&hafts nut( Vrnurtings iu arty:aunt.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEISE.

HOUSE Or LORDS. Monday, May 19. Income-tax Bill, read a secend time. Tuesday, May 20. PinTre Coininission; Explanations by Eari Grey-.-Income-tax Bill, passed through Committee. Thursday, May 22. Episcopal and Capitular Estates Bill; second reading opposed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, but carried by 48 to 28. Friday, May 23. Conversation on the Registration of Assurances Bill—Australian Guano ; Statement by Earl Grey—Pentonville Prison; Conversation raised by the Bishop of Oxford. Horse or CostmoNS. Monday, May 19. Caffrc Commission alluded to—Eccle- siastical Titles Bill ; debates and divisions for delay; Committee adjourned to Fri- day—Appointment to Offices Bill, passed through Committee. Tuesday, May 20. The Derby Day; Motion to adjourn over, opposed by Mr. Hume, but agreed to—Van Diemen's Land ; Sir William Molesworth's Motion for an Address to discontinue Transportation, stopped by a " count-out" at half-past

seven.

Thursday. May 22. Capital Punishments ; Mr. Ewart's Motion to assimilate the Scottish and Colonial law to the English law, debated, and withdrawn—Secular Na- tional Education ; Mr. Fox's Motion debated, and negatived by 139 to 41-1Iop- duties ; Motion by Mr. Hodges for reducing, negatived by 88 to 27—Caffre War; Statement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Friday, May 23. Ministers-money in Ireland ; the promised Government Bill abandoned—Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, considered in Committee—Amendments de- bated, with divisions ; Progress reported—Arsenic Regulation Bill, read a third time and passed.

TIME-TABLE.

Monday

Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Sittings this this

The Lords.

Hoar of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

bh 7h 43m 5h 6h 20m, No sitting. 5h8h 5m

515 7h 15m

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Sittings this this

The Common.

Hour of Hoar of Meeting. Adjournment, 4h .... 12h 45m 4b 7b 30m No sitting. 4h(m) lh 30m 41s (ml lh 30m

Week, 1; Tune, 9h 25m

Session, &I; — 94h 33m Week, 4; Time, 3115 13m

Session. 63; — 42211 lam PAPAL AGGRESSION Brix.

On Monday, the House of Commons went into Committee on the Ec- clesiastical Titles Bill, as reprinted with the latest Ministerial alterations. But the House was no sooner in Committee than Mr. REYNOLDS moved that it resume, and have progress reported. He justified the apparent violation of the spirit of the understanding arrived at on Friday, by the new and alarming nature of the bill now before the House. He also ad- verted to the presentation of petitions last week, with an explanation of their contents : a similar course was taken by Mr. Brougham and others, in 1816, with the object of protecting the people from additional taxation ; and the Government was then hindered several weeks.

That delay proved quite decisive; for so many meetings were held and petitions sent up, that the bill was put off from time to time, and did not finally make its appearance till the 17th of March ; about six weeks having been almost entirely spent by the House of Commons in receiving petitions against the tax. In vain every Minister held his peace. No arguments, no facts, no sarcasms, no taunts could arouse them; precisely as in the present case, nothing could arouse the Irish Attorney-General. (Laughter.) All debating was on one side. This became hurtful to the Government, and -they were at length forced into discussion; and then began a scene of unex- ampled interest until the second reading of the bill, and finally the tax was rejected. Mr. Reynolds hoped the same result would follow the opposition which he and his friends were offering to the present measure. Sir GEORGE GREY briefly urged the House to proceed, on the under- Standing arrived at. The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY was not thereby prevented from seconding the motion of Mr. Reynolds. Mr. KEOGH argued directly, that the understanding was the other way : it was plainly un- derstood that "both parties should remain in the same position as before." Mr. ROEBUCK. and Mr. GLADSTONE gave their opinion that the motion was a violation of the spirit of the understanding; the latter observing that better terms might have been made, but had not been made, by the Irish Members. " They would have been perfectly justified, had they thought fit, to demand some days for considering the amendments adopted by the Government ; but as they had made the agreement they should stand by it." The prolonged and desultory discussion on this point was closed by a division, which negatived the motion by 262 to 46. In the preceding discussion, Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr. Gem:snowy., while they acknowledged the understanding on which Government urged the House to proceed, had strongly insisted on the substantial reason which existed fir postponing the bill in order that Members might study it in its altered shape.

