Debates anb Vrotubings in Igiarliament.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Monism ov Loam. Monday, March 19. Transportation to the Cape of Good Hope : Question by Lord Stanley—Out-door Paupers B111, read a second time—Adjourned at 5h. 57 in. Tuesday, March 20. Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill : Statement by Lord Brougham, and Reporter's Note on Acoustics of the House—Adjourned at 5 h. 27m. Thursday, March 22. Out-door Paupers Bill, passed through Committee—Affairs of Northern Italy : Motion by Lord Aberdeen for-Paperas-Adjourned at 8 b. 5 m. March 23. Dish Rate In aid : Motion for EstImate—Adjaneted at 7 h. 20 m. [Tina occupied its thefour sittings, 6h. 44na. alneathe teginnhaaktbmSession, 42 h. 58 m.]

Ifbmswor Cosmos:a dforaddy, March 19. Mew WHt for North Hants, 1n room of Sir W. Htathcote- Ganadian.Compensation to Rebels : Question and Answer—Trans- port:Miami° the-Capa: Question and'Answer—ArmyEstImates debated, agreed to and voted: and Navy Estimates "on account" voted—Adjourned at 1 h. (Tuesday morn- ing.) Tuesday, Starch 20. LandMax : Question and Answer—Episcopal Patronage: Mr. Horsman's Motion on Bishopwearmouth and Sunderland—Count-out at 8h. lb in. Bedneoday, Starch 21; noon sitting. Small Debts (Ireland) Bill, thrown out by a Mi- nisterial majority of 31 to 29—Landlord and Tenants Bill, referred to a Select Com- mittee—Clergy Relief Bill, considered in Committee—Public Roads Bill, brought in by Mr. Cornewall Lewis, and read a first time—Adjonmed at 5h. Thursday, March 22. Canadian Compensation to Rebels Colonial Office Answers to Questions—Occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia by Russia : Lord Dudley Stuart's Motion for papers_ma, quls of Tweeddale, conduct as Governor of Madras in respect to Mutiny of Sepoys—Ad- journed at 11 h. 15 m. Friday, March 23. Arctic Expedition : Explanations—Canadian Compensation to Rebels : Explanations—Liverpool Financial Association : Mr. Fox Monte's Explanation—House to Committee on Navigation Bill : coasting clauses given up by Mr. Gladstone ; Clauses to No. 18 agreed on, after debate and divisions—Ad- journed at 1 b. (Saturday morning.)

[Time occupied in the live sittings, 34 h. 30 m.

since the beginning of the Session, 264 h. 30 in.]

ARMY AND NAVY' ESTIMATES.

In moving the Army Estimates, in Committee of Supply, Mr. Fox MauLE reviewed the position of this country towards foreign nations, the force required for our foreign dependenoiss, the maintenance of order at home, and the relief of troops on service abroad; then he took the items in detail, with explanations of each; and concluded with general remarks of

comparison between our present establishment and that of 1835, in the points of expense, military efficiency, and the moral and sanatory state of the men.

The point of Foreign relations was hardly dwelt on a moment: an allu- sion to the critical state of foreign affairs, and the assertion that our Army is in nowise fixed in relation to any foreign army, disposed of that part of the subject.

Our Colonial requirements were discussed in greater detail. The mili- tary establishments of each colony were reviewed; and it was shown that in comparison with 1833, when a Committee reported on the subject and made recommendations, there bad been reductions in the strength of many of the garrisons,—as the Ionian Islands, Ceylon, Mauritius, and Jamaica; and that the increase occurs chiefly at the Cape of Good Hope, New South Wales, and Hongkong, from causes which fully justify them, and which forbid any decrease at the present moment. The force in the Colonies, then, admits of no diminution.

The Home military force consists of 52,000 men, of whom 25,000 are quartered in Ireland; and this number is kept fully employed in the per- formance of duties by no means light. Mr. Maule read a list of twenty- two great towns—chiefly towns in the manufacturing centres of the North- Midland districts—which had applied for the assistance of the military during the past year to support'the weak civil force in preserving the lives and property of peaceable inhabitants. Doubtless, some of these applica- tions had been made on frivolous grounds; but it was a wise economy to have the troops at band, as well to obviate complaint against the Go- vernment on the score of laxity in supporting the friends of order, as really to overawe and prevent the serious effusion of blood that might become ne- cessary if the first measures were not sufficiently energetic. The last point—our system of reliefs—needed little enforcement beyond what it received from Sir Robert Peel in his speech of 1845. If the system then devised were to be carried out efficiently, no greater reductions on the force of the past year than he would now propose could be made. The number of men voted last year was 113,847. Looking at the vari- ous interests of the empire, foreign, colonial, and domestic, and at the jus- tice of maintaining an efficient system of reliefs, the Government now re- considered that the vote for the present year might be taken for some 10,000 fewer men; they proposed that the number for the present year should be 103,254. At the close of last year, news from India made it necessary to despatch thither three regiments, and later news has shown the necessity for two regiments more: this draft on the home force will remove the charge of maintaining 5,000 men from the Government, and the remainder of the reduction will be made by discharges and the casualties that occur. In reviewing the votes seriatim, Mr. Maule stated that the estimate of the charge for the force now proposed was 3,655,5881; compared with the 3,971,1221 last year, reductions amounting to 315,5341. had been made in the gross charges exclusive of India. Among the savings on the first seven votes, which constitute the Effective service votes, is one of 14,0231. under the head of Yeomanry: it is proposed to call on this force, which is now in excellent drill, only for simple exercise during this year. On the ninth vote, a Non-Effective item—the pay of General Officers—there is a de- crease from 76,000/ to 65,0001. Votes 10, 11, 12, are the Army dead- weight: it is well known that they are already subjected to rigid super- vision and economy. Since 1821, the pay for officers unattached is di- minished from 182,1261. to 65,0001; for officers retired on full pay, from 145,0001. to 56,0001.; for half-pay, from 870,0001. to 400,0001. Vote 16,

for Out Pensions, is 1,224,0531. this year; it was 1,248,8101. last year— saving 24,7571. The whole decrease on the Effective is 330,5951.; and on the Non-Effective 48,0291.—total, 378,6241 for the year.

