAY."

The American newspapers are already belligerent on the subject. The following appears in the Philadelphia American, a paper known to be un- der the influence of Mr. Clayton- " The pretensions of the United States in this matter have a much better and more solid, as well as more rational and dignified foundation, than those of Eng- land; which her Majesty's Government will hardly think seriously of maintaining, or attempting to maintain, in the arrogant and insulting way implied by Mr. Bar- clay's letter, when it can only do so at the expense of a war, provoked and com- pelled by itself in the most unjust and iniquitous manner."

Upon this subject a gentleman in New York gives some interesting par- ticulars.

" I bad a visit today from Mr. Sideli, an engineer just returned from the Isth- mus of Panama, where he was the chief of a division that explored, surveyed, and marked out the line of railway from the river Chagres to Panama. He made this remark, that he never knew what the American character was till he studied it at Panama. Nothing can be conceived equal to the energy, the cleverness, the perseverance, or the talent, which the emigrants to California displayed while waiting in crowds at Panama for conveyance to San Francisco. They built schooners almost without materials, without the necessary tools: they replenished their parses by a thousand ingenious contrivances: they were never at a loss, and never without hope. Their presence on the Isthmus has caused a new set of ideas to spring up in the minds of the New Grenadeans, and trade, agriculture, and commerce, have revived in that country under the stimulus of their example. To give•you an idea of their operations, I will relate a single circumstance. Livingston, Wells, and Coate, of this city, early last winter resolved to establish an express conveyance across the Isthmus. They established a house at San Francisco, and placed three agents between Chagres and Panama to take care of their property. They sent out an iron store-house and an iron life-boat, rowing twelve oars and carrying sails, to navigate the river. The boat, though weighing but eight hundred pounds and drawing but eight inches of water, was not able to ascend the river in dry seasons. The principal agent therefore took his oppor- tunity, and sold her to a party of emigrants at double her cost. These persons undertook to carry her across the Isthmus. By the mule path then in use it would have been impossible; so they took her up a branch of the Chagres river above Gorgona ; dragged and floated her by turns along its bed; then cut her way through a level forest for a few miles, and launched her again in a small stream which emptied into the Pacific, and was navigable at certain times of the tide. They all embarked and arrived safely at Panama. The boat was afterwards sent up to San Francisco, and realized several thousand dollars profit." CANADA.—The Europa brought accounts from Montreal to the 7th in- stant; the general burden of which is that " considerable excitement still prevails," but the indications of the excitement continued as before to wane. The British American League prolonged its meetings to a session of six days; but the reports do not add any points of interest to those last week presented through the anticipatory machinery of the American tele- graph. The tone of the proceedings was simply " loyal " and " protec- tionist "; their practical issue is thus set forth by the Kingston Chronicle- " A President, six Vice-Presidents, Secretaries, a Treasurer, and an Executive Committee of ten, have been appointed by the Convention for the purpose of con- ducting, at the seat of government, the general business of the League. Every township, village, town, and city in the province, will have its branch; and in each district the President and Vice-Presidents of its Branch Leagues will form an executive body for district business; and all these officers, together with those first named as the general executive, will conititnte the Central League." The Chronicle confines itself, in describing the League's success, to a statement that

• . . . "notwithstanding the assemblage of upwards 140 gentlemen, coming from every section of the country, and, for the most part, totally unknown to each other, and having had no previous communication upon any subject which might engage their attention when assembled, an unanimity of purpose much greater than could have been anticipated even by the most sanguine was found to prevail."

The League adjourned on the 31st of July, to meet again when caned together by the " Central League." The following manifesto explains the rest.

" Fellow Countrymen—Events so momentous as those which have given birth to this great provincial association have been hitherto unparalleled in the history of this colony. From the early settlement of the United Empire Loyalists in this province, until a recent period, its people have evinced an attachment to the parent state unsurpassed by that of any other colony of ancient or modern times. Daring a long period, checked by adversity and prosperity, the people of Canada have in

war rallied round the flag peace of their forefathers, and in pea have endeavoured to cement the union with their fatherland by the strongest ties of amity and interest. In return for this devotion, the British Government long extended to the colony a commercial preference in her markets.

