NEWS OF THE WEEK.
As if to display its vitality to the last, the House of Commons has debated one measure this week with animation and closeness of argument—the Bishopric of Manchester Bill. When the debate on going into Committee, adjourned from last week, was resumed, Lord John Russell made a timely explanation of some points which he supposed to have been overlooked. He reminded the House that the bill was not an isolated measure for augmenting the Episcopal Bench, but part of Et series of measures for improv- ing the machinery of the Established Church ; far larger sums than those involved in this bill having been devoted to improving the parochial department of the Church. He had a perfect right to the argument. The point in which it failed was, that he ne- glected to show that this particular measure was necessary or effective for improving the machinery of the Church ; and Sir Wil- liam Molesworth went far to show that it was not. Sir William suggested that if St. Asaph and Bangor were kept apart, a bit might have been taken from the see of Chester and annexed to St. Asaph ; thus relieving the Bishop of Chester and enabling him to fulfil all that is required for Manchester. Sir William Molessvorth's speech remains unanswered. At the instance of Mr. Vernon Smith, Lord John Russell agreed to expunge from the bill the declara- tory allusion to the future erection of three more Bishoprics. Mr. Stuart Wortley tried to effect-another amendment, by removing that part which excludes the junior Bishop from the House of Lords ; a position which he maintained to be anomalous and not accordant with the spirit of the constitution. Sir John Jervis made out satisfactorily that there was nothing in the constitution to debar the House from creating a Bishopric without a seat in the House of Lords ; but he did not get 'rid of the argument that to create that unseated Bishop would familiarize the public with -the idea of Bishops excluded from the Upper House. Mr. Roe- buck avowedly accepted the measure as " the sharp point of the wedge" towards that "reform " ; and, mainly on that account, the measure sustained to its latest stage a very determined oppo- sition from Mr. Wortley and Sir James Graham. However, it was passed. In its amended shape the effect of the bill is this. The former enactment for uniting the sees of St. Asaph and Ban- gor being repealed, the Bishopric of Manchester is erected forth- with; but the- declaratory allusion to the intended erection of three other Sees is omitted. It is difficult to comprehend—and this is the most anomalous puzzle of all—what there is in this particular measure which should make it the only one for the display of a gallant obstinacy on the part of Lord John Russell ; others of far more present importance being so easily abandoned. Is it that his heart was in this alone, and not in the others ; that he is Indifferent to the health of Manchester, for instance, as com- pared with the gift of a Bishop to Manchester ? . Among the Ministerial Concessions, the most recent is meritoe. nous enough. The Education Committee of the Privy Council have adopted a "Supplementary Minute," modifying the Minutes of August and December last : grants in aid of schools are to be made "though the managers object, on religious grounds, to make a report concerning- the religious state a such schools" ; and "no .certificates of the religious knowledge of pupil teachers or monaors are to be required from the managers of such schools." This looked so much like the establishment of purely secular in- struction, that Lord Stanley took alarm, and asked for explana- tions. Lord Lansdowne explained, that the grants were only to be made to schools in which some kind of religious instruction was given. In fact, the new minute is meant specifically to let in the Roman Catholics and humour Congregational Dissenters. The "collision between the two Houses " on the subject of the Poor-law Administration Bill has not come to pass. The Com- mons have made a compromise : the clause forbidding the sepa- ration of aged couples in workhouses is reinserted, while that se- curing the ratepayers a right to be present at deliberations of the Board of Guardians is waived. The latter clause would have been impracticable, unless totally new places of meeting had been pro- vided for the Boards. The practical inconveniences which may possibly arise from the other clause do not seem to be very for- midable ; and few will grudge any workhouse Baucia and Phile- mon the right secured to them by Mr. Borthwick. One proof of the singular importance attached to everything that emanates from the late Premier, is the elaborate controversial reply to his Tamworth letter by Lord George Bentinck. In the course of his printed address, Sir Robert Peel cites the success of his Tariff reforms, and boasts that for seven millions and odd saved to