In 1835, the gross charges on the Army Estimates were 5,906,7821; this year, they are 6,142,2111—an increase of only 235,0001; although many items of charge have been thrown on the Estimates since 1835, and although more men are now maintained in a higher state of efficiency. Among these charges, are 50,0001 foregone as poundage; large additions for increase of staff consequent on increase of stations; but especially, 84,0001. for labourers, and 24,0001. for the increased expenses of married soldiers; a sum for barrack libraries, and 23,0001. for barrack prisons. These sums amount to 230,0001 in the whole.

Mr. Mania adduced interesting statistics to show that a material advance has taken place both in the physical and moral health of our troops, con-

sequent on the more comfortable barrack arrangements and the educational facilities which have been given in the last few years. The deaths have been reduced in their proportion to the men, at nearly all our stations at home and abroad; and the proportion of crimes has been so reduced as to give the country reason for pride at the general good conduct of the body of men to whom it looks for protection. The facts in relation to the moral

improvement of the men are such as to encourage perseverance in the ame- liorations introduced. With regard to education, six trained schoolmasters are just now about to be sent to take charge of garrison schools in Eng- land: many years will not elapse before a uniform system of school train- lag will have been established; and then both adult soldiers may receive • traction, and the children of soldiers will not be submitted to the instruction, of teaching which they now undergo in following the regiments of their parents.

The vote proposed to the Committee of Supply was in the following

terms--

" That a number of land forces, not exceeding 103,254 men, (exclusive of the men employed in the territorial 'sessions of the East India Company,) commis- sioned and non-commissioned cers included, be maintained for the service of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland from the 1st day of April 1849 to the 31st day of March 1850 inclusive."

Mr. Soma was gratified at the statements of the good results of the progress made in ameliorating the condition of our soldiers; he had always gild that until the men were better treated better conduct could not be ex- pected; and now that the lash was almost abolished, they found that the soldiers' conduct was greatly improved. Mr. Mania had made a very clear statement, but he showed no sufficient reasons for maintaining our present exorbitant military establishment.

Mr. Hume, in his usual strain, deprecated interferenoe with the affairs of foreign countries; advocated reduction of our colonial military, and the leaving of the Colonies—at least the self-governing ones, such as the North American—to protect themselves with their own militia and police; and he urged the Government by concessions to obviate the necessity for so large a standing, army to preserve peace at home. If the reasonable wishes of the mass of the people were yielded, the posse comitatus would fully suffice to preserve the peace against the turbulent and immoral.

He moved that the number of the force be 89,000 men only and called on all parties to support his amendment, and enable him to reduce expen- diture by eleven millions, so that taxation might be proportionately lightened.

Mr. Hume's amendment was supported by several speakers. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL enforced the economy of conceding justice to Ireland. Mr. PAGE WOOD explained an economical plan of recruiting, devised by a con- stituent of his, Mr. Candwell, and approved by experienced officers; and commented on the stereotyped character of Estimate debates, in which a number of gentlemen invariably vote the estimates because Government "knows best" and "is responsible," while Government invariably said the responsibility is on the House alone, and the votes are for the House only to reject or concede. Mr. VERNON SMITH advised Government, by timely measures, to anticipate the question of separation from our Colonies, so that when it arrives the separation may be amicable.

MrPoonnEst particularly insisted on what he considered a new and very alarming and melancholy feature in the speech of a Minister proposing the Army Estimates—the open avowal of the necessity for keeping troops at home for the purpose of overawing the people. The amendment was also supported by Mr. MILNER GIBSON, Mr. Rice, (partially,) Sir WIL- LIAM MOLESWORTH, and Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD.

The speech of Sir WILLIAM MoLEswoarn stood out from the gene- ral debate in its selected facts and its principle and plan. Sir William worked out Mr. Hume's general suggestions for reduction of our Co- lonial military, and enumerated specific reductions for which he gave specific reasons, in the military colonies of the Ionian Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, and Ceylon—the last by transfer to the East India Company: those changes would amount to the additional re- duction, beyond the Ministerial proposal, of 11,000 men. He also suggested reduction in the military of the commercial colonies of America—es- pecially the virtually independent colony of Canada, which ought as much to protect itself as the actually independent colonies of the United States— the West Indies, Australia, and New Zealand. Thus he would save 22,000 men, and an annual expenditure of about 1,000,0001.

On the Government side, Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND and Captain BOLDERO made speeches of the character criticized by Mr. Page Wood. Lord Jome RUSSELL defended Mr. Fox Maule's speech from the con- struction which Mr. Cobden had imputed. He replied to Sir William Molesworth's proposals of economy by remarking that if it were desirable to give up our colonies altogether, no doubt our army might be reduced ultimately to the bare force sufficient to defend this island: but the Govern- ment had the very different object of maintaining in all its integrity the great empire which we have inherited from our forefathers.