Mr. Roebuck declared, that with all the care he could give to the bill, and he had been studying it for some hours that day, he felt himself perfectly unable to understand it ; and he believed that if he were to call upon the Law-officers of the Crown to give their opinion upon it, they would not be able to say that they could trace the necessary consequence of the provisions which this new measure contained. The spirit of the measure was totally changed, and the House had a right to ask for time.

Mr. Gladstone, labouring under a similar disability, had made a similar demand : he could not enter into discussion till that explanation should have been given.

Itnmediately after the division on Mr. Reynolds's motion, the Ar- TOR.NET-GRNERAL rose to state the effect of the bill as it now stands.

The preamble recites, that certain of the Queen's Roman Catholic subjects have, under colour of authority front a brief from Rome, assumed the titles of Certain pretended sees, 8se. ; that by the 10th George IV, chapter 7, the assumption of the titles of existing sees is subjected to a penalty of 100/. ; that it is doubtful if this enactment against assuming the titles of existing sees, &c., applies to the offence of assuming the titles of the pretended sees, &c. ' • that the attempt to establish such sees is, however, illegal and void; and that it is expedient to prohibit the assumption of such titles. The second clause [the first of the bill as it stood last week] then simply enacts that the assumption of the pretended titles shall be put on the same footing as the assumption of the real titles, and be punishable by a penalty of 1001. But it is said that the first clause, now introduced on the basis of Mr. Walpole's • suggestion, makes the bill a new one. It does not do so; it merely declares that to be the law, which the preamble recites to be the law. The clause is superfluous ; but as there is a strong feeling in favour of making a national declaration, in the form of a statutory enactment, that the assumption of these titles is illegal and void, and as the declaration can do no harm, the Government accedes to the insertion of-the clause in the bill. To the objec- tion against the second clause that it will invalidate Roman Catholic gifts under the Charitable Bequests Act, the reply is, that the 10th George IV has not in practice done that against the real titles ; therefore the extension of that enactment against the pretended titles will not do so against them. Mr. M'CuLLAnst and Mr. Igartait contended very strongly, that the second clause will repeal the Bequests Act! and make gifts illegal whose infirmity under the 10th GeorgeIV the Bequests Act cured. Mr. GLAD- . STONE and other Members pointed out that the explanation did not touch on the second rescript of the Pope, which has never been published, whereby the bishopric of Moyne and Ross is divided. The SOLICITOR- GENERAL declared, with an air of surprise at the doubt, that both rescripts will be illegal; the second on the same principle as the first. Sir FRE- milk% THESIGER said, if it is the intention of Government to make this declaratory enactment apply to Ireland as well as England, such in- tention should be formally expressed : he therefore seconded with ear- nestness the request for further time. It would be desirable to amend the first clause, so as to make it apply "not merely to the particular brief against which it is at present directed, but to all similar briefs and re- scripts both in England and Ireland." Many other Members joining in the demand for time, Mr. REYNOLDS and his party again thought it a favourable opportunity to move that progress be reported. Mr. ROEBUCK seriously remonstrated with the Irish Members against this particular line of tactics. He was sure he was addressing gentlemen who would believe that he had the same object as they, so far as regarded their opposition to this mea- sure, and that he would do all he could by fair argument and by an open and honest opposition to put an end to the bill ; but he entreated gentlemen from Ireland, as they had a regard for their own country, not to condescend to this species of opposition. Let them go to a division ; let them be beaten they would not be conquered because they were beaten. He believed that the sooner the bill should be brought into action as a law, the better, be- cause so soon as it became a law its impotency would be discovered, and the imbecility of the Government that framed it would be made notorious to the world. Let the Government have their bill—that is the way to do them the surest mischief; but he entreated gentlemen from Ireland, to adopt a fair, honest, open opposition. Let them not trifle with the forms of the House, which a long experience has enabled Englishmen to use with advan- tage. Don't let it be said that it was reserved for gentlemen from Ireland to prove that the House of Commons could not govern itself The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY and Mr. PHILIP HOWARD depre- cated mere obstruction ; but Mr. REYNOLDS persevered, and took two di- visions. On a motion to report progress, he was defeated by 271 to 30 : on a motion to postpone the preamble, he was defeated by 258 to 45. The Earl of ARUNDEL and &Rally now again asked for a respite ; and Mr_ MAURICE O'CONNELL hoped that the lateness of the hour would suspend further progress : but Sir GEORGE GREY insisted on going on. Mr. REY- NOLDS ironically suggested that the two Roman Catholic Members had some claim on Government : they had, with twelve or thirteen others, gone into the Library rather than vote for the former of the last two di- visions : however, the reward they now got for their political gentility, and for their bowing and scraping to the Treasury benches, would show them that nothing was to be done against this bill of pains and penalties without standing together. He gave the Government notice, that there was a sufficient number of honest men in the minority to prevent their passing a single clause in Committee that night. Mr. ROEBUCK replied to Mr. Reynolds with an historical example worthy of Irish consideration— He did not mean to express the slightest disrespect for the strong feeling- of Irish Members on this question ; but they would do well to consider the strong feelings of English Members, who had fought the great battle of con- stitutional government in the House of Commons before there were any Ca- tholic Members from Ireland connected with it. He recollected well that Mr. O'Connell never acted in the way now proposed ; and, though in 1833 and at other times he was nominally beaten in that House, his victory over the Treasury-bench was nevertheless most significant and striking. Soon afterwards, Sir GEORGE GREY gave in. The House resumed ; the Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Fri- day next ; and Sir GEORGE GREY hoped they would be allowed to pro- ceed with the clauses at five o'clock on that day.

