gbe jiletropoits.

At a meeting of City electors in the London Tavern, on Tuesday, Lord John Russell delivered his first personal address to his constituents. The large room was crowded to suffocation, and on the platform were the heal- ing merchants and Liberals of the City. One lady was present—Lady John Russell; and near Lord John were many leading Members of the Liberal party in the House of Commons. Mr. John Abel Smith was called to the chair, and introduced Lord John to the meeting.

Mr. Smith excited some laughter and sarcastic shouts, answered with loud cheers, by premising that the reserve which was incumbent on a Minister of the Crown would prevent Lord John from giving that free and full explanation of his opinions which otherwise he might give. Mr. Smith also took pains to remind the Dissenting section of the community of Lord John's past services; asking what other public man had done as much for them?

Oct rising, Lord John Russell was received with much cheering; a small part of the assemblage, however, being pertinacious in hissing; so that the contest of friendly and hostile sounds continued for some ten minutes.

Lord John began by saying that he came to ask for their suffrages, and to an swer charges and objections which had been made against him. One objection was, that as a Minister of the Crown he ought not to have been candidate for the City of London. "Gentlemen, I believe such an objection is contrary to the po- pular genius of our constitution. I believe nothing would more conduce to the harmony of that constitution than that persons possessing the confidence of the Crown should seek for the suffrages of large bodies of the people. I can conceive nothing more advantageous to the Crown, than that persons representing large communities should be able to carry the wishes, the opinions, and the requests of those communities, to the foot of the Throne. (Cheers, and interruption.) I cannot agree, therefore, that as a Minister of the Crown I am disqualified fir your service."

Another charge which he denied was, that he had caused the approaching cort- test in the City. It was for the electors, and for those who possessed their confi- dence, not for him, to decide what was the strength of a party- to return candi- dates. "I must say, that I never was acquainted with any party in this country, which, being of opinion that it could command the whole of the representation, was ever satisfied with half the representation. ("Hear!" and a laugh.) l am sure that, at the elections of 1841, it was not said in any of the counties of England—' These Whigs will be too much beaten; let us give them half the representation: let us take care they are not too much defeated when we come to the poll.' (Laughter.) No such indulgence was shown to the Liberals in 1841; and therefore I say, gentlemen, it is for those who know the strength of the different parties—which I certainly have not the means of ascertaining—to judge whether they are able to return four Liberal Members."

Another charge was, that he had suffered his name to be associated with ode who was not qualified in law to take his seat in the House of Commons—" One would have thought, gentlemen, that my friend Baron Lionel Rothschild was about to come by force of arms to break open the doors of the House of Commons, and to obtain admission into that House by violence. (A laugh.) I am sure there is no man in this country who would take care to obey the law more im- plicitly than my friend Baron Rothschild: but what he says is, 'If you, the citizens of London, think proper to elect me, it will be for the law to decide after- wards whether I am able to take my seat or ant'; and, gentlemen, upon this general principle, it is not for me to find fault with his pretensions to serve you. From the beginning of my political life I have always followed that great doctrine of Mr. Fox, that acts and not opinions ought to be the subject of punishment— that religions opinions form no ground for civil disqualification. It was upon that ground—taking my stand on that principle—that, now nearly twenty years ago, I proposed to the House of Commons the abrogation of those civil disqualifications which barred the way to office to Protestant Dissenters. (Much cheering.) It was, gentlemen, upon the same principle, braving the obloquy which attended such opinions, that I always gave my vote for removing the disabilities which afflicted oar Roman Catholic fellow subjects; and I know no limit to that principle. I maintain—and I have repeatedly made the same declaration in Parliament—that there ought to be no disqualification for civil office, or for holding seats in Parlia- ment, on account of religious opinions. (Cheers and cries of "No Poperg!") It was, then, on the ground of this general principle, that I could not repudiate or disavow the alliance which the Liberal Association 'have made of my name with those of the gentlemen to whom I have alluded." Lord John called to mind his old advocacy of free trade. He had declarant that room, in 1841, that a weaver in Lancashire ought to be absolutely free to ex- change his cloth for the corn grown by a husbandman on the banks of the Ohio: that principle which he asserted in 1841 he proposed in the House of Commons in 1842; and the advantages which he then asserted have this year come to pass, lb the great benefit of the country: daring the .past year, no less than 4,000,00b quarters of grain has been imported from America for the sustenance of the peo- ple of this country. "But, gentlemen, printed statements have been circulated which in plain English are to this effect—• These Whigs and Liberals have served you in former times; they helped to get rid- of the links and fetters of religions id- tolerance; they have assisted in shaking off the chain of commercial monopoly: but that business is done—that service is rendered; and, therefore, it is your in- terest now to turn off the servants who have done these thinge--(Laughter and cheers)—and to look to others by whom some other service may be performed: I do not wish to dwell upon this topic, because I am satisfied that the hearts of Englishmen never would cherish so base and unworthy a feeling; and I feel as- sured that the same principles which have animated men in your service in peat times are likely to animate them ii, future; and that when new questions arum they will apply to those new questions the principles by which they have hereto-