On dividing the House, Mr. Hume was defeated by 182 to 40; and the vote of 103,252 men was agreed to. Other votes were agreed to without farther debate, but under Mr. HUME'S general protest. Mr. WARD moved votes for the excess in the Navy Estimates. Mr. HUME protested against such a step at midnight; and the Secretary of the Admiralty accepted a vote on account only.

CHARGE AGAINST THE MARQUIS OF TWEEDDALE.

In moving for papers respecting the punishment of mutineers in the Sixth Madras Light Infantry in 1844, by order of the Marquis of Tweed- dale, Commander-in-chief at Madras, Mr. ANSTEY and the Members who supported him relied mainly on these facts. An order was issued suppres- sing field batta; the Sepoys declined to take the field without their batta, which was indeed necessary to remove their wives and families; Lord Tweeddale found the order to be a mistake, and withdrew it; and the men were suffered to return to their duty. Nine months afterwards, seventeen men were put to trial before a court-martial: sixteen were convicted, one was pardoned for giving evidence, two were shot, and thirteen were sen- tenced to banishment for life.

Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE opposed the motion, mainly on these grounds. The order was explained and withdrawn two days after it was issued; the mutiny was obstinate, supported by secret oaths, and aided by a number Should of Native officers; certain forms were presumed to require that the men leenld be marched back to Bengal before trial; the ringleaders were not known till after inquiry. The Duke of Wellington had been quite satiafied with Lord Tweeddale's conduct. The strongest allegations against the Commander-in-chief originated with Mr. Malcolm Lewin, a gentleman removed from office in Madras, and actuated by personal mo- tives; and it would be useless, if not mischievous, to reopen the subject sitar so long a lapse of time. In this last argument Sir ROBERT PEEL concurred. On a division, the motion was negatived, by 54 to 14.

THE WAR IN ITALY.

In moving for the production of diplomatic correspondence concerning the affairs of Northern Italy, the Earl of ABERDEEN spoke at considerable leegth on the actual state of those affairs, and the progress of past negotia- 'en& So long as the conferences at Brussels seemed to have the slightest

chance of attaining to any practical result, he had postponed.his inquiry; but now—a year since, Charles Albert, by an act of perfidy almost un- exampled, invaded the territory of his ally, his friend, his kinsman and be- nefactor—Sardinia has broken the armistice with Austria, and troops on both sides are moving to the conflict. Last session, the Marquis of Lans- downe spontaneously laid on the table of the House, for an object which

did not then appear, a series of despatches. Two from Prince Metternich described the state of Northern Italy, and declared that the Emperor of

Austria had no other object than to defend his territory from attack, and rest on the guarantees for European peace. One from Lord Palmerston averred, that the British Government had received no information of any aggressive scheme, and declared the right of every sovereign power to make reforms in its own territory. A month later, on the 11th of September, Lord Palmerston sent another despatch, expressing his conviction (by way of warning) that Austria did not intend any aggression on the dominions or rights of the King of Sardinia or the Pope; and hinting that Great Britain could never forget or repudiate claims founded on the ancient alli-

ance with Sardinia, or the necessity of maintaining the integrity of the Roman States. Six months afterwards, Lord Brougham moved for further correspondence; and then it appeared, that immediately after the receipt of Lord Palmerston's last despatch, on the 27th of the same month of Sep- tember, Prince Metternich replied, that Austria intended no aggression on Sardinia, her ally, but that she was ready to defend that ally against aggression. Why had that despatch been kept back?

It was impossible to deny that the voluntary production of papers for the pur- pose of creating the impression that we had been the instruments by which the

aggression of Austria was stopped, at a time when we had in our possession, but kept back, an Austrian despatch containing a most decisive answer to that im- putation, was a measure which it was impossible for any man—and he appealed

to them as Peers and gentlemen—to declare either just or even warrantable.

What must be the effect of the suppression of that despatch upon Austria? The Austrian Government had received the accusatiou and the threat; it had promptly made an answer to both; and yet that answer had been studiously con-

cealed by the Government to which it was addressed. The noble Marquis oppo- site had produced to their Lordships a paper calculated to convey an erroneous

impression of the truth, and had made himself a party to the suppression of the truth, which, in point of fact, amounted to a falsehood. He was quite sure that the noble Marquis opposite was ignorant of the contents of the despatch

just read, when he presented the other despatches to the House. He was quite sure that every one of their Lordships, from their knowledge of the conduct of the noble Marquis both in that House and out of it, must be fatly convinced that he would never have condescended to be knowingly a party to the creation of so false an impression.

Lord Aberdeen contrasted Lord Palmerston's conduct towards Austria with his demeanour towards Sardinia. In a despatch dated the 27th March 1848, when the war was in actual progress, Mr. Abercrombie wrote, that the Marquis of Pareto had said that the declaration of war against Austria " had a twofold object; first, to drive the Austrians for ever out of Italy; secondly, to assist the Provisional Government formed at Milan."