PROPERTY AND INCOME TAX.

On the principal stage of the Income-tax Bill through the House of Lords, the Marquis of. LANSDOWNE made a speech in general advocacy of a measure that proposes to continue a mode of taxation to which he is no friend, in order that our great commercial and manufacturing pros- perity be continued, by the removal of even more onerous loads of taxa- tion. Lord STANLEY recalled the blundering phraseology of the bill,—for which he considers the Government subordinates are blameable, as they should have examined whether the amendment was consistent with the context ; and then said, that as the Peers must reject it altogether or take it altogether—blundering as it is—he would not vote against it. How- ever, the Government had to reconsider the whole subject in the next year; and he believes they will find it expedient to remove the greater part of the anomaly and injustice of this obnoxious tax.

ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY.

The Earl of CARLISLE explained at considerable length the Episcopal and Capitular Estates Bill, and moved its second reading. Expatiating on the difficulties of the subject, and on the efforts made to obtain full information through the apparatus of Committees and Commis- sions, he explained that the present bill embodies the recommendations of compromise be ween the church-owners and the church-lessees, which have been made by the Royal Commission issued in 1849, composed of the Earl of Harrowby, the Dean of Canterbury, Mr. Page Wood, Mr. Armstrong, and Mr. Jones. The substance of those recommendations as to the renewal of land-leases is, that they should in future be leases for twenty-one years, re- newable every seven years, at a rent equal to one half of the present finable yearly value: the result would be, that the Church would get only half its extreme rights, and the tenant only half of his extreme claims. This rule will, however, be liable to exceptions in certain districts, especially in the North of England, where the ancient usage of renewal bas become so in- variable, that a twenty-one years' lease has the same market value as the fee-simple ; and the niode of estimating the finable rent will vary from the mode used with land-leases, in the cases of house and mine leases. Timber will be valued to the tenant, and become his property ; and there are to be means for disbursing to the improving lessee or lessor the value of unex- hausted improvements. The bill also comprises "other arrangements, not unimportant," for the "management of the estates vested in Bishops, Deans, and Chapters"—for vesting those estates in the Ecclesiastical Commission, and giving the in- cumbents fixed incomes till they can be again invested with adequate estates and endowments yielding an income more equalized between the different incumbents than at present. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY With pain opposed the second reading of a measure tantamount to an alienation of the remaining property of the Church : if a Select Committee could revise, modify, and alter the datum, he should feel greatly relieved. The Bishop of LONDON, who BP403 W "a very feeble taw," also oppoapd a bill that would deprive the

