POSTSCRIPT SATURDAY.

A long and animated discussion took place in the House of Lords last night, on a motion by Lord LysinnunsT for a return of all bills which had come from the House of Commons since the commencement of the session, with the dates at which they were respectively brought up, The debate, as the motion indicates, turned upon the mauagemeut of Parliamentary business by the Ministers. Lord !mailman commenced his speech by reminding the House, that when, on a former occasion, he had called attention to the tardy and heavy course of the Irish Municipal Bill through Parliament, Lord Melbourne said he ought not to consider that particular ease alone, but the general proceedings and measures of the Government. In pur- suance of that intimation, the propriety of which he felt at the time, nod in justice to himself and Lord Melbourne too, he would r ftw pro- ceed to direct attention to the entire proceedings of the session— Their Lordships would find, that during the five first months of this session, not a single bill of any importance whatever was passed by the two Houses of Parliament. Legislation was a perfect blank ; and it seemed that her Majesty's Ministers, either from want of energy or from a want of confidence in the other Nouse of Parliament, were, whilst that House could be considered as fully re- presenting the country, incapable of dealing with that House, or of conducting the business of the country. It was not until the benches had become empty— it was not until 550 Members, as they were told, had quitted the Metropolis— and not until the House consisted of little better than a mere Government board—that they were aroused from their supineness, and able to conduct, in any form whatever, the legislation of the country. This was a striking illus- tration of the statement made by anticipation by the Duke of Wellington at a former period, when he asked, with reference to a House of Commons composed as the present—" How is the King's Government to be carried on?" He thought the fair course of proceeding would be, to refer to the Queen's Speech at the opening of the session, for the measures which Ministers considered of pressing importance ; and then to inquire how far the pledges given by Ministers in that document had been redeemed. There were four principal points to which the attention of Parliament was directed—the Irish Municipal Bill, the affairs of Canada, the re- commendations of' the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and an improve- ment in the administration of justice. Lord Lyndhurst first gave the history of the Irish Municipal Bill ; and charged Lord Melbourne with inconsistency in putting forward, this session, as a principal objection to the bill, an amendment with respect to the rights of freemen, which last year he had acquiesced in, and three years ago had actually made himself— He then defended that amendment on just and constitutional ground ; and now, hem Ilt■C that amendment proceeded from the Opposition, the noble viscount turned round and gave it his most decided opposition So much as to the con- sistency of the noble viscount, and the manner in which he bad treated this bill. He ascribed it to thoughtlessness—to indifference—to a want of recol- lection—to a carelessness about a measure which, he told Parliament in her Majesty's Speech, was essential to the interests of Ireland. Lord Lyndhurst described the course taken by Ministers with respect to Canada. They had introduced, but, on the appearance of opposi- tion, relinquished, the bill to provide a constitution for the two Pro- vinces, and contented themselves with a fragment of a measure—use- less, unnecessary, intended merely for making a show. And that was the way in which Ministers redeemed their pledge about Canada. As for the third recommendation, the exertions of Ministers presented a mere blank- - Them had not been even a show of an attempt to take any measure to carry Into effect the recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. What had been done A bill was brought into the other House for that purpose ; it Was read a second time ; it proceeded on a false assumption of filets; it was

abandoned; and from that time to the present, her Majesty's 31inisters hail done nothing whatever to carry into effect the recommendation on that sub- pet, though in her Majesty's Speech the improvement was stated to be most urgently require&

What had been done on the fourth branch—the more speedy and cer- tain administration of justice ? Literally nothing. The attention of

Ministers had been especially called by himself to the delays in the Court of Chancery ; and he suggested a plan for remedying that evil. 'The plan was approved by the Lord Chancellor, her Majesty's Minis- ters, and Lord Brougham ; and he certainly understood that a bill was to be introduced: but no bill was introduced, and nothing had been alone. This supineness extended to every quarter of the administra. lion. He saw Lord Holland on the woolsack : three years ago that noble baron appointed a Commission to inquire into the Court over which he presided ; but nothing had been dune, and the matter stood precisely where it was.

