POSTSCRIPT. SATURDAY.
Ministers last night informed Parliament of the course they intend to pursue with respect to public business. The Supplies are to be proceeded with ; and a bill will be introduced to appoint a Regent to act in the event of the Queen dying in the absence of the King of Hanover. It is also intended, if possible, (if possible !) to pass the Imprisonment for Debt Bill ; and next Monday Lord John Russell is to name the Committee on Church Leases. Lord John also hopes to get some of his Criminal Law Bills through Parliament. Every other measure of importance is to drop.
There was very little good speaking in either House. Lord LYND- HURST took the opportunity of giving vent to some bitter truths on the incapacity of the Government to conduct the affairs of the country. During a session whin h wanted only a few days of five months' dura- tion, only two acts of distinct and special legislation had been passed— the Post-office Contracts and the Scottish Sedition Bills : the others were merely formal acts, passed without discussion— This was a most extraordinary state of things. There were at that moment seventy-five public bills depending in the other House. More than thirty of these had been brought in by the Government and the officers of Government : and of these, a portion—a very large portion--might have originated in that House, if it had been the object of the Government to have done that which was their duty with respect to legislation, faithfully, actively, and serviceably to the country. He had at that moment I)ing before him a paper of the business before the other House fur that night. He had counted the number of subjects for discussion : there were fifty-seven public bills, besides the consideration of the Message of her Most Gracious Majesty, and of Estimates in a Committee of Supply. (Laughter.) Such was the state in which the business of the country was allowed to he under the administration of the noble viscount. Was be not justified, then, in saying, that, as far as related to the most important duty of the Legislature, they were literally without a Government? Never was the state of business in the other House of Parliament in the situation in which it was at present : never did a Government so neglect so important a part of its duty, that which it had to discharge in Parliament, as the Government had done during the last five months. He had taken occasion, during the last session, of stating to the House that which was his opinion, that the noble viscount and his colleagues were utterly powerless. They were powerless alike in that and the other House ; they were utterly inefficient and incompetent as servants to the Crown ; and, he must add also, that they were equally powerless, incapable, and inefficient, as regarded the People. This much he had to say as respected their duty in legislation; he could, if he wished it, refer to other topics con- netted with their domestic policy. He was not, however, on that occasion in. dined to do it ; and still less was he disposed to allude to the foreign policy pursued by the noble viscount and his colleagues. He could only say of it, that almost every sensible and reasonable man had but one opinion—hut one idea was entertained regarding their conduct. It elicited the pity of their friends, and excited the scorn and derision of their enemies. ( Cheers front the Tory Peers.) For the future, his only hope was in the Queen—
There was one ray of comfort and consolation shining in upon them from an. other quarter. From the experience that they had had—from the observe. tams that they made of the conduct of their most gracious Sovereign, in the first act of her administration—from the steadiness of her conduct— from her complete self-possession, and from her dignity—he augured much ; and he trusted that at no distant period they should find that no countenance would be given for the alarm and apprehension on account of the danger to which the Church Establishment in this country was exposed, and that perfect secu- rity would be afforded to the Protestant faith, to which the people of this country were so strongly attached, and respecting which so much alarm had been excited. He assured their Lordships, that it was to that quarter he looked with hope and confidence. He was sure the hope and the confidence would be shared by their Lordships, and participated in by the country ; and he was sure that they would not meet with disappointment.
Lord BROUGHAM observed, that the Commons were to blame for the delay of public business. Lord Lyndhurst should have turned upon them and said-
" You a House of Commons ! I tell you, you are no House.of Commone. The House of Lords has done with you—the House of Lords will have another instrument to do its work—get you gone and give place to better men." If the noble and learned lord had thus delivered himself—if he had addressed his ob- servations to that quarter—he thought he would have mentioned more die. tinctly that which he had no doubt was in his mind, and in which Lord Brougham, without any disrespect to that body, to a certain qualified degree participated. But he certainly looked forward to a House of Commons, re- placing the present, which would give to his Majesty's Government a real and effectual majority ; for it was the want of a real and effectual major ity in that House which alone had been the cause of all this obstruction.