• population of a future day of the means of providing for the " supply of spiritual destitution" ; that would "rob posterity." The Duke of 'lye- carmen presented petitions against the bill, and supported them. The Earl of HAtutower said, that there seems no way of increasing the resources of the Church without the aid of Parliament to alter the posi- tion of the lessor ; and Parliament will feel it just that the position of the lessee should also be altered. Lord STANLEY hesitated to reject the prin- ciple of the bill, or negative the only project yet submitted to Parliament as a mode of effecting the object in view. But the conversion of freehold tenures (leases for lives) into leasehold tenures, involves important poli- tical considerations; and the last part of the bill, which would give the whole episcopal property to the Commissioners, for them to redistribute it in more equal endowments, involves important considerations of princi- ple. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE suggested that the second reading be taken pro fbrmii, without pledging any person to its provisions. The Bishop of OXFORD moved as an amendment, that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the management of the Capitular and Episcopal property, giving due regard to the just and reasonable claims of tenants. The Earl of CARLISLE warmly opposed this step, as a virtual defeat of a bill whose principle seemed to meet general concurrence. On a division, the second reading was carried, by 46 to 28.

SECULAR NATIONAL EDUCATION.

The debate on the resolution moved by Mr. W. J. Fox, for the es- tablishment of free schools for secular education, did not throw up any original matter ; but it marked the progress of the education question. The motion was in these words-

" That it is expedient to promote the education of the people in England and Wales by the establishment of free schools for secular instruction, to be-supported by local rates, and managed by committees elected specially for that purpose by the rate- payers."

Passing rapidly over ground traversed more carefully in former discus-

sions, Mr. Fox assumed, that to a considerable extent the system of voluntary contributions is in a state of demonstrated efficiency. But the existing Government system is no less condemned by experience, as unimpartial, and yet thoroughly inefficient. The result of it is, that every man has to pay for something he does not believe, and in his turn becomes a cause of taxation to others for something he believes and they do not believe; while the educational product is unworthy of the moral and material sacrifices made for it. Without separating secular from reli- gious education, there is no chance of combined efforts. Religious education is already to some extent provided for by the voluntary principle: but the arguments with which we are met on this point lose all their weight when aimed by at least a very large mass of objectors : for with the Church of England religious education is not left to the voluntary principle. The 59th canon, agreed to by the clergy of the province of Canterbury at London in 1603, enjoins every parson, vicar, and curate, upon every Sunday and holy- day, for half an hour before evening prayer, to examine and instruct the youth and ignorant in his parish in the Ten Commandments, the Articles of Belief, and the Lord's Prayer, and to examine them in the Catechism ; all fathers, mothers, masters, and mistresses, are to send their children and ser- vants to receive this education ; and disobedience is to be enforced on all by reproof for the first neglect, by suspension for the second offence, and at last by excommunication during contumacy. The motion has the express concur- rence to a large extent of the working classes. A number of the schools are al- ready established in London, under the name of Birkbeck Schools, in which the education is of an order that has elicited the commendation of Mr. Moseley : and they are making a striking progress in the Northern districts. Amid the conflict of political parties, amid the Collision of rival churches, amid the strife of sects and the hostility of different classes, amid the clashing of various systems of policy whether commercial or institutional, and amid the influence and competition of nations, brilliantly developing their industrial and artistical energies, nothing better could become the Legislature than to employ itself in building up a scheme of national greatness and prosperity upon the only foundation on which national greatness and prosperity can permanently rest—namely, the broad basis of national intelligence.

Sir GEORGE GREY could not assent to the resolution " in the terms in which it was framed " ; but he promised to meet in no spirit of unfair opposition any attempt by Mr. Fox to extend the means of sound and useful education.

Ha was not prepared to deny that gross deficiencies exist in the present

system of education ; nor that there was a lack of means to bring that sys- tem, defective as it is, into operation generally throughout the country. But a great advance has been made both in the quantity and the quality of the means applied. To the application of rates for education he is not m principle opposed ; and great advantage might certainly result from local administration, though the system might not be equally suitable for all parts of the country " it would be better, perhaps, to allow districts the option" of adopting the system of rates. But the objection now felt by Sir George, is the same which he felt to the measure which was rejected on the second reading by a large majority last session—" the principle that the aid to be granted from local rates be limited to schools in which secular education alone is given." 1 he adoption of that principle would be unfair ; but in addition, Sir George doubts whether a purely secular system is at all possible —whether schoolmasters and schoolmistresses who really entertain a proper sense of the responsibilities involved in the right discharge of their import- ant duties can avoid conveying religious instruction to the children placed under their care.