On this Lord Palmerston wrote to Mr. Abercrombie—" I have to instruct you to say to the Sardinian Minister, that the conflict into which Sardinia has entered must be admitted to be one of doubtful result, and that the principle on which it has been commenced is one full of danger." The least that this Government ought to have done was to protest against the proceedings of the King of Sardinia, as it had protested against the pro- ceedings in Cracow; a violation of treaty, no doubt, but trifling compared to that which had been perpetrated in Upper Italy. Relying, on the tra- ditionary friendship with this country, Austria had invoked the mediation of our Government—had even offered to give up Lombardy. He had heard of the manner in which the mission had been received in this coun- try. "[Here Lord Aberdeen dropped his voice, so that it was inaudible.]

Fortunately for Austria, her conditions were rejected; the fight was re- newed; and after a series of brilliant victories, Field-Marshal Radetzky,

with a rare exertion of generosity, abstained from following the beaten enemy into his own territory. He granted an armistice, with a view to the settlement of peace; which might have been effected, but France and Great

Britain now offered their mediation. It has proved ineffectual; the war is

to be renewed; and the question arises, What do her Majesty's Ministers propose to do? It would be impossible for any one to believe their sin- cerity in objecting to the war undertaken by Charles Albert, seeing the contempt with which he treated their mediation, unless they were to recall their Ambassador from Turin.

After an eulogium on the excellent administration of the Austrian do- minions in Italy, its police and prosperity, and on the boldness and ability of the constitution which has now crowned Austrian statesmanship, Lord Aberdeen intimated that he should not press his motion, if it would be in- convenient to produce the papers.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE stated, that the production of the papers would be attended with the greatest inconvenience, until the negotiations had

actually ceased. In his commentary, Lord Aberdeen seemed to have for- gotten the time which had elapsed since the production of the first papers. Respecting those papers Lord Lansdowne showed some uncertainty; not quite understanding what despatch it was that had been kept back.

Lord ABERDEEN and Lord BROUGHAM repeated the explanation.

Lord LANSDOWNE proceeded to say, that no principle had been laid down in the despatches which he was not now ready to maintain; but

since the revolution in France, the character of the danger to be appre- hended is completely changed: instead of any fear of danger from des- potism against freedom, it now seems that the great danger to be appre- hended is the march of democracy over the thrones of Europe. He justi- - fied the mediation in Italy, on the ground that it might have enabled both parties in the contest to recede with honour. The best understanding con- tinues to prevail between France and England; warnings and admonitions have been addressed to Sardinia by both Governments; and from neither will she receive any support, countenance, or assistance, in the course which she has pursued with reference to Lombardy. That course, however, did not merit the strong language which had been applied to it. All the Go- vernments of Europe have felt the earth tremble under their feet and seen the sky lowering over their heads, and their conduct must not be too se- verely criticized. Austria herself has not been quite consistent; and her refusal to nominate a minister for the conference, after having agreed to the

mediation, might palliate the conduct of Sardinia. Lord Lansdowne con- cluded by expressing his confidence that France and England would con- cur in maintaining the peace of Europe; and assuring Lord Aberdeen that the papers in question should be produced at no distant date. Lord BROUGHAM made the strong points of Lord Aberdeen's statement still stronger, by emphatic reiteration. He begged the House only to compare the language of the two despatches of September 1847. The language to Austria was, in effect, "At your peril attempt to interfere in the affairs of Italy." It just meant this, "If England see Austria presume to act in Italy in such a way as to offend the Popular party—if we see them interfere between the Governments of Italy and the Peoples of Italy, so as toprevent the establishment of liberal institutions—we give you notice that Eng- land shall not view it with indifference, but shall interfere by force to prevent it." But what did they say to Sardinia? Did they say, as one would naturally sup- pose they would, If you choose to break the peace which you have sworn to pre- serve—if you commit an infraction of the treaty of Vienna, to which you owe inestimable advantages—to which, indeed, you owe your Continental existence in Europe—England will threaten, warn, and menace you?" Nothing of the kind: Sardinia was merely told that if she did what she threatened to do, she would do a dangerous act.

He commented severely on Charles Albert's recent proclamation and past conduct; but regarded him now as an object of pity.

His troubles had only now begun; for he was in the hands of a set of the most reckless and implacable tyrants—the rebellious parties in his states—headed, as bad been the case everywhere of late years, by exiled Poles. . . . Wheresoever agitation had been going on, rebellion had been at work, conspiracies had been made, or revolts against established governments had broken out, Polish agitators were found either the lenders of or at least concerned in those movements.

The motion was not insisted on.

RUSSIA AND TURKEY.

Lord DUDLEY STUART made a statement on moving for correspondence between the Governments of England, Turkey, and Russia, respecting the military occupation of Wallachia and Moldavia by Russian troops. Lord Palmerston had contended that the treaty of Adrianople gave Russia no right to enter upon Turkish territory, except upon certain conditions: those conditions have not arisen now. Lord Palmerston himself had de- clared, that such an occupation would be " the first step towards a dis- memberment of the Turkish empire," the integrity of which is important to this country both politically and commercially. Turkey is the most liberal country of the world in her commercial policy. Our export trade to Turkey is less only than that to Germany and Holland; equals that of France; exceeds that to Russia by 700,0001.; and exceeds our aggregate export trade to Prussia, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, together.

Colonel Tao/arson seconded the motion.

