tors to entrust more than regal power to a man
of whom trust from newspapers whose conductors desire his election, and they know nothing but his name. To elect a man without from managers whose action suggests that they chose him previous consent is, in such cases, nearly impossible, for parties because he was a colourless man, and who, as a body, have not run so close that if everybody were left to cast his vote as he had the opportunities of watching him, as every Member of pleased, any strictly-organised society—say, for example, the Parliament may watch a rising candidate for high office. That Catholic Church, or the old anti-war Democracy, or the is an immense risk to run, even in a country where—the ulti- American-Irish, or the American-Germans--might throw a mate governing body consisting of twenty millions of yeomen, vote which would defeat a dozen minorities, -although in the freeholders of their own farms—revolution, insurrection, or aggregate they could crush the small, but disciplined majority. agrarian crimes of political importance are to the last degree The " Convention," therefore, becomes a necessity, and in the improbable. That hitherto the system has produced no Convention it is often impossible to secure a majority for a disaster is no argument in its favour, for had Mr. Lincoln known man. His rivals hate him. Single States hate him. been a timid or incompetent man, the choice of " the maw -*Hostile managers dislike to be defeated. Intrigue has a fair who divides us least " might have been the destruction of the field and every favour. Combinations of minorities are formed, Republic. those who are. too frequently necessary even on the Republican side, where Whose fault is it that things have come to this pass in the managers are content with a plain majority,--a point, by Belgium, and that all distinctions of politicians among them- the way, as to which we were in error a fortnight since. In selves are subordinated to a distinction which is not political I the present case, • for instance, the Republicans, after a whole This is not a question that can be answered within the compass day spent in balloting, have been obliged to select the least of an article. The enmity between the Church and the prominent of the candidates before them. It appeared from Liberals in Belgium, as in France, has been fostered by ex- the very first that Mr. Blaine had the largest party at his back ceases on both sides. We should be inclined to say that, on in round numbers, 300 out of 750—and as long as the pro- the whole, the theory of the Liberals and the practice of the ceedings were public, his chances appeared to be beyond dis- Catholics had been the worst, did we not remember the acts pute the best. Upon one test-vote, indeed, the admission or of the Convention and the writings of M. Veuillot. But of rejection of a delegation from Alabama, whose claim to vote late years the Church has made one great mistake, which has was questioned, Mr. Blaine was joined by the whole Bristowe prevented her from reaping the benefit which she might other- party, and the total vote of 500 to 250 was received by his wise have derived from the growing disposition to live and let live friends as almost equivalent to his election. The ballot, how- which,with many exceptions is a characteristic of modern politics. ever, showed a different state of feeling. The managers for That disposition demands from the Church a very large mea- the candidates in the minority showed themselves singularly sure of abstention from politics, and even if the home polities stubborn, Mr. Blaine won over but few adherents, and at of Continental countries did not often supply the clergy with last all the minorities coalesced upon a man who was sup- the plea that they must mix in theta for self-defence's sake, ported originally only by his own State, Ohio. Even this was, the absorbing interest which the Ultramontanes have in foreign we are given to believe, something of a surprise. Up to the politics would prevent them from conceding this abstention. meeting of the Convention, the party managers, especially those A creed which makes the temporal sovereignty of the Pope a who inform New York, thought that if an outsider were to be part of the divine order of society is a creed which cannot selected, it would be Mr. Washburn, the American Minister at concern itself simply with the welfare of individual souls. Its Paris. Yet when it came to the ballot he had only three votes, members must take part in politics, in the hope that they may possibly because he was absent, but possibly also, as the Herald ultimately attain such a political position as may enable them suggests before-hand, because his name was of all others most to guide the course of Italian affairs in the direction in which detested by the men, half-speculators, half-politicians, who de- they wish them to go. It is this that gives the Continental sire to plunder the Union through land grants in aid of in- secularist so much more influence over the Continental dustrial enterprise, a wasteful form of jobbery to which Mr. moderate than his counterpart in England has. The moderate Washburn was known to be resolutely opposed. Mr. Hayes Liberal in Belgium and France is continually irritated by the was therefore selected, first by a majority, and then unani- intrusion of the Church into politics with which, except on the mously ; all his opponents hastened to give in their ad- Ultramontane theory, she is not concerned, and he listens all hesion, and the grand business of all newspapers for the the more readily to the argument of the Secularist that she next three months will be to instruct the electors what ought to be excluded from that region of mixed politics with manner of man Mr. Hayes is. As yet extremely little is which, on any reasonable theory, she is concerned. known about him outside Ohio. That he was bred a lawyer, and fought in the war, and is a middle-aged man are facts which prove nothing ; and that he is Governor of Ohio THE NOMINATION