With a reference to Mr. Fox's quotation of the 59th canon, Sir George said, Mr. Fox " seemed to forget that there was no power of compelling the children to attend the catechetical instruction of the clergy, either in school or out of school."

In conclusion, he referred to the plan of the Manchester Association, which Mr. Fox had parenthetically declared to be a failure. Ile must say, he thinks that that plan "does hold out some hope of a settlement of this diffi- cult question " ; and that the country is not yet reduced to the alternative of secular edueatien. Mr. Entwistle, the Chairman of that Association, had waited upon him some time ago, and in the anticipation that this subject would be revived during the present session, had stated to him that the asso- ciation are anxious that the House should be informed that they are engned, and he believed suceessfully engaged, in maturing a plan applicable to Man- chester and Salford, and that they have already .prepared a bill which they hope to be able to submit to Parliament next session. Now, by that scheme it is proposed that the schools should be supported by a local rate ; that ex- isting schools where religion is taught should be included; and that with regard to future schools religion should be taught upon some general plan acceptable to the different religious denominations. Upon the committee of the association are the representatives of every religious denomination in Manchester and Salford; and, although Sir George regretted to say that since . he saw Mr. Entwistle some difficulty has arisen with regard to one denomi- nation—although objections had been started to the plan by two Roman Ca- tholic priests, yet there are still somd Roman Catholic laymen members of the committee, and strong hopes are entertained that the objections of all the Roman Catholics will be ultimately removed. He understands that the aseo-

ciati011 still retain their intention to proceed with their bill next session, and that an attempt is making to induce the people of Leeds to concur iu the plan.

Mr. COBDEN particularly marked the admission of Sir George Grey that the present system is a failure but Sir George says " No " to the scheme before the House, because some gentlemen have come up from Manchester with a new scheme for religious and secular education based on rates.

Now this new scheme has already failed, on account of precisely the same religious difficulties which proved a rock of destruction to the National plan. The same deputation who had waited upon Sir George Grey from Manchester had done Mr. Cobden the honour to call also upon him, and had informed him, as they had informed Sir George, that all the clergy of Manchester and Salford, of alldenominations, the Roman Catholic clergy included, were heartily concur- rent in the scheme. But, since their return home, those gentlemen have writ- ten to tell him that eighteen of the Roman Catholic clergymen—in other words, almost the whole body of the Roman Catholic clergy there—have seceded from the scheme. Aud why ? Simply because the Manchester committee has made it a fundamental principle of their scheme, that in all the schools to be supported by the public rates of Manchester the authorized version of the Bible should be read ; a resolution which, as a matter of course, at once excludes Roman Catholic children—that is to say, the very poorest chil- dren of the whole district, the children most in need of educational aid. Recurring to the experience of the United States in recommendation of the secular plan, Mr. Cobden said, the result of the Massachusetts schools has been to raise the population of that State intellectually as high above the population of Kent, for example, as the population of Kent is superior to the population of Naples. There is no subject on which he feels so tolerant as on that of education. When he sees the Government doing anything in the matter, he is grateful to them ; when he aces gentlemen opposite doing any- thing, lie feels grateful to them, if the effect be to give thcepeople a better education ; for he perceives the enormous difficulty of taking a combined measure, owing to those religious elements which enter into the question. As a matter of economy, of charity, of good-will, we ought to try whether we cannot obtain neutral ground for schools ; and that not only for the be- nefit of the poor, but also to have an excuse for meeting, beyond the range of religious strifes and animosities. The other speakers were—for the motion, Mr. HUME, Mr. MILNER GIBSON, and Mr. ADDERLEY, who could not conscientiously oppose it. Against the motion, Mr. A. B. HOPE, who thinks secular education dan- gerous but impossible, and who would apply free trade and not compulsion to education ; the SOLICITOR-GENERAL, who repeated his well-known ob- jections to leaving the religious clement out of education ; Sir Roamer Nous, who followed Mr. Cobden, and acknowledged with thankfulness the moderation of tone which characterized his remarks ; Mr. SIDNEY HER- BERT; and Mr. LAWRENCE HEYWORTII, as a votary and supporter by ex- ample of the purely voluntary principle, which is increasing its action and will at length be all-sufficient.