Lord MELBOURNE had little to say in reply to Lord Lyndhurst, but he gave that noble lord one rap at the close of his speech—.
a The noble and learned lord has expressed great hope that he derives from circumstances that be particularly described. I do not think, considering the bitterness to be found in the speech of the noble and learned lord—considering not only the vehemence but the acrimony that marked that speech—I do not think that the topic was very happily or very opportunely introduced ; and I beg leave to say, that it was introduced in terms in which he, in his admiration for the present and the future, did in a greet degree forget his respect for the- past." (Loud cheers.) In the Commons, the discussion was flat. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave what was intended to pass for a manifesto of the policy of the Government. Referring to the Reform Act, he said-
" Her Majesty's Ministers, whilst they consider it a final measure, do not intend that it should remain a barren Act upon the statute-book, but that it should be followed up in such a manner as would ennoble, invigorate, and enlarge the institutions of the country. It is perfectly agreeable to the principles of the British constitution to introduce such improvements as may tend to its benefit. Such improvement., when proposed, ought at all times to be enter- tained : they ought to be fairly discussed, and, if found worthy, they should be fairly adopted, on the ground of public benefit; and, if rejected, they should be rejected on their demerits, and not from any bigoted hostility. In that spirit only can her Majesty's present Ministers continue the Administration. In that spirit we offered our advice to her Majesty, whose pleasure it has been to confide to us the important task of directing the public affairs of the country. I am aware that we cannot hope to meet with an universal concurrence in our views on that subject. We shall be, as others have been, liable to have our motives misconstrued, and our measures misrepresented : but we accept the condition to which our position renders us liable, We will tender to our Sovereign that advice which we conceive to be the beat. It may be that that advice will not be relished by those who think we proceed too far : it may not give satisfaction to those who imagine that they know better than we do which way the current of public opinion runs : but the People will, I hope, give us credit for doing the best in our power to promote the welfare of the country ; and, having been called by our Queen to submit our advice, we shall tender it in the spirit in which it ought to be offered,—to advance the interests, to promote the happi- ness, to perpetuate the name, and to sustain the glory of this great country." (Loud Ministerial cheers.)
As Lord STANLEY truly observed, these well-rounded periods con. veyed no information whatever as to the plan of Ministers for over- coming the difficulties in which they are involved.
Iu the debate which followed, we find little remarkable. Mr. Huatr, Mr. ROEBUCK, Mr. WAKLEY, Mr. G. F. YOUNG, Mr. ROBINSON, Sir GEORGE CLERK, Mr. MACLEAN, Mr. SHARmAN CitAiveoan, and Mr. SPRING RICE, spoke briefly. Poor Mr. Rice, in reply to the charge that Ministers had done nothing this session, was obliged to refer to the Municipal Act and other measures of former sessions. Mr. RoE. BUCK wished to forget the past ; and he did hope that Ministers would not let the session end without some bold, definite, and distinct state. merit—
The Ministers had now a new lease of the People's affection, but they must pay a price for it ; they must give something for the good-will of public support. i
Ile might be told that the House of Lords must not be coerced : be it so. It might be said that the House of Commons was the same as before the passing of the Reform Bill, and that its relative power was unaltered : but if the Re- form Act were not to remain a dead letter, the object of it should be fully carried out. • • • The Secretary for the Home Department bad cited hue words, and the imagination of each party might be pleased therewith ; but the People would ask for something more definite. • • • If the noble lord. wished to continue in office six months after the meeting of the next Parliament, he must do something to advance cheap and good government. If he did not, there would be no excitement or inducement out of doors to support him. (Hear, hear !) Gentlemen opposite seemed to cheer that sentiment, and it was quite right to do so ; but he must tell them, that if the noble lord would secure the affection of the People, he must regard them as his most decided enemies. If the noble lord wanted to secure the support of the country, he must not be terrified by their denunciations against organic changes. We must have an extended suffrage; and we must have the gentlemen opposite put down. (Laughter.) That was the programme of the coming session, and it must be acted up to to the letter. Addresses, which were echoes of the second paragraph of the Queen's Message, were agreed to neat. con. in both Houses. The Commons passed a resolution, renewing the Sugar-duties for
Another year ; and hurried through the Miscellaneous Estimates in a Committee of Supply. The Budget is to be opened next Friday.
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