Viscount PALMERSTON had always thought it desirable that the House of Commons should take a lively interest in the foreign relations of this country; and he quite agreed with what Lord Dudley Stuart had said re- specting the importance of preserving the independence of the Ottoman empire, and of its trade with this country: but great inconvenience must-- necessarily mite from the publication of unfinished correspondence upon matters still pending. He was satisfied that none of the great powers who were parties to the treaty of the Dardanelles thought of infringing the principle so solemnly laid down in that treaty. Explanations respecting the occupation of Wallachia and Moldavia have been sought and obtained. Count Nesselrode stated that the Russian troops would be withdrawn, from the moment that order was restored in the provinces, or the Porte deemed itself assured of their ulterior repose; and that the Russian Government had no intention of making any permanent encroachment on the Turkish empire. Lord Palmerston trusted that the question of time, the only question still pending, would be speedily settled to the mutual satisfaction of the parties.

In the course of the discursive debate which ensued, Mr. Cmsnorist ANSTEY and Mr. UnQuEvaer attacked Russia and Lord Palmerston. Mr. MONCKTON MILNES, Mr. HUME, and Mr. Joust ABEL SMITH, CORCRving _ in the spirit of the motion, objected to dividing so thin a House. Mr. DISRAELI eulogized the Emperor of Russia, as a man of great intellectual power, magnanimous, and politic—no "ogre"—not guilty of felony against human nature, although he has not been born with Lords and Commons and Parliamentary Committees to keep him in check. Mr. Joint O'Cox- NELL maintained that the Emperor is a " monster "; calling to mind how the Nuns of Minsk were flogged with the full cognizance and approval of Mr. Disraeli's client.

Lord DUDLEY STUART declined to press his motion.

COLONIAL-OFFICE REPLIES.

Questions have been put to Ministers in both Houses to extract infor- mation perseveringly withheld. The Cape of Good Hope furnished ques- tions, in the Commons, on Monday— Mr. ADDERLEY inquired of' Mr. Hawes, " whether he had not misapprehended a question which be bad put to him on a former day, when he asked if there was any objection to lay before the House any communication that had been received from the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope, intimating a resistance there tothe reception of convicts from this country? He begged now to ask, whether, in the month of January or February, a communication bad been addressed by the Governor of the Cape to Earl Grey, containing the remonstrance of a public meet- ing against the reception of convicts from this country, and a petition to her Ma- jesty on the subject?" Mr. Hewes said, he must trouble the honourable gentleman to put his ques- tion on a future day, as he could not undertake to say, at that moment, that such a despatch or communication had been received. He understood the honour- able gentleman to ask the other day, if he were aware of any communication having been made to the Secretary of State with reference to sending convicts to the Cape of Good Hope: and, at that time, he was not aware that any such com- munication had been received, but since then despatches had been received. Mr. ADDERLEY asked if the honourable gentlemen were not aware that, in the month of February, a communication was received from the Cape of Good Hope, intimating the very general resistance of that colony to the reception of their con- victs? Had the honourable gentleman any objection to lay on the table any do- cuments, official or non-official, received on the subject? Mr. HAWES could not give any other answer than he had already given. If the honourable gentleman would put his question on paper, he would give a Fe- eble answer.

Mr. ADDERLEY—" IB there any objection to lay the papers on the table?" Mr. HAWES—" I can have no objection to Jay any official paper on the table. Any official communication will be laid on the table." nisslroodutat, on the same day, Lord STANLEY put a question to atructions sent to Bermuda for the transmission of pe of Good Hope.

patches bad been recently received from the Cape Lion of the inhabitants; and whether the Colonial on to lay on the table of the House the correspond-

cg pr respecting it between the Governor of the Cape and e also wanted to koow whether there would be any ob-

jection to lay on the table the memorial which had been presented to his Lordship a few days ago from the inhabitants of that colony?

Earl GREY replied in terms similar to those of his Under-Secretary. When he had last spoken on this subject, he had not received any otficiakurreespondenee upon it from the Cape, although he was awarethat such afeeling as the

noble Heron had described existed there. Since that time a despatch had been received from the Governor of the.Gape, transmitting a copy of the memorial to which allusion had been made, and in which strong objections were urged against the reception of any convicts into that colony. He had no objection to produce both the correspondence and the memorial in question.

Canada was the subject of questions in the Commons, on Monday—

Mr. M`Kmezts had seen in the public journals that a bill had been introduced in the Colonial L\qialature of Canada, and was rapidly passing through it, to indem- nify persons fin \ he losses they had sustained during the rebellion of 1837 and 1838—those persons having been concerned in the rebellion: one of the purposes was to indemnify certain convicts who were pardoned by the Queen for the incon- venience they had sustained in taking a voyage to Van Diemen's Land and back. It was also stated, theta person named Nelson is to be indemnified for the damage done to his house by the Queen's troops, against whom it was fortified. He beg.

ged to give notice, that he would on the following day ask her Majesty's Govern- ment if such a bill had been introduced into the Colonial Legislature of Canada; and whether the Government intended to lay on the table a copy of such bill. He would also make inquiry with respect to the course taken by the Governor-General in regard to it.

Mr. HAWES met the question half-way, and was ready to answer it at once. " No despatch, and no communication to the effect of the article in the Morning Chronicle, has been received at the Colonial Office. No information has been re- ceived on which I could tomorrow make any other answer than I now make."

Mr. M`Rexzre.—" Am I to nederstand the honourable gentleman to say that he has no knowledge °fetich a bill being introduced."