The House divided, and the motion was negatived, by 139 to 41.

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT.

Mr. EwAwr's motion against capital punishments this year took the form of a declaration "that it is expedient that the mitigations which have been made in the laws inflicting capital punishment in England he extended to Scotland, and, as far as possible, to the Colonial possessions of this country."

The former state of the Scottish law was in advance of the English, but the alterations on the English side have changed the relation. Here there are only about four crimes capitally, punishable, and the only crime so pun- ishable in practice is murder: in Scotland the list is formidable. In the Colonies there are great variations: in St. Lucia, the old French law of Louis the Fourteenth is in force ; in Ceylon, at the Cape colony, the Dutch Roman law ; in Malta, the severe Justinian code. The Penal Colonies per- haps require a continuation of very stringent enactments. But with these exceptions, the law of Great Britain and its dependencies should as nearly as possible be the same. Mr. MAULS—in the absence of the Lord Advocate at a meeting of the Supreme Court to go through the forms of entering his high office— replied for the Government in respect of Scotland. There is no objection to the proposition ; but the House of Commons had better not commit itself to vague resolutions. For the Colonies, Mr. HAWES observed that already the law is the same in eighteen colonies as in England ; and in the rest, though the letter of the law may vary the practice is very much the same as ours. The disc ussion may do good ; but it is better to leave the Colonies to judge for themselves. Sir GEORGE GREY added, that he lied communicated with the late Lord-Advocate about the law of Scotland ; and he will communicate with the present Lord-Advocate on that branch of the subject.

TRANSPORTATION TO VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.

The statement made by Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH in support of his motion for an address to the Crown praying the discontinuance of trans- portation to Van Diemen's Land took generally the shape of the numer- ous Colonial petitions on which it is founded.

Two of those petitions, presented lately, were unanimously agreed to at very numerous meetings held in the Northern, Southern, and Central dis- tricts of Van Diemen's Land ; and they were signed by the Bishop of Tas- mania and the majority of the clergy of the Church of England and of the various denominations, and by almost every person of note, fathers and mo- thers of families, among the free population of Van Diemen's Land. They set forth the appalling evils of transportation to the colony ; recall the cir- cumstances of the pledge given b' Sir William Denison for the Imperial Government (on the 20th July 1847) that transportation should be abolished - and complain that this promise has been broken, in a manner "calculated to weaken, if not destroy, the feeling of confidence and attachment which Vau Diemen's Land has hitherto entertained towards the Imperial Government." Sir William supported the allegation of the appalling evils complained of, and showed that the colonists indignantly contradict the statements by Lord Grey that they are less averse at present to transporta- tion than they were in the year 1846. He went once more through the proofs that the faith of the Imperial Government was pledged through Sir William Denison to abolish transportation ; and he particularly met a ru- moured quibble that the Governor had exceeded his authority in giving that pledge : if he had exceeded his authority, why was he not disavowed and reprimanded, or even recalled Sir William then passed to the third branch of the question, the effect of this breach of faith among the free colonists of Van Diemen's Land ; explaining the modes of transportation in its best form of the assignation system, its worse form of the ticket-of-leave system, and

i

its worst of all forms the gang system ; proving that the collective trans- portation of our convicts to Van Diemen's land is equivalent to transporting them to all the other colonies. The boundless extent of unoccupied laud in Australia, of the best quality', comprising millions of fertile acres, natu- rally rally cleared, waiting only for hands to cultivate them, attracts hands from