the public in taxation, the revenue only loses seven hundred thousand. Lord George, using the idea and materials furnished by the GThbe, picks the tariff to pieces, in order to show that there is a serious deficiency of revenue in the duties derivable from the articles which Sir Robert touched, more than compen- sated by an increase in the untouched duties; the increase being caused by the larger consumption which has followed on the suc- cession of three good harvests and the immense railway expendi- ture. There is some plausibility in the argument ; though on the face of it there are attempts to coax the materials into substan- tiating the desired inferences. For example, Lord George made much of the disappointment which has attended the expectation that there would be a larger export of cotton manufactures, glass, &c.; but he omits to observe the universal distress which has cramped the imports of other countries. It is indeed very diffi- cult to trace out specific results from specific causes through the labyrinths of trade and tariff; and Lord George's elaborate cal- culations will not go far to weaken the effect of Sir Robert Peers -broader assertions. The public always judge by general results: they saw that Sir Robert Peel did much, and they see that much follows ; and no marshalling of ciphers will deter them from giving him the credit of those great COnSequeriCeS. Prove that he was indebted to good seasons or adventitious aids, and you only confirm the favouring public in the notion that he is a lucIty as well as an able statesman. When politicians without achieve- ments, like Lord George Bentinck, carp at imperfections in the large deeds of the reposing statesman, the public only laugh. The business of reviewing the session has devolved this year upon Lord Brougham ; who gave a very dismal account of work done and undone. He enumerated but three bills carried,—the Poor-law Administration Bill, the Irish Relief Bill, and the Ten- hours Bill ; all of which he criticized severely. The bills lost were a longer list,—the Scotch Marriage and Registration, &c. Bills, the Polling at Elections (Ireland) Bill, the Encumbered Estates (Ireland) Bill, the Health of Towns Bill, the Thames Conservancy Bill, the Prisons Bill, and the Railways Bill ; some of which, being defunct, Lord Brougham reviewed more favour- ably. And be wound up with remarks on the mischief of having a Government so feeble that it cannot carry its own measures. Lord Lansdowne made an effective and plausible defence. He supplied omissions in Lord Brougham's list of measures carried,— all the measures to meet the famine in Ireland ; the bills to sus- pend the Navigation-laws and Corn-duties, and to admit the use of sugar in breweries and distilleries ; and three bills for amending the tenure of land in Scotland.. Further- more, Lord Lansdowne consoles us with the assurance that even the lost bills " fructify ": all great measures, he says, have been carried after years of apparently unsuccessful contest : the Reform Bill was so ; even the Sanatory Bill was before introduced, and withdrawn—by Lord Lincoln. But Lord Lansdowne forgets the broad distinctions in both cases. Lord Lincoln was not entering office, but preparing for retirement on political grounds. And when the Whigs won honour by per- severing with unsuccessful measures, it was when they were a minority in Parliament, not when they held power. They are no longer struggling with a House of Commons representing rotten boroughs, with an aristocratic majority, with the ignorance and prejudices of the whole people : they need no longer toil to
bring popular opinion up to their level—popular opinion goes beyond them ; they acceded to power with a Parliament pre- pared to indulge them ; everything conspired to enable them to
do what they chose : yet they have abandoned measure after measure, until the list of their failures exceeds that of their achievements.
Still, at the close of the session, so chastened is the temper of the times, so much allayed the spirit of animosity, so fortunate the
turn in the seasons, that they are enabled to place in the hands of the Queen a speech full of confidence and hope.. The opening epeecb, indeed, alluded to measures as coming which the closing
speech cannot announce as accomplished ; but the anticipative allusions were conveniently obscure. One was only too distinct— for the Health of Towns Bill a distinctph was appro-
priated in the prologue : there is no mention of epilogue. But then, the Irish famine has been appeased ; restrictions haste been removed from the admission of corn and sugar ; Portugal is pacified ; and altogether there are materials for a verryTat Royal speech. The long Parliament is ended; and every look is turned to descry, from the composition of the next, some glimpse of the future.
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