But it occurred to Ministers that they must do something to captivate at least one portion of their supporters, and so they resorted to the sub- ject of general education. Lord Lyndhurst devoted a considerable portion of his speech to an account of the proceedings of Government on this question ; which he stigmatized as the very reverse of those which vigorous, able, and straightforward Ministers would have taken. He then came to the Jamaica Bill, and the resignation of Ministers— Here there was a pause in the legislative proceedings of the session ; and the history of the few days subsequent to those events to which he had referred ho passed over, because It formed no part of what he had intended to offer to their Lordships : but he also passed that over for another reason—because the cir- cumstances of the ease had been so fully laid before their Lordships by his noble friend the noble duke, and in so masterly a manner had been dealt with by Isis noble and learned friend opposite, that the recollection of the whole subject must be still fresh in their Lordships' minds, and he would not impair that re- collection by any additional observations : but there was one thing connected with those events which he could not pass over without a remark. Her Ma- jesty's Ministers tendered their resignations ; these resignations were accepted, and they declared that they held office only until their successors could he appointed. Communications then took place for the purpose of forming another Administration ; and whilst those communications were proceed- ing, and before they had been concluded, those Ministers, who held their offices only until the appointment of their successors could be arranged, inter- posed in those negotiations—advised her Majesty, directed notes, took part in the proceeding, and were themselves the advisers of the Crown upon the ap- pointment of their opponents—the outgoing Ministers carried on the negotia- tion with their successors ; and the result was this, that the Ministers who had resigned, and whose resignations had been accepted, advised her Majesty to reinstate them in their offices—(" Hear, hear !" and lanyhter)—and he said that they had given that advice, because that was the constitutional and legal

inference of the conduct which they had pursued. Such a course of proceeding had never before occurred in the history of this country, and he trusted to God that it never would under any circumstances occur again.

The first act of the new Government was not calculated to regain the confidence of Parliament— It was historically false; it was legally false; and the miserable falsehood of the measure was only equalled by its folly and extravagance. Her Majesys Ministers had, according to their own confession, lost the confidence of Parlia- ment; and lie ventured to ask, when they reaccepted office, what they had done to replace themselves in the confidence of the House of Corn- mons ? All the circumstances of the case tended only to lower them in public estimation ; and, so far from their having acquired any increased con- fidence, their conduct must still further have diminished any degree of it which remained. But it was necessary for the Government to make an experiment : and let their Lordships see what was the result. A second Jamaica Bill was introduced into the other House ; but what was the pretence upon whioh it was founded? That it was necessary to continue certain bills, which would expire if the House of Assembly continued their refusal to act; but other clauses were contained in it, the provisions of which were, in principle, the same with the former bill. That bill, on the second reading, passed the House of Commons by a majority of ten ; so that when they had a majority of five the Ministers considered that they had lost the confidence of the House of Commons, and when they got the majority up to ten they ventured to pretend that they regained and recovered that confidence. But still they felt their situation uncomfortable, uneasy, and precarious.

Something was necessary to be done, and it occurred to them to make the Ballot an open question— That was a most shabby proceeding; but it had the double advantage, that it might gain for the Government some votes in the other House, and that it might afford some members of the Government an opportunity of winning back the favour of a portion of their constituents. However, when one of the leading members of the Cabinet let out the secret—that he had voted for making it an open question because he thought that course would be detri- mental to the cause of the Ballot—then the shabbiness of the trick, the device, which had been resorted to, was surpassed by the hypocrisy and deception which formed part of its character : and lie thought that he could not congratulate the noble viscount upon having gained any accession of strength in the House of Commons by the conduct which the Government had pursued as to the question of the Ballot.

The Postage Bill, however, was one on which he had no doubt con- siderable reliance was placed by Ministers. Now as to this measure— It had been ridiculed; by all the retainers of the Government, as absurd and impracticable. They said, "Arc you about to abandon another million in the present circumstances of the country and the revenue ?" And even by Mlle of the leading Members of the Government the measure was ridiculed. How- ever, the bill was pressed upon Ministers from without ; and they Nut not the vigour, the power, or the character, and they possessed not sufficient confidence in the other House, to resist ; so that, contrary to their better judgment, they were obliged to bring it forward. What, then, was the next step which they took in the transaction ? They could not openly resist, but, with character- istic duplicity, the Government thought that they could do by a side-wind what they could not honestly avow ; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer thought that lie could introduce a clause which would lie distasteful to the Miter. Ilouse of Parliament, and that so they might get rid of the bill. The clause to which be referred was that which pledged the House of Commons to make good any deficiency which might result from the adoption of that mea- sure. That clause was distasteful to the other House; it was strongly,

