A NATIONAL FOREIGN POLICY N OTHING has been more remarkable in
the three weeks since Parliament assembled than the unexpected spirit of unity and co-operation that has pervaded the discussions. Part of that was the inevitable effect of the Japanese surrender, which, coming when it did, provided a theme on which there was no possibility of diver- gence. But the cordiality has been much more marked than events in themselves necessitated. Partly from a sense that the problems to be faced by the nation are of such a magnitude that mere factious contention could, have no excuse, partly as. the result of that national trait which leads an Englishman or an English political party to accept defeat without rancour, there has been a very genuine dis- position on the part of the Opposition leaders to go with the Govern- ment as far as they can, and for the Government to accept that approach in the spirit which prompted it. Plenty of controversial issues can be descried, and there is no danger of a lack of liveliness, but that in a world where dangers of every kind still lurk this nation should show itself united on essentials is a matter for considerable satisfaction, and not on our own account alone.
There is, of course, a tradition, by no means universally accepted, that foreign policy shall be so far as possible kept outside party controversy, the difficulties that any sharp reversal due to changes of Government would entail being thus avoided. To that the latest change of Government might well have formed an excep- tion. Foreign policy occupied a prominent place in most election addresses, and both in their addresses and their public speeches Labour candidates advocated in many fields courses very different from those pursued till the time of the dissolution by Mr. Eden as Foreign Secretary in the National, and subsequently in the Transi- tion, Government. There was, therefore, considerable anxiety on one side of the House, and considerable curiosity on both, when Mr. Bevin rose on Monday to expound the policy the new administration would pursue. Expectation might have been less keen if it had been generally realised, or indeed generally known, how deeply interested Mr. Bevin had been in foreign affairs during the long period when he was Minister of Labour, and how close his contacts with Mr. Eden during that period were. The late Foreign Secretary testified to that warmly, acknowledging grate- fully the help he had always received from his former colleague and offering his own help in the changed circumstances in return. But if that was not fully known it could largely have been assumed. The Cabinet as a whole assumes ultimate responsibility for foreign policy, and it was obvious that in so far as Labour candidates saw fit to criticise the foreign policy practised in the recent past they were necessarily attacking their own leaders.
It was, therefore, and most reassuringly, not a party, but a national, policy which the new Foreign Secretary laid before the House on Monday. Some of the impetuous may gird at its modera- tion, but that is precisely what will most commend it to the country generally. Mr. Bevin is deeply conscious of the magnitude of the problems, directly affecting the stability and the policies of States, which have to be solved on the human and the economic plane before anything like normal relationships can be established. One of these is the question of the displaced persons. The figures quoted at different points in the debate are a little difficult to reconcile, but the Minister of State spoke of the return of four millions from Western Germany to their homes in the last three months. That is some indication both of what the problem is and of the expedition with which it is being solved. The first task is to get these im- pressed slaves back to their own countries, and the second, which must in fact be dealt with simultaneously, to support them till they can settle down to normal employment. That is at present largely the responsibility of U.N.R.R.A., whose resources are being, and will long be, strained to the uttermost. The prominence Mr. Bevin gave to this aspect of the problems facing him is particularly satis- factory if it indicates, as it can hardly fail to, that he appreciates the need for an efficient economic staff at the Foreign Office and will take the necessary steps to secure one.
Meanwhile purely, or predominantly, political problems impend on every side, and no one who remembers the state of Europe after the last war will underrate the danger of internal dissensions which may at any moment produce external consequences. Such dissen- sions are assuming more or less acute form in Spain, in Greece, in Bulgaria, in Hungary, in Jugoslavia, in Rumania, and may at any moment develop in Poland. Mr. Sevin dealt with each of these in his far-ranging survey, making it plain that British policy was to encourage each country to hold free elections and enable the people to choose whatever Government, and form of government, they preferred. At the same time he rightly deprecated external intervention, though without at least some pressure or persuasion from outside the prospect of free elections in many countries is small. A distinction must clearly be drawn between defeated enemies, on whom conditions can be imposed at will, and neutrals like Spain—or for that matter Portugal or Turkey—whose affairs are their own concern so long as their internal condition constitutes no threat to any of their neighbours. Spain is a test case, for it had been widely proclaimed that the new British Government pro- posed to effect the re-establishment of a republic in that country. Such action would be totally unwarranted, and Mr. Bevin's firm words on the subject are extremely welcome. " The question of the regime in Spain," he most rightly declared, " is one for the Spanish people to decide," and a little later, " I am satisfied that intervention by foreign Powers in the internal affairs of Spain would have the opposite effect of that desired, and would probably strengthen General Franco's position." The Foreign Secretary added " we shall take a favourable view if steps are taken by the Spanish people to change their regime, but his Majesty's Govern- ment are not prepared to take any steps which would promote or encourage civil war in that country." This is a wise policy, which will give general satisfaction except among certain of Mr. Bevin's own supporters. Changes in Spain are inevitable, and probably near at hand, though the effect of the formation of a Spanish Republican Government in exile by Dr. Negrin and others cannot yet be gauged. t ut at least our own position has been stated and every endeavour must be made to maintain it.
Greece is the other country which produces the greatest division of sympathies here. And regarding Greece Mr. Bevin enunciated precisely the policy that his predecessor had been tirelessly striving to apply ; acts of violence, whether by Right or Left, must cease ; the army and the gendarmerie must be built up on a strictly national and non-party basis ; the prisons must be emptied ; and both free electThns and a plebiscite on the return of the King must be held as soon as possible. The elections are, in fact, expected to take place in November and under Allied supervision, which the Greek Government has cordially welcomed. But at this point the question-mark overhanging Europe begins to shape itself. Britain, the United States and France have arranged to send observers dur- ing the election ; Russia has declined, " being opposed in principle to the supervision of national elections by foreign States." In the case of Greece, that means that Russia will send no observers. In the case of Bulgaria and Rumania and Hungary and Poland what does it mean? That Russia, whose influence is predominant in those countries, will permit no foreign observers, British er American or any others, to be sent? About Bulgaria, Rumania and Hungary Mr. Bevin spoke bluntly. The Governments set up in those countries, he said, did not represent the majority of the people, and one kind of totalitarianism was simply being replaced by another. Reinforcing action already taken by the United States, he refused to regard as representative any Government resulting from the coming elections in Bulgaria and has followed this up by an emphatic declaration at Sofia. What all this amounts to in plain words is that in all the Balkan States—Rumania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Greece,—Russia is pursuing one policy and the Allies another. There is, moreover, every indication that Russia regards all those countries, except Greece, and Hungary and Poland as well, as within-her, sphere of influence. One test of how the influence will be used will be the effect given to the pledge elicited from the Poles at Potsdam that there Should be free entry for the Press of the world, with the right to send out uncensored news. In the course of his lengthy survey Mr. Bevin said nothing about direct relations with Russia, and in the circumstances no one would press him to. It is fortunate that the first meeting of the Con- ference of Foreign Ministers decided on at Potsdam takes place. in September. Decisions of much value, smoothing various rough places, may emerge fram it.
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