Mr. HAWES--" I have no knowledge of such a bill being introduced, from any official source whatever; nor have I, indeed, any knowledge of the fact at an." On Thursday, Mr. GLADSTONE put the following questions-

" 1. Whether any instructions have been given to the Governor-General of Ca- nada as to the course which he is to pursue, in the event of its being proposed to him by his advisers to allow them to introduce into the House of Assembly any bill giving compensation to any persons known to have been implicated in the re- bellions of 1837 and 1838, on account of the damage sustained by them in those rebellions, or in the event of the passing of any such bill through the two Houses of the Provincial Legislature? 2. Whether, according to the usage of Canada, if any such bill should have passed through both Houses of the Legislature, and should have become ad act by the Governor-General's assent, without a suspend-,

ing chaise, the money thereby anthorized to be paid would be payable forthwith, or before her Majesty's servants had had an opportunity of advising her Majesty with respect to the allowance or disallowance of such act? 3. Whether any offi- cial intelligence has yet been received with respect to these transactions in Ca- nada; and, if so, whether the Government is prepared to lay it upon the table?" Mr. HAWES. replied, to the questions seriatim—

With regard to the first question be could only state that his noble friend at the head of the Colonial Office had entire confidence in the judgment- and dis- cretion of Lord Elgin, the Governor of Canada, and was not in the habit of fet- tering his course by instructions with respect to hypothetical cases. With re- spect to the second question, he must be permitted to inform the right honour-

able gentleman, who had himself been Secretary for the Colonies, that all Colo- nial bills which pass through their formal stages and receive the consent of the Crown through the Governor, come into immediate operation, unless they contain

the suspending clause. This rule of course applies to all bills, whether they ap-

propriate money or not. If such a bill bad passed, it would have the effect of law until the arrival of the Royal disallowance in Canada. In answer to the

third question, he must state that no despatches whatever had been received from Lord Elgin with respect to these transactions, either before or since the subject had occupied the attention of the Canadian Assembly; and therefore there were no despatches to produce. Here Sir George Grey made an observation to Mr. Hawes.

Mr. HAWES continued—He used the word " despatches" advisedly, because Lord Grey had received a private letter on the subject. ("Bear, hear!" from the Opposition benches.) It was only on yesterday it was received.

Mr. HUME put some further questions— Whether, in the time of Sir Charles Metcalfe, a Commission b not unani- mously recommended that 100,0001. should be appropriated to reimbursing persons, not rebels, who might have sustained losses by the rebellioe ;,and whether that might not have originated the bill? Sir GEORGE GREY advised the House to abstain from entering into par- ticulars: the compensation bill has not passed; it was to go into Committee, several amendments having been notified; and it was impossible to know the nature of the bill which the Colonial Legislature might sanction. Mr. GLADSTONE, thinking this reply might convey an erroneous im- pression, was about to read the votes of the Assembly, setting forth the resolutions adopted and the proposed amendments; but Sir GEORGE GREY, in considerable agitation, opposed the reading, on the point of order: in put- ting ,a question, Mr. Gladstone had no right to read a document which might lead to debate.

At this point, for the present, the matter rested.

EPISCOPAL PATRONAGE: BISHOPWEARMOUTH RECTORY.

Mr. Honsstax, after presenting a petition from 3,000 inhabitants of Sun- derland, and another from 3,100 inhabitants of Bishopwearmouth, in fa- vour of the motion of which he had given notice, proceeded to lay before the House of Commons the motion itself, as follows-

" That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be pleased to issue a Commission of inquiry into the allegations contained in the petitions presented to this House from the parishioners o Bishopwearmonth and Sunderland; and that the Commissioners be directed to take ioto considera- tion the agreement stated in Parliament (on the authority of the patron of the living of Bishopwearmouth) to have been entered into between himself and the present incumbent, whereby the surplus income of the living, over and above the sum of 2,0001. a year reserved as the income of the incumbent, is to be paid over to the trustees; and to report on the best mode of appropriating that surplus to spiritual purposes connected with the two parishes, and of giving legal effect to such appropriation." Bishopwearmonth is a parish by itself, but not a town by itself. Bishop- wearmouth and Sunderlaud originally formed one parish; in the last cen- tury they were disunited for parochial objects, but they still remain to all intents and purposes one town, with a population of about 50,000. Sun- derland contains three churches under one Rector, who employs two Cu- rates; both of whom receive aid from the Diocesan Society. The Curates of Bishopwearmouth and Sunderland receive an income averaging under 1801. a year, and the income of five of them averages under 901. a year. The living of Bishopwearmouth is one of the richest hi the kingdom, its income approaching to 5,0001., if it does not exceed that sum. It, was re- turned at 4,5001. eighteen years ago, and since that time new coal-pit have been opened, which considerably augment the income. The enor- 'nous wealth of the Rector contrasts painfully with the poverty of his half-starved Curates, who eke out their income by assistance from the Diocesan and other Christian charitable societies. It is owing to the Dia- seaters of that parish that all who had been lost to the Church have not been lost to Christianity. Three-fourths of the worshiping community of Bishopwearmouth are Dissenters. On the one hand, there, are eighteen Dissenting places of worship in the pariah, and on the other, five churches. The five churches contain 4,200 sittings, and the Dissenting chapels 14,356: the churches are moderately filled, the chapels densely crowded. This was the state of affairs in the district, when a prospect of improve- ment opened to the inhabitants. In October last, the Rector of Bishop- wearmouth died; and, as if still further to improve the opportunity of doing gocd which the occasion presented, at the same instant a vacancy occurred in the incumbency of Sunderland. Both livings are in the gift of the Bishop of the diocese. All parties who had influence with the Bishop, or were interested in the matter, addressed him with reference to what was expected to take place. In the face of this, the arrangement was made which the terms of the resolution explain.