OF MR. HAYES. shows only that he is trusted in a State which, from the num- THE weak place in the American system of electing the ber of German electors within its boundaries, is in many re- Executive comes out very clearly in the nomination of spects exceptional. The other fact known about him, that in Mr. Hayes as the Republican candidate for the Presidency. The Ohio he is the representative, par excellence, of " hard money,' people are compelled by the system to run a great risk too is more important, but then no one of his rivals has expressed often. It is sometimes said that under tie American Consti- unsound ideas upon that essential point. He has been, in tution, as it is now worked, the people never elect the first ob- fact, selected because he is little known, and as he is sure to ject of their preference, but that assertion is untrue and unfair. be supported by the party—for the Independents have nothing Whenever the nation has fully recognised a man as the leader to allege against Mr. Hayes—it comes to this,—that the Re- it wants, it can send him to the White House, in spite of publican party has chosen, or has been compelled, to entrust any opposition, even when opposition is secretly fostered from the whole patronage of the Union, and the initiative of its within the victorious party. The managers can do nothing foreign policy, and a veto on all legislation not passionately against a national sentiment. Mr. Lincoln was elected at first desired, to a man whom it scarcely knows. He may, for example, by, accident, but before his second candidature opposition was have the most dangerous views on foreign policy, or on foreign felt to be impossible, and it is very doubtful whether, if he had immigration, or on the land tenure, and still he must be ac- lived, he would not have been elected almost by acclaim for a cepted, under penalty of seeing a Democrat candidate triumph third term. Nobody would have dreamt of his making him- over a divided vote, or a vote rendered useless by innumerable self a Caesar, and personal attacks would all have fallen dead. abstinences from the poll. It is true that Mr. Hayes has risen by The first election of General Grant was equally a national one, his own exertions to the head of his own State without attract- and though enthusiasm had cooled before 1872, his second ing much attention, and is, therefore, presumably a man of term was not seriously endangered by his own side. But it is more than average ability of some sort, of pleasant manners, true that in quiet times, when the nation is not audibly and of reasonably good character ; but the electors expected to calling for any leader, the difficulties of election become vote for him do not know these facts of their own knowledge, so great that the party managers are often compelled as English electors know them about their eminent Parliamen- to select the man who divides them least, and the elec- tary personages. They must take Mr. Hayes's qualifications on tors to entrust more than regal power to a man of whom trust from newspapers whose conductors desire his election, and they know nothing but his name. To elect a man without from managers whose action suggests that they chose him previous consent is, in such cases, nearly impossible, for parties because he was a colourless man, and who, as a body, have not run so close that if everybody were left to cast his vote as he had the opportunities of watching him, as every Member of pleased, any strictly-organised society—say, for example, the Parliament may watch a rising candidate for high office. That Catholic Church, or the old anti-war Democracy, or the is an immense risk to run, even in a country where—the ulti- American-Irish, or the American-Germans--might throw a mate governing body consisting of twenty millions of yeomen, vote which would defeat a dozen minorities, -although in the freeholders of their own farms—revolution, insurrection, or aggregate they could crush the small, but disciplined majority. agrarian crimes of political importance are to the last degree The " Convention," therefore, becomes a necessity, and in the improbable. That hitherto the system has produced no Convention it is often impossible to secure a majority for a disaster is no argument in its favour, for had Mr. Lincoln known man. His rivals hate him. Single States hate him. been a timid or incompetent man, the choice of " the maw having selected a Western man as the one who divided them least, it became expedient to conciliate either Pennsylvania or New York, as the largest States outside Western influence, and the strongest Democratic candidate being a New Yorker, the choice fell upon New York. ' Mr. Wheeler was therefore nominated, and should Mr. Hayes die, resign, or lose his faculties within his term, Mr. Wheeler, who was never thought of for President, and is as unknown to the electors as, say, Mr. Freshfield would be to the electors of the United Kingdom, will be President of the American Union, with power to arrest all legislation, to nominate all officials, and to perform acts which really take the question of peace or war out of the hands of the representatives of the people. It would be almost as sensible to choose rulers by lot, or in virtue of their physical qualifications, and we cannot believe that it can be continued for centuries without some consider- able misfortune. Thoughtful Americans say it is not worse, at the worst, than selection by hereditary right in countries where the throne is a reality ; and no doubt that argument, if it is worth anything, is so far correct. There is not much more chance about roulette than about hazard. But then their argument for their method is that it is sensible, that it eliminates the element of chance, and that it leaves the choice of leaders to the people, who have the moral right to choose. Who chooses, when the dominant party within the Union must raise a man they never heard of to be Heir-Apparent of the Presidency ?
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