strenuonsly, and successfully- opposed ; it was urged that such a pledge was wholly unnecessary, because the House of Commons, as the louse of Commons, was already pledged to make good any deficiency in the revenue; but in spite of that artifice, and in spite of the dextrous ma- 'oeuvre of the Government, the bill passed the other House. The bill

came up to their Lordships' House, and then the cry W1113—" Oh ! the Lords

will never stiffer the bill to pass: they will never stiffer the revenue to be re- duced: you may rely upon the Lords." It was, ton, a remarkable eiremm- stance, that when the bill was read a second time, the benches opposite were thinner than at any other period during the present session. The noble via-- count opposite introduced that bill, and moved the second reading of it ; and he should never forget the speech which the noble viscount delivered on thatt

occasion. Ile argued a/if/hist the measure, with all that iegenuity, three, andt knowledge of the world which he always displayed; and after having exhausted every argument against the bill, and having used no one argument in its favour; he concluded by saying, " But us the bill is wished for, I move the second reael.- ing." Their Lordships felt, were properly, that they had nothing to do with it that it was strictly a measure of finance ; and, therefbre, rant:tante the noble viscount, the hill passed, and became the law of the land.

The Admiralty Bill, the Police Bills, and other measures which the Lords had amended or thrown out, were briefly touched upon by Lord Lyndhurst. lie glanced at the "flight of bills"—some of them mis- chievous, others inoffensive, others jobbing—which came up to the House of Lords ill the month of August. Of the Police Bills he said, they bad become necessary in consequence of disturbances, for which Ministers were deeply answerable— It was they who first aroused the people ; it was they who first sent forth the watchword " Agitate, agitate, agrtate!" They it was who were responsi- ble for the consequences that had followed. Agitation was convenient to place them in power ; agitation, up to a certain point, was necessary to maintain them in power ; but they wished the flood to go so far and no further, and that there their proud waves should be stayed. In cases of this kind, however, it was much easier to raise these tempests than afterwards to cheek or direct them. In every age of the world the same course of proceeding had taken place. Ambitious men made use of the multitude for their own ambitious pur- poses, and for the attainment of their own personal objects ; they rode into power upon the shoulders of the people ; and then it became inconvenient that those tumults and that violence to which they owed their elevation should be continued ; then it became necessary to coerce and restrain ; and then their deluded followers found out for the first time the duplicity and unworthiness of those whom on former occasions they eulogized and extolled. (Cheers.) He could refer to a case of a peculiar description. Their Lordships all remem- bered the period when the noble lord at the head of the Home department of this country received an address from 150,000 persons assembled in the neigh- bourhood of Birmingham :

" Thus young ambition ever loves to climb." That noble lord, in addressing that multitude, stated how utterly undeserving be was of the honour they had conferred upon him, and how full of gratitude he felt ; and then it was that the noble lord drew a parallel between the proceed- ings of that meeting and the 'proceedings of their Lordships' House, designating the one as "the voice of a nation" and the other as " the whisper of a faction." Could their Lordships be surprised at what had followed? Were they astonished at the results ? Those results were natural, and he should have been touch more surprised and astounded if they had not occurred.

In conclusion, Lord Lyndhurst said he had executed the task he had undertaken, with plainness and simplicity, according to his custom ; and he now called upon the House for their decision on the conduct of Ministers.

Lord MELBOURNE replied, in a speech which ran too much into dry details to be followed in this place ; but we extract the more effective passages. He thus described Lord Lyndhurst's motive for attacking the Government- " The real object and meaning of the observations of the noble and learned lord, although not distinctly stated in his speech, was to foster any discontent that may exist in the country—to increase any unpopularity which he con- ceives we may labour under—to make out a case against us ; and the noble and learned lord fins undertaken the more hopeless, and, as I apprehend, the utterly impossible and impracticable task, of raising himself in the estimation of his fellow citizens. The noble and learned lord may possibly prove that we arc unfit to conduct the affairs of this country ; he may possibly show that we are unfit for the difficult situation in which we are placed ; this he may possibly show ; but as to gaining for himself any thing of credit—as to gaining for himself any thing of character—as to his conciliating any confidence towards himself and towards those who would have to administer the affairs of the Go- vernment of this country if it had the misfortune to be placed in his hands— the noble and learned lord may depend upon it, that if his powers were ten thousand times what they are, if his abilities were ten times, as powerful, he would be utterly unable to effect any such Herculean, and, indeed, utterly impossible labour. Let the noble and learned lord be perfectly assured of that',