Mr. Horsman did not impeach for an instant the good intention of the arrangement; and he paid a high compliment to the new incumbent, Mr. Reid, who has already succeeded in gaining the esteem and affection of his parishioners: but the arrangement bore strong marks of being in the eye of the law a simoniacal one; and in other respects it was so unsatisfactory to the parishioners of Sunderland and Bishopwearmonth, that they desire Parliament to take the matter into its own hands. Mr. Horsman quoted precedents of law, and Parliamentary practice, to support his view that the arrangement is simoniacal, and the matter a proper one for interference of the House in the mode which his resolution proposed.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL opposed the motion, as being directed against an individual, and as being inconvenient in general principle. He claimed the friendship of the Bishop, Dr. Maltby,—a friendship he was not ashamed of, even after what had fallen from Mr. Horsman; and he assumed a warm tone of defence against the charges on which the motion and the petitions from the parishioners were founded.

The essence of the complaints seemed to be, that the two towns are connected together: but if that were so, the parishes are distinct, and the prayer is there- fore that there may be a distribution of the surplus revenue of one parish for the benefit of another. The Bishop might well say that he did not feel bound to ask Parliament for power so to take from one parish that which properly belonged to it. As to the simony, that is a cmestion for the courts of law. ("Hear!" from Mr. 'Amnon.) Then, did the honourable gentleman mean, that under cover of his motion a prosecution should be directed against the Bishop of Durham and the Rector of Bishopwearmonth for simoniacal practices? If the inhabitants of Bishopwearmouth were wronged by this arrangement, they might institute such proceedings as it might be expedient to take in the courts of law. The honour- able gentleman had asked the House to interfere, and prevent such arrangements from being made in future. He believed it would be far better to recommend some general arrangements with regard to the distribution of clergymen, than to take an individual case and to deal in personal imputations upon a single individual.

Alderman THOMPSON had hoped that Lord John Russell would have stated that it was the intention of the Bishop to introduce such a bill as he alluded to.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL—" I don't know that the Bishop will not introduce such a bill."

Alderman Tuoareson said, the case of Bishopwearmouth was a case per se, and he knew of no case analogous to it. The clergymen appointed by the Bishop was very worthy of the living; but the Bishop had hypothecated half the in- come of the rectory, without stating the mode in which he proposed to distribute that money. Lord John Russell said that the parish of Sunderland had no greater right to receive the surplus than any other parish; but it was only with- in the course of the last century that the parish of Sunderland had ceased to form a portion of the parish of Bishopwearmonth. He felt obliged to divide with Mr. Horsman.

The principle of the motion found very general support; but Members seemed to be restrained from supporting the resolution in this particular case, from personal esteem of the parties concerned. Among the speakers in this ton_ le were Sir ROBERT PEEL, Lord ASHLEY, Mr. STUART WORT- LEY, and Mr. JOHN ABEL SMITH. Sir ROBERT PEEL suggested to Lord John Russell, that, if he succeeded in negativing the motion, "he might surely make a friendly communication to the Bishop on the subject." "A decision of the present motion in the negative would enable the noble Lord, with the willing concurrence of the Bishop of Durham, to set a useful example to the Church in appropriating those revenues by act of Parliament, and by such means conducing to the spiritual interests of a great mass of the population which possessed claims upon the attention of the Legislature that had hitherto been most grievously neglected." Lord ASHLEY paid a tribute of conscientious admiration to Mr. Hors- man; of whom he saw much in private, and whom he believed to be ani- mated, in all that he undertook in that House, by a sincere desire to pro- mote the welfare and effitieney of the Church of Englarid.

Mr. WAWA and Mr. MANGLES urged Mr. Horsman not to withdraw his motion, Lord HARRY VANS and Sir CHARLES WOOD warmly defended the Bishop. Mr. DISRAELI wished to know why Government could not introduce such a bill as had been alluded to, on its own account?

Mr. HORSMAN replied with some remarks justifying him in his delicate position before the House. Alluding to specific promises before made to him by Government—which there seemed no alacrity to, redeem—and to taunts which had been directed at him that he was making sham motions, he persisted, though with pain, in calling for a division. Lord JOHN RUSSELL warmly vindicated himself from imputations that amounted to a charge of a dereliction of good faith. He enumerated the measures which Government had already found full occupation in placing before Parliament; and put it to the House whether he could have made progress with the measures regarding the composition of the Ecclesiastical Commission, &c., even if they had been introduced.

Sir Resume BARING, having waited to the last moment in hopes that Mr. Horsman would give way, moved " the previous question "•' and on a division it was decided, by 52 to 39, that the original motion should not be put.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL then stated, that he bad no hesitation in adopting the suggestion of Sir Robert Peel to communicate with the Bishop of Dur- ham and inform him of the opinion expressed in the House. (Cheers.)

LAND-TAX.

Replying to a motion by Mr. Worreaotren, on Monday, Sir CHARLES WOOD stated, that it was not the intention of the Government to introduce any measure for equalizing the Land-tax.

The Land-tax was due as commuted, a fixed quota having been required from different districts with a power of redemption. He perfeetly.agretvil aPith these who thought a periodical revaluation desirable; but the case waskonein which he objected to the interference of Government. Every county might act for itself; and he would only refer to the example of the county he was himself connected with, in whiob valuations had taken place twice within the last fourteen years.