fore been guided." -

Lord John adverted to the subject which had so mach divided opinion—educa- tion. He contrasted the free and ample education in the free States of America with the discouragement of it in the slaveholding States; and declared that in promoting education he sought to promote the liberties of the country. "We were told, with regard to a great portion of the community—the Protestants dis- senting from the Church of England, that they could not accept education under a system which authorized any interference with their religious instruction. (A Voice—" Of course not.") The minutes which we have framed were intended to avoid that interference: but I now hold in my hand a supplementary minute, Rounded on the declaration of 1839, which enacts, that while we ask for the in- spection of all schools to which public aid is granted, we only inspect and inquire into the course of secular instruction, and do not in any way meddle or interfere with, or inquire into, the nature of the religious instruction afforded in such schools." [There was much contest between the cheering and the hissing at this part of Lord John's speech; but the cheering preponderated.] He observed that some candidates for the City of London—who did not profess the Liberal opinions of the gentlemen that he saw around him—had been very forward in giving pledges. Apart from his official position, he was not partial to the giving of pledges. "I have seen gentlemen pledge themselves never to agree to the removal of Roman Catholic disabilities. ("Hear, hear!" and some confusion.) But when that great man the Duke of Wellington with his saga- cious eye perceived that the time was come to remove those disabilities or to en- counter civil dissension, the gentlemen who had pledged themselves to oppose such a step, preferring the safety of the country to the observance of their pledges, wisely, but not very much to their own credit, voted against the engagements they had made. I have seen gentlemen, a little later, pledge themselves to a re- peal of the Malt-tax: but when the Minister declared that the Malt tax was in- dispensable to the revenue, they voted for the retention of the Malt-tax. (Cheers.) You have lately seen gentlemen come to the House of Commons who bad very recently declared that they thought the sliding scale essential to the interests of the country: yet when a wise Minister declared that the Corn-laws should no longer be retained, you saw those gentlemen follow that Minister and utterly forfeit the pledges they had given. I think, therefore, generally speak- ing, that pledges do not tend to the credit of those who give them, or to the security of those who require them. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I will say farther, that, standing in the position I occupy as the Minister of this great country, I should think myself undeserving of that trust if I fettered my own hands, and if I were not at liberty to give to my Sovereign, at any time, the advice which I think is hest calculated to advance the public welfare. (G4.eat cheering.) I will only say further, that I think the pledges that have been required on the subject of Roman Catholic endowment are peculiarly unnecessary, because, as far as I am acquainted, there is no intention of proposing to Parlia- ment any measure for that purpose, nor do I know that there is any probability of such a measure being brought forward. ("Hear hear!") I must say, how- ever, that I think the Boman Catholics are entitled to all the privileges which are possessed by the other inhabitants of the country, and that a man's religious opimons ought to be no bar to his obtaining advantages which would otherwise be accessible to him. (Renewed cheers.) With regard to general subjects, I can only profess, what I always have professed—that I am on the one hand zealously attached to the institutions of the country, and that on the other hand I wish to see those institutions from time to time conformed to the spirit of the age and to the advance of knowledge and of liberty. (A. person. here exclaimed," What about the new Bishops!" and some hissing and confusion took place.) I ask for year suffrages on the ground of the general agreement of our opinions." ("Hear,

hear!" and endowment!") In conclusion, Lord. John made a declaration of his motives. "Gentlemen, I stand, as I have said, in a position which is one of great responsibility, which is one uf great eminence, but one which is by no means a position of ease or of plea- sure. It has been asked poetically,

' What is grandeur, what is power, But heavier toil, superior pain?'