The Duke of Wellington had asked, " How is the King's Govern- ment to be carried on ?"—

" I apprehend that the noble duke, in asking that question, did not refer merely to legislative business ; he did not entirely refer to the passing of laws; and I must beg leave to remind the noble and learned lord, that the business of the country was not properly the passing laws—that Parliament had much to 410 besides the passing of laws, and the making of new enactments—that they bad something to do besides introducing new laws, and amending those which were faulty and defective ; and that, although many bills may not have been passed into laws, and many more:may have been left unconsidered, yet it could not be said that the business of the country was left unconducted, because the passing of bills and laws was only a subsidiary and incidental duty of Parlia- ment. The principal duty of Parliament was to consider the estimates for the public service, and to retrench what was superfluous, to correct what was amiss, and to assist the Crown with those supplies and subsidies which it thinks it sight and necessary to afford. Therefore, it does not follow, that because many bills do not pass ill a session, or because many laws do not pass—it does not follow that the business of the country is not vigorously and efficiently con- ducted in that session. I apprehend, that when at the end of the session of Parliament noble lords look at the book we shall have compiled—to the volume of acts and statutes we shall have flamed—they will find it sufficiently bulky, and probably sufficiently thulty in its nature to produce an additional crop of acts and statutes in the next session."

In alluding to the Jamaica Bill, and the circumstances that grew out of it, Lord Lyndhurst had not spared insinuations of the foulest and grossest kind. He used the word " intrigue "—

" I have heard that word front many quarters ; I have heard other mean, base, and vile expressions, applied to the conduct of that measure through the other House. I utterly deny and repel the word. I say that there was no in- trigue, no management ; and neither was there any thing mean, base, or per- t thous in the whole of the transactions which then took place. I do not like to be betrayed into the language of strong asseveration, because truth does not require such language; but I. utterly disclaim the imputations and insinuations thrown out by the noble and learned lord. The noble and learned lord makes another charge. Ile says that the advice which on a late occasion we gave her Majesty, was given at a time when other persons were actually in her councils.

I beg leave to say, that when I was sent thr by her Majesty, I coneluded that her Majesty's ultimate resolution had been taken—that the negotiations were completely broken off. That was the understanding on which 1 then acted ; and I still believe that under the circumstances of the case I acted rightly, fairly, and constitutionally."

He denied that the Ministers had ever roused the people- " I say thud, if they were roused, it was by the circumstances of the times ; they were roused by the grievances they conceived themselves to suffer ; and particularly they were roused, if roused they were, by the imprudent and the obstinate resistance to the redress of grievances which was given by the noble and learned lord, and those who acted with him."

Lord Bnouatum could not see what noble lords opposite had to complain of in Lord Melbourne's Government. They must have been gratified to their hearts' content by the Obstructive policy of Minis- ters—

They had a government by deputy ; the deputy being his noble friend, who had been session after session keeping matters as they were—obstructing re- forms, preventing changes—setting his thee in the most effectual way against all improvements; so that if his noble and learned friend opposite and the noble duke had had the reins of power—the power of the Government in name, as they

had it in substance, during the last two years, exercising it by theire„,. they could not, according to his noble and learned friend's own statemil played their Conservative game more perfectly to the hearts' conteelltsrT Tory party. Ile really wondered that his noble friend near him (Lail ••''. up this point in his defence. antis, Better this should end— If the noble and learned lord and the noble duke should come into poor was absolutely certain that they would be compelled to give the pespireil'4 which these men would not give if they could, but could not if they rein' Ile knew very well, that if the Tory party were installed. to-morr'01;°C; would have the power to make improvements, administrative improvenie"P'1, least, which these own have not. Ile knew that their advent to pmver pli he hailed by the friends of improvement and of Liberal principles, %,-- parison with the continuance of a Government which partly could :AZ. reforms if they would, and partly had refused to give even what they mit'

Men blamed the Reform Act, when they ought to blame the Gov ment— frt.