" The harmony which so long existed, interrupted by an abortive rebellion, was again restored at its close, and the progress of the colony became almost unex- afnpled, under the fostering influence of a wise Imperial legislation. But, unhap- pily for Great Britain—an empire whose Colonies are the strong arm of her power —she has recently opened her ports to foreign nations upon equal terms with her Colonies; thus virtually excluding us from her markets, by throwing us into a ruinous competition with those to whom her ports are more immediately and cheaply accessible. In her promulgation of Free-trade principles, she has lost eight of the interests of her Colonies, with the view of obtaining from all nations reciprocal free trade, and thereby inundating the world with her manufactures.

" This new policy of the Empire has recently produced in Canada its inevitable results. Unprotected by an adequate tariff, we have continued to consume a vast amount of British manufactures, whilst our produce, the principal source upon which we rely for their payment, has rarely entered the English markets except at a sacrifice. The result has been, a monetary pressure, extensive bankruptcy, and general distress. " Coincident with these disastrous circumstances, a storm arose in our political horizon, which has threatened, and still threatens, to shake the foundations of our social fabric. The Legislature—ruled by a faction, which, for the retention of place and power, has kindled afresh the animosity of rival races—has legalized the principle of rebellion, and has prepared to increase the public debt at a mo- ment of great financial embarrassment, by provision for the payment of the traitors of 1837 and 1838.

" These grievances mused thousands from a state of torpor and inaction. Your fellow subjects, convinced that a crisis had arrived, when it behoved every in- habitant of Canada to exert himself for the regeneration of his country, and rescue it from commercial and political thraldom, met, and by combined action established the British American League.

" This body extended its ramifications throughout every part of the province. It established a system of representation by which delegates were to be sent to a. General Convention at Kingston. That Convention, assembled by the free election of the Leaguers according to an established constitution, after this exposition of its origin, now appeals to you to cooperate with the League in the great objects it has in view for the welfare of our country.

"Inhabitants of Canada—You are nominally enjoying the privileges of a free constitution. You are in reality chained down by circumstances which wrest from you the free exercise of those privileges. You are told that you are fostered by a liberal and prudent Government. In reality, your efforts for the encourage- ment of home industry have been checked in too many instances by hasty and in- considerate legislation.

"The true elements of your country's wealth, the certain indices of her pros- perity, can only be developed by the adoption of measures which will fill her cities with the busy ham of industry, make her streams the outlets of that wealth which will be poured forth from the loom and the foundry, the teeming harvests of her soil, and the produce of her primeval forest.

"For the attainment of these results, it is essential that a tariff carefully and considerately adopted, should be so proportioned and levied as to affordjust and adequate protection to every industrial class, the agriculturist, the manufacturer, the mechanic—so as to build up the prosperity of the farmer and the artisan side by side with the growing wealth of the manufacturer—so as to create a home market for home industry, and enrich together consumer and producer. " The present tariff is utterly inadequate to produce results so manifestly to the interest of our country. " The present Government is pledged to Free-trade principles. "The public expenditure is conducted with a reckless disregard to economy. The excessive salaries of public officers, now increased in number, together with the lavish expense of the Legislature, are entirely disproportionate to the financial resources of a young and overburdened country, and unnecessary to the efficiency of the public service. The authorized publications of this Convention, when laid be- fore you, will disclose the facts on which we found this important assertion. " The fostering protection of a good Government, to which you all have an inalienable right—which should be the guardian of the public peace, the bulwark of social order—has been daringly displaced by the dominion of race and faction, introducing the elements of civil discord. "A law has been passed by the present Ministry so monstrous in principle that it has excited strong abhorrence and disgust in the minds of the loyal people of this colony. That measure, in its naked deformity, has met with no approval. It has been carried merely because the British members of the Government dared not to oppose the determined will of the French leader. By sanctioning that measure, his Excellency the Earl of Elgin has brought the Royal authority into contempt—has disturbed public tranquillity; and it is our firm opinion that his continuance in his high position cannot conduce to public peace or prosperity. "An insidious attempt made by the present Ministry to increase the French Canadian representation in Parliament, by so arranging the electoral districts of Lower Canada as to distribute the British inhabitants in small numbers among overwhelming bodies of the French, we regard with the most profound apprehen- sion, as calculated to perpetuate that civil discord which has tended so much to the ruin of this great province.