Now, I confess that with that heavier toil, with that superior pain, there are charms in power to which I do not profess myself insensible. It is, gen- tlemen,, a charm to be able to advance in any way the prosperity, to pro- mote the interests, to enlarge the liberties, of such an empire as that of Britain. Pursuing my own conscientious course,—taking conned from all that public opinion can teach me, and from the suggestions of this enlightened people, but judging of them with the force of my own understanding, however imperfect that force may be, and by the dictates of my own heart,—I shall endeavour, as I have hitherto endeavoured, to promote those great objects; and as in former days I have had the honour of moving and carrying the repeal of those disabilities which afflicted the Protestant Dissenters with degradation,—as in former days [have had the honour of opening to Manchester, to Leeds, to Birmingham, and to a vast proportion of the householders of this country, the power of the franchise, while at the same time I succeeded in disfranchising Gatton, Old Sarum, and other seats of corruption,—in the same spirit I hope in future, if I should be elected by your suffrages, to promote the best interests of this empire. The question is one for your decision. I can only say, that so long as I may hold power, so long as / hold the trust of a representative for the benefit of the country, I am content and even willing to sustain that position: when I can no longer do so, I shall re- tire with the satisfaction that I have acted with a pure conscience in every re- spect." (Lord John resumed his seat amidst loud cheering.)

The other candidates addressed the meeting; and a resolution to sup- port them all was carried unanimously.

The Metropolitan candidates generally have continued to meet the electors during the week in different districts.

On Monday there was one of these meetings in the Tower Hamlets, in order to further the views of the four City candidates; and Baron Lionel (1.0 Rothschild, who was the only candidate present, made rather an im- portant indication of his opinions, in expressing himself strongly opposed to the forced separation of man and wife in workhouses. Mr. Pattison junior, who attended for his father, unavoidably absent in the House of Commons, said a word also for the Baron.

Mr. Hawes met a party of his Lambeth constituents on Tuesday, at the Horns Tavern. He referred to his position in the Ministry as compelling him to act sometimes, in conjunction with others, in a way which, though condu- cive to the general interests of the country, might be opposed to the parti- cular wishes of the borough. None of the measures introduced by the pre- sent Government, he believed, were inconsistent with the Liberal principles he had ever professed; and he begged the meeting to remember that he had never been one professing extreme opinions. He was convinced that pledges led to mischief: He had always refused to pledge himself; and the very question of the Corn-laws showed how injuriously any special pledge would have acted So with other subjects. A Committee was formed for the furtherance of Mr. Hawes's election.

The ballot to decide whether Lord Dudley Stuart, Mr. Sergeant Shoe, sr Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey, should. be the second Reform candidate for Marylebone, took place on Monday, at Captain Hall's Riding-school in Albany Street. It commenced at nine in the morning, and closed at eight in the evening; but it was nearly midnight before the result was declared. Mr. Harvey was then announced to be the victor. The numbers were—

for Mr. Sergeant Shoe, 410; Lord Dudley Stuart, 1,250; Mr. Harvey, 1,952. The announcement was received with much cheering; which be- came vociferous on Mr. Harvey's rising to address the meeting. He con- trasted the position of himself and the other candidates; they had secures what success they had attained by efforts of a personal kind; individual'? be had not canvassed one vote, he had engaged no canvasser, and paid no cab. The result showed what freemen could do who understood their rights; it also showed the admirable working of the ballot. Lord Dudley Stuart, in a brief address, gracefully withdrew his pretensions, and con- gratulated Mr. Harvey. Mr. Sergeant Shoe was absent; but he has signi- fied his submission to the ballot by a printed address.

In the probability of Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey's retirement from the City Commissionership of Police, several candidates have already coma forward for the office.

A special Court of Directors of the East India Company, held on Wed- nesday, confirmed the resolution of the meeting of the 30th June for grant- ing to Major-General Pollock an annuity of 1,000/. Mr. Lewis's attempt to force on the subject of the Rajah of Satter& led to some confusion. He was permitted to read the terms of a motion, of which he gave notice.

The statue of Prince Albert which has been erected in the vestibule at Lloyd's was uncovered to the public gaze on Monday, with much ceremony.

At the Mansionhouse, on Thursday, William H. G. Baugh was reexamined on the charge of uttering a forged check for 2221. on Messrs. Coutts and Company. The check purported to be signed by Mr. John Sidey Caley. Mr. Lewis, the Co- roner for ESSI1X, to whom the prisoner was clerk, deposed that some documents had been in his office, signed by Mr. Caley, to which Baugh had access; he could. not now find them. Evidence was given tracing bank-notes the produce of the forgery to the prisoner. He had given no reasonable account how he became pos- sessed of the money. He was committed for trial. This young man was prose- cuting legal studies for the bar; and part of the sum obtained by the forgery seems to have been paid as fees at Lincoln's Inn.

The Coroner's Jury which sat on the bodies of Parker and Matilda Griffin, at Bermondsey, having found a verdict that Parker murdered the girl and then felo- niously destroyed himself, the assassin's body did not receive Christian burial: ts. little before midnight, it was placed in a shell, carried away under an escort of Police, placed in a grave in the churchyard of St. Mary Magdalen, and, by the light of Policemen's lanterns, immediately covered with earth. Many thousands witnessed the spectacle.