Van Diemen's Land because that is the nearest point, because there a large portion of they 'ted extent of the best land is already occupied, and because the influx of convicts has already overstocked the labour-market of Van Die- men's Land. Every fresh convict who arrives in the last colony, still further depresses the labour-market, and tends to drive out a free settler or an expirec ; and this process has been so long carried on that three- fourths of the adult nude population of Van Diemen's Land are or have been convicts. In consequence of this preponderance in numbers, the felonry (as they are termed) of an Diemen's Land have become rampant and inso- lent. Relying on the authority of Lord Grey, they claim that colony as the patrimony and freehold of the convicted felons of England and the paradise of thieves. " Through their organs in the Colonial press," said Sir Wil- liam Moleswortb, " I see they threaten r to kick out of the colony the free settlers,' whom they denounce as intruders,' and Puritan moralists.' In opposition to the Anti-Transportation League, and in support of Lord Grey, the Felonry have formed a Criminal Aid Society, or Tasmanian League. They have rallied round the Government ; and, in fact, the only devoted friends and stanch allies upon whom the Colonial Office can count throughout Tasmania, or even Australia, are the Felonry of Van Diemen's Land, under the leadership of the insane rebels from Ireland. Sir, if we continue much longer to transport convicts to Van Diemen's Land, we shall be able to add to our national Exhibition an unrivalled specimen of a Criminal Red Repub- lic, with liberty for crime, equality in infamy, and fraternity in vice." "Last year you gave representative institutions and self-government to Van Diemen's Land. What did you mean by so doing? How did you mean that the inhabitants of that colony should govern themselves ? Ought they to prefer the interests of their own constituents, or of your constituents ? They will, without doubt, prefer the interests of their own constituents. They are bound to do so by every recognized principle of constitutional go- vernment. They will do so. I believe not one man will be elected a mem- ber of the House of Assembly of Van Diemen's Land who is not pledged to resist transportation by every means in his power. What will you do ? discontinue transportation, or repeal the constitution of Van Diemen's Land ? You must do one of these two things ; for free institutions and transportation Cannot coexist in Van Diemen's Land, as long as the feelings of the inhabitants of that colony are such as they are at present. I call on

Coyou to extend to them the rule you have laid down in the other Southern lonies, that no convicts shall be transported to them without their consent. Suffer no delay in this matter, if you hold dear our Australasian dependen- cies. For many years I have taken the deepest interest in the affairs of those colonies. I am convinced that they are amongst the most valuable of our Colonial possessions, the priceless jewels in the diadem of our Colo- nial empire. I believe they can easily be retained with a little common sense and judgment on our part; that, well governed, they would cost little or nothing, but offer us daily improving markets for our industry, fields for the employment of our labour and capital, and happy homes for our surplus po- pulation. That Australian empire is in peril from the continuance of transportation to Van Diemen's Land ; and it is therefore that I now move that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she may be graciously pleased to discontinue transportation to Van linemen's Land." Sir GEORGE GREY, at the outset, warned the House, that though agree- ment to this motion would not be a declaration of opinion on the question whether transportation is a proper and necessary secondary punishment, yet if they were to give such assent, they must at once be prepared to en- counter the wider and more important questions—what are we to do with our criminals ? and what secondary punishment must we substitute for transportation ? And they must not so deal with the question as to render it impossible that the Government should carry out the views of the two Committees who, after great attention to the subject, still recommend the ultimate removal from this country of convicted criminals.

With regard to the question of transportation to Van Diemen's Land, he did not mean to waste the time of the House by disputirg the general effect

of the evidence adduced, that there is a general desire on part of the in- habitants of Van Diemen's Land for the abolition of transportation under all circumstances whatsoever. But the case as to the pledge of the Govern- ment is greatly overstated. On a former occasion Sir George stated that his own views have been modified by the difficulties of practical experience, and that the views'and intentions he expressed to Lord Grey are not those sub- sequently adopted by the Government. However, Lord Grey did not state to Sir William Denison, " that transportation was not only to be suspended for two years, but that in no shape whatever was it to be resumed" ; but in his despatch he pointed at the very result to which the Committee of 1837 pointed, and stated that the Government had in view the ultimate removal of the convicts, not to Van Diemen's Land, but to Australia generally ; and he pointed to the peculiar advantages which the Australian Colonies possessed for the wide dispersion of the convicts. This very clearly pointed not to the abolition of the punishment of transportation, but that, after undergoing the earlier period of the punishment, and perhaps a more severe punish- ment than before in this country, they were ultimately to be removed to the Colonies—not in accumulated numbers as they bad been before, but still that they should be forcibly removed from this country as exiles. In addition to this, Lord Grey sent to the colony along with his despatch copies of the correspondence that had taken place in this country between the Home and Colonial Offices ; and in that correspondence it was distinctly stated that these were the views and intentions then entertained by the Go- vernment. Sir George admits that Sir William Denison put a larger con- struction upon these comments than the Government intended. He does not blame him for doing so. The language of Sir George Grey's letter was the