No man ever supposed that the Reform Bill could work its ends with arm, vernment incapable of doing the business of Parliament. A steam-esi, being set in motion, cannot work without a governor, a director, seii`, safety-valves, mud without fire to boil water and make steam. Even a stem,- engine, however, may go on for a time without interposition or help. 8, here was a bill, of which the machinery was to be worked and superintudili at every turn by men : what possible hope could there be of' its working V:: cessfully, when they fouud it in the hands of men who had been descrilxd" he thought justly described—as utterly imbecile and incapable of doing ti; business of Parliament ?

Was it wonderful that Reformers should be hostile—even rancorously hostile—to a Government chargeable with so many misdeeds andomi;. sinus as the present ? They were hostile to the Ministry, in the exact proportion that they were attached to Reftirm- Therefore it was that you now hear said of these men, what has sometian been said of Whigs before, " Whigs are deceivers ever; One root our sea and one on shore, To one thing cuustaut never."

But you also hear added, what never was added before, " Sigh not so, Hut let them go I " language never heard of in tire mouths of the strongest Reformers, of thes most adverse to the Whigs, until the celebrated 7th of last May. •

The Duke of WimuNoTost assured Lord Melbourne, that all he had wished, for some time, was to see a Government in the country— That was what he desired. Ile desired to sec the country governed; he wished he could see that. He had scour how it had been governed for some years past ; and he hoped that the noble viscount would now turn overages leaf; and really govern the country in future. He had had some little ape. rience in these matters ; lie knew something about Speeches from the Throne; and he would now beg to submit to the noble viscount, that in future, before he submitted a list of measures to be recommended in the: Speech from the Throne, he should consider those measures well before he inserted them in the Speech—that Inc should prtpure those measures—that he should be reedy ft introduce them into Parliament the moment that Parliament met after the Speech was delivered.

The Duke adverted to the state of the Canadas, Newfoundland, the West Indies, the disturbances in England, and the inefficiency of Ministers in Parliament, as proofs that the country was not " governed," The Marquis of NORMANBY entered into is defence of the Govern- ment gonad the Colonies.

Lord Chancellor COTTENITAM explained the difficulties in the way of Chancery Reform ; and said that he found a much larger measure than

Lord Lyndhurst's, and one which it would take more time to prepare, was necessary for the improvement of his Court. He thought it pru- dent to postpone legislation on the subject till—next vession. A few remarks from Lord LYNDHURST, in reply, closed the debate; and the motion was agreed to.

In the House of Commons—

The Duke of Marlborough's Pension Bill was read a third time, bya vote of 49 to 5, and passed.

The Bank of Ireland Act was "reported." Some discussion on bank- ing and the usury-laws took place ; in which Mr 1115:ano, Mr. ITGON- NET.I„ Mr. SPRING RICE, and Mr. VILLIERS joined. Mr. Ries attri- buted the scarcity of money and the commercial difficulties of the country

to the Corn-laws-

It could not be expected that the country should make payment forfire millions of foreign corn, and that that should not create an exchange agaant this country, and render banking accommodation higher than in other countries. Ile thought the course pursued-by Mr. Hume was very unjust : it diverted the attention of the people of England and of the public from the real MSC. If re had a more equal and steady trade in fbreign corn, and if that trade was paid for, as it ought to be, by the exported mamthicturing produce of this country, we should be exempt from tho,:e harassing fluctuations to which the commerce of the country, was exposed, laud from those severe pressures in the monetary market which had been lately experienced. Mr. VILLIERS wished tofix attention on these observations—the most important and remarkable the session had produced. Every aura in his senses was terrified at the consequences of a second year of defi-

ciency : and in what predicament was the country placed?

A Minister of the Crown, at the head of the finances, declares publicly, that this awful state of things is entirely to be ascribed to the Corn-laws: and yet, what man who bus reflected on the proceedings of this house daring this session upon this question, and who considers how the Legislature is mutt- toted, believes fin one moment that there is even a distant chance of the cull being removed ? Now, that wits what the country ought to consider. There was an enormous evil threatening the peace, happiness, and security of the country ; and yet, under their present system, there was no chance of its re- moval. All that they had in prospect is a Government directly opposed to any change, or one that cannot stake its existence upon effecting it, though deemed essential to the welfare of the country. How long was that to go on ?

The Oyster Fisheries Bill was read a first and second time, " com- mitted," and " reported."

Both Houses meet to-day, at twelve o'clock.