"A gross violation of constitutional usages has been perpetrated, and a pre- cedent sought to be established, which, if it be made a precedent, will have for ever destroyed the independence and utility of the Legislative Council. That body, according to true constitutional law, has distinct legislative functions. It is not intended as a mere registrar of the decrees of the Legislative Assembly ; but the Government now in power, in order to carry a particular measure, and in • violation of this principle, suddenly elevated to that house a number of per-

sons of doubtful merit, and previously unknown in public life.

" By our constitutional law, her most gracious Majesty is alone invested with the authority to make appointments to the Legislative Council ; a law which, if carried out would effect a salutary check over the unscrupulous use of power in the colony: notwithstanding which, her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies transmitted to the Colonial Government blank writs of mandamus, thereby surrendering up into improper hands the Sovereign's high prerogative. " The present Ministry have also attempted to force upon the country a mea- sure by which numbers of influential men would be deprived of the elective fran- chise, while that same franchise in Lower Canada was by law extended to a par- ticular class, to whom in the Western part of the province the like privilege Ina denied.

"Inhabitants of Canada—Fearlessly asserting the ,truth of our declarations, and appealing to Heaven for the justice of our dense, we lay before you these statements, on subjects which have engaged our attention.

" For the most part new to the disensaion of public affairs, and not invested- with legislative powers, this assembly can only deliberate upon such things as pem to be for your welfare. The attainment of that welfare must be confided to the individual energies, exertions, and enthusiasm, of every man amongst you who would rather behold his country flourish under paternal than droop under the withering influence of factions legislation. " Before recommending to you the great questions you should adopt as your watchwords, we earnestly exhort you to shake off now and for ever that apathy and indifference which at several momentous crises in public affairs have para- lyzed your energies, and which it would seem that moments like these, when all minas are unsettled, can alone arouse to exertion. Perfect in every part of the country a complete and permanent organization. Let every branch society of this League become a deliberative body, so as to prepare its future delegates for the deliberations of' the Convention. Endeavour to soften down political asperi- ties and sectional animosities, and to unite all men for the welfare of this our

common country. "Three subjects among those which have engaged our deliberations stand pro- minently forth, demanding your earnest attention.

"By the first of these—a union of all the British American provinces—it has been proposed in this Convention to lay the foundations for making this country a great nation, upon a solid and enduring basis.

"Impressed with the weight of such a measure, but uncertain as to the senti- ments of the sister Colonies, this Convention has proposed a conference with those YAMMER, by a delegation of some of its members. Meantime, it recommends this great question to your mature deliberation.

"The second great movement in which we invite your cooperation is that for retrenchment and economy in the public expenditure.

"The third is that still more great and vital movement we are prepared to make in favour of protection to home industry. "Inscribe these glorious rallying-cries upon your :banners; glorious because they will elevate your country from failure to success—from ruin to prosperity; they will unite with you eventually all honest men—all men of reason and true patriotism. Keep them before you in your assemblies; procure for them the as- sent and advocacy of your neighbours. Support no man at the hustings who will not pledge himself to wise and salutary retrenchment—who will not agree to raise his voice in favour of protection.