INSOLVENT MEMBERS.

Mr. Moffat's Insolvent Members Bill was considered in Committee of the whole House on Wednesday. In reply to objections by Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER and Sir WILLIAM CLAY, Sir JOUR Roamms explained its pro- visions— The effect of the bill was, that if a man became an insolvent and vacated his seat in consequence, there was nothing to prevent his constituents from electing him again, if they so thought fit. It might be said that in that case he would have no qualification; but if the electors chose to continue their confidence in him they might reelect him. It was a very common thing at present fur an in- solvent to get a qualification, and there were many ways in which a man after being declared insolvent might sit in Parliament if his constituents thought pro- per. The act made the law more strict against insolvents than against bank- rupts; and there was some reason for it. A trader might by accidental circum- stances become a bankrupt, but in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, a man be- came insolvent by culpable misconduct. The bankrupt was therefore allowed to sit and vote for twelve months after the date of his fiat. The court of law might exercise a discretion in the case of an insolvent Member of that House; and, un- less in cases of great misconduct, that would also be about the time in most cases which would elapse before the seat of an insolvent Member would be vacated. Probably, if the present measure were found to work well, the other House might be induced to originate a similar bill as regarded their own members. Sir WILLIAM CLAY persisted in his opposition to the bill, and illustrated his objections by a case that might very often occur—

A man possessed of considerable estate might be deprived by the decision of a j

court of justice, and be ruined by the costs and the loss of his estate at the same time; but if the decision happened to be in his favour, he might sit without any merit of his. When he previously addressed the House, he had mentioned the cases of Pitt and Fox; and the argument which he founded on them was answered by saying that in such cases the law would be evaded: but he would rejoin by asking, why pass a law which it might be necessary or desirable to evade ? It was his view of the subject, that it any body of electors thought a poor man was also an honest politician, they ought to possess the right to elect him.

He moved that the Chairman report progress. Mr. STAFFORD thought that the measure was not so much one which would exclude persons, as one which would necessitate fresh elections.

At the commencement of their proceedings in that Committee, he felt no small surprise at the rapidity with which they proceeded ; and on expressing this sen- timent, he was told that all the insolvent Members had gone to the levee, and there was therefore no one to oppose the bill. However they might feel on the subject, it was to him quite apparent that they ought to pause before they as- sented to any measure which would enable interested parties to cause the disap- pearance of Members from critical divisions of that House.

Sir William Clay's motion was negatived, by 77 to 33. The clauses were agreed to; and, with Mr. Morear's consent, an amendment was added by Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER, disqualifying any declared insolvent who should not have obtained his discharge.

" No HOUSE."

The House of Commons was " counted out" on Monday, during a speech by Mr. SLANEY in support of a motion for a Standing Committee or unpaid Commission to consider and report from time to time on mea- sures to improve the condition of the working classes. Thirty-six Mem- bers only being present, the House adjourned, at 8 h. 5 in.

ACOUSTICS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

- In presenting a petition from the Metropolitan Law Association, which complained that the bill to consolidate the Bankruptcy Law was proceeding too rapidly, Lord BROUGHAM made a curious explanation. The petition had also prayed that the bill might not be further proceeded with till after Easter.

The fact is, the bill has gone to a Select Committee; and the petitioners were actually praying for that which had been done by himself inure than a fortnight ago. He had himself postponed its consideration until May next; but, in conse- quence of the House being so ill-constructed for hearing, that, although every- thing which he then said was heard distinctly at the Throne-end of the House, as he had ascertained by personal inquiry, nothing of it was heard at the other end of it, [in the reporters' gallery]; and no notice of the course which he had recom- mended to be adopted with respect to the bill was taken in the usual vehicles of public information.

At the foot of this report as it appeared in the Tints: of Tuesday, is the- following pertinent reporter's note— "A curious exemplification of Lord Brongham's admission, that ' the House of Lords is so ill-constructed for hearing, that nothing which he says is audible at that end of it which is opposite to the throne,' was afforded to the reporters as they were leaving their gallery yesterday evening. Two gentlemen, one of middle age and the other a stripling, who had been listening to the debate in the stran- gers' gallery, accosted them, and requested that they would be, kind enough to inform them what subject their Lordships had been discussing that evening, as they bad not been able to hear even a single syllable of anything that had passed. The reporters informed them to the best of their ability, and immediately called their attention to the kindness and justice of Lord Brougham's remark. In point of fact, the House of Lords, notwithstanding its great architectural beauty, is, of all the public buildings which we ever entered, the most destitute of all facilities for hearing. If the orator speaks in a low tone of voice, its great size prevents him from being heard ; and if lie exalts his voice beyond a certain pitch, the re- verberation is so excessive as to render each word indistinct. We are therefore greatly indebted to Lord Brougham, who on all matters of science is a great au- thority, for having thus pointedly called the attention of their Lordships to the defective acoustic principles on which their House is constructed. At least the half of what is said within it does not reach the ears of the reporters; and at the remainder they are often obliged to guess from the indistinct fragments which they hear correctly. Lord Brougham, however, appears to be guilty of the same oversight which he attributes to the attoruies of the metropolis; for he has over- looked our report of the debate in the House of Lords on the 9th of this month, or he would have seen that in one at least of 'the vehicles of public information,' the substance of all the matter from which he freed his mind last night was fully and correctly given."