language of hope rather than of experience ; but there was not a single sen- tence in that letter which could be construed to bind even the present Go- vernment, much less their successors, to make Van Diemen's Land an excep- tion to the manner in which other Australian colonies were proposed to be treated ; for it was in distinct terms stated that convicts would continue to

be sent to the Australian Colonies generally. Sir George would not, how- ever, deny that the colonists have grievances to complain of; the Govern- ment is prepared to give attention to their complaints, and to relieve them from the evils complained of; and lie indicated that this relief will be partly effected by turning the stream of emigration into less resistant channels. The object of the Government has been, that the convicts should be dispersed as widely as possible; but they have been thwarted—he does not mean to blame anybody—by the unwillingness of the residents in other colonies to feceive convicts in any stage of their sentence. It is difficult, if not dens'er- ous to speak of the openings which are now presenting themselves for the absorption of convicts, because the very statement might excite opposition where he expects concurrence ; but there are openings through which it is

ho dispose of a considerable number of these convicts. Western Aus- • e first of these. The inhabitants of Moreton Bay district have also, meeting at which several gentlemen retracted opinions till then ed for separation from New South Wales, and for a supply of r, There is reason to believe that that colony might for a con- her of years receive annually 2000 convicts previously subjected pline in this country. A hasty adoption of the resolution before would impose on Government greater difficulties and embarrass- thattautturally attend the carrying of sentences of transportation into

s • .1„.•

Mr. ANSTEY was supporting the motion, when a Member took' notice that there was no House. The SPEAKER counted, found but thirty-three Members, and adjourned the House till Thursday.

THE CAPERS WAR COMMISSION.

Lord WHARNCL1PFE questioned Earl Grey on the reported appointment of a Commission to inquire into the present state of the Cape of Good Hope colony.

When in the House of Commons Mr. Adderley moved for a Royal Com- mission, Ministers objected that it would interfere with the operations and impair the efficiency of the Colonial authorities : they proposed a Select Committee, and the House agreed to the proposition, on the assurance that if the Committee should be of opinion that a Commission should be sent out, no objection would be made. The Committee has not yet sat, and has had no opportunity of expressing any opinion on the propriety of sending a Commission; yet one has been appointed. Who are the Commissioners ? and what arc their powers and objects?

Earl Gnav said, the objections made by the Government were to a commission of inquiry. It still was Lord Grey's opinion that the appointment of such a Commission as was proposed by Mr. Adderley would be attended with inconvenience, though some of his colleagues differ from him on that point. Inquiry would throw but little light on the question of border policy. That policy has long been a settled one, and all parties have coincided in its principles : but great difficulties arise in applying the principles. But Sir Harry Smith requires assistance while he is so much otherwise engrossed ; and in consequence, two gentlemen have been chosen who will act as his subordinate assistants in the separate commission which he holds as High Commissioner among the border tribes, in deciding difficult questions and in putting the decisions into prompt execution. One of them is Major Hogg, late a Captain in the Seventh Dragoons, who raised among the Hottentots levies which had great influence in terminating the late Caffre war. The other gentleman is a gra- duate of the University of Oxford, who is well acquainted with and speaks with fluency the Caffre language ; and who only returned to this country in May last, bearing with him the highest testimonials both from Sir Henry Pottinger and from Sir Harry Smith. In a few days, additional papers, ex- plaining the state of affairs in the colony, will be laid on the table, and this commission will be among them. Subsequently, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQYER intimated that our bill of costs for the war is swelling apace. It had been hoped that the operations might be brought to a conclusion in less than six months ; but the latest reports negative that hope. Sir Charles expressed a fear that he may be compelled to ask for a sum beyond the 300,0001. already voted by the House.