"So shall you elevate this your country into a great nation of freemen fostered by and in amity and connexion with Great Britain; preserving her time-hallowed

institutions; adopting her old trade principles, under which she has flourished for centuries, and her people have grown the richest on the face of the globe—those great trade principles which in the neighbouring union have also been adopted, and have established, that mighty and prosperous nation. "Forsake these principles—neglect this advice—then prepare to behold your country, notwithstanding the great advantages which God has given her—her boundless forests, a source of exhaustless wealth for ages—her noble lakes and splendid rivers, the natural highways of a mighty nation's commerce—notwith- standing her unlimited water-power, her extensive tracts of rich arable land, her immense:mineral resources, her industrious and intelligent population,—prepare, we say, to behold your country reduced to a state of misery, degradation, discord, and poverty. " To endeavour to avert such calamities is the duty of every freeman and every lover of his country; it should also be his highest privilege. Rouse yourselves, then, to action I Organize—agitate these questions, and rescue your country from pre- sent and impending evils.

"G. MOFFATT, Chairman.

W. BROOKE W. G. Mal

Joint Secretaries.

"Kingston, July 31, 1849."

The comments of the American press on this manifesto are various in their sense. The New York Herald, of wide commercial circulation in the Union, says- " It is a plain, calm, and unostentatious paper, and will no doubt have great influence on the minds of those to whom it is addressed; and may bring about, at some late or early day before the Day of Judgment, the measure which is pro- posed by the League for benefiting Canada It was expected by a great many in the United States, that the British League would have declared for some- thing like annexation of the Canadas to this Republic; but, after reading the proceedings of the League and the debates of the members, we are satisfied that such a change had not at any time been seriously contemplated by any but a very small portion of the people. The Canadians have been reared under Royalty, are attached to a Monarchical form of government, and think that it is the only form of government under which they can prosper. This was plainly evinced during the sitting of the League. Indeed, one of the first things the members did was to pass a declaration of attachment to the mother-country. As soon as we ob-

served this, we knew the annexation game was over There is apparently no desire among the Canadians to be annexed to the United States; nor, under all the circumstances, do we think it would be to our interest that such should, for the present at least, be consummated."

The New York Express holds fast to the faith of ultimate annexation; giving its reasons- " The Canadian League, whose address we have published in our columns, met and parted at Kingston very much as many of our revolutionary meetings and conventions met and parted prior to 177G. Their loyalty is as strong as ours was—no stronger; their attachment to Great Britain just as great—no greater; and the moment the way is seen to be clear for a separation, the step will be taken. We speak thus strongly, because self-interest, which more or less controls the acts of nations as of men, now dictates a separation of the British Canadian Colonies from Great Britain, as soon as that separation can be had without blood- shed or the use of arms. The burden of the League's address is its trade, or want of trade; and the great source of its grievance is, that Great Britain has recently opened her ports to foreign nations upon equal terms with her Colonies, thus virtually excluding the Canadians from her markets. The Canadians now gain nothing by consenting to be governed by a nation three thousand miles over sea; and therefore they mutt have a change. Self-interest, as we started with saying, dictates some new form of government. For that new form of govern- ment the League is at present content to look to a confederation of the British Provinces, upon a plan, we presume, similar to that of our Union; which confede- ration, it is laid down as a starting point, is to protect home (Canadian) industry. The country is exhorted to rally for these principles,—a union of the Colonies and home industry; the latter of which cannot be had, by the way, without inde- pendence, and the first of which will confer no material benefits without an an- nexation to the American Federal Union. Through all the mist and effulgency of loyalty that appears in this address of the League, we see nothing but what is preparing the way for independence and annexation, if they can be peaceably accomplished. The men of property and of position, who are engaged in this movement, are proceeding with the caution that becomes such men; but they are just now rather laughed at and ridiculed by the French population and Radicals, whom the have so long been bitterly opposing. When, however, the day comes for these Leaguers to strike the popular note of independence and annexation, these Frenchmen and Radicals must have changed their natures if they do not take it up and engage in it heart and soul." ,