BOOKS.

LOUIS BLANC'S 1848. HISTORICAL REVELATIONS INSCRIBED TO LORD NORMANBY.* ALTHOUGH it would seem that Lord Normanby's Year of Revolution prompted these historical revelations, which are written to correct the misrepresentations of the noble author, yet there is not a great deal to be corrected, for the simple reason that there was very little in the Ambassador's book which wore the character of novelty, still less that of revelation. Neither,. except in some re- ports of speeches, do we see that when M. Louis Blanc contradicts Lord Normanby, the contradiction always mends the matter. Everybody remembers the story of M. Cremieux electing himself provisional Governor, by adding extemporaneously his own name to the list, which on account of the power of his voice he was asked to read to the Assembly, which was favoured on the occasion by the presence of the mob, on the 24th February 1848. M. Louis Blanc denies the truth of this. But the main fact is possible not- withstanding the contradiction. Some colleague might have omitted the name from the prepared list, and the person, whoever he was, who read out the list may have corrected the oversight. Authority the Ambassador certainly had ; for the man with the "weak voice" who could not make himself heard amid the riotous din vouched for the truth of the story. But, true or false, the narrative of our author exhibits the origin of the Provisional Government in a sufficiently unsatisfactory point of view. Accord- ing to M. Louis Blanc, a sort of Committee of persons connected with two newspapers, the National and the Reforme, concocted the list on their own authority before the fighting was really done, and the first sanction to the document was the cheers of a mob in the street opposite the office of the Reforms. Surely there is as little of national choice in this as in the alleged ready dexterity of M. Cremieux or some other person in the Assembly, and no- thing at all of national necessity. The Assembly of Deputies, however degraded, was on that strange 24th February 1848, the sole remaining depositary of national power after the resignation of the King. A seemingly spontaneous choice by that body, though it had been premeditated, would have had theoretically a national origin. The first "revelation" of M. Louis Blanc shows that the choice of the Provisional Government was the effect of a bold intrigue by unscrupulous conspirators, (as they really must be called,) who appear to have aided in producing public con- fusion; and who certainly took advantage of it to subserve their own opinions not to say ambition.

A similar result ensues with some of the other contradictions of Lord Normanby. The fact asserted may be in terms, incorrect, but the conclusion depreciatory to the Provisional Government, or its extreme section, still remains. The Ambassador on the authority of Lamartine states that Louis Blanc and some others were originally secretaries, and crept up into Governors. The fact seems to be incorrect ; indeed as Louis Blanc was a principal concoetor of the list, and a means of introducing Lamartine him- self into it, his own omission was scarcely probable. The explana- tion, however, shows that distrust and conflicting opinions pre- vailed from the very first meeting, and that M. Gamier Pages did actually make an effort to reduce M. Louis Blanc and his friends to the position of secretaries, and had nearly succeeded.

If the alleged mistakes or misrepresentations of this kind were counted, it is probable that as many would be debited to Lamar- tine as to Lord Normanby. The whole, however, are compara- tively few, and occupy but little space. The book is really a sort of historical defence of the principles and objects of the Republic extemporized in February 1848 ; as well as of M. Louis Blanc and the very few colleagues who favoured his economical opin- ions, against the charge of egregious failure brought by " reac- tionists " against his scheme for the " organization of labour," and generally, believed by the world at large. The mode in which this is done is by a sort of history of the Republic from its foundation in February, till the author's departure from Paris, after the Assembly had consented to his prosecution, for an al- leged complicity in the events of May and June following. The principal figure is the historian himself. The exposition of his views, an account of the way in which his attempts to carry them out were opposed by his colleagues in council, and thwarted, often treacherously, in practice, constitute the principal though not the only subjects of his work.

The exposition of the writer's economical plans, and their in- tended and partially attempted application, together with various disquisitions or explanations of his political conduct and position, are, from the nature of the case, often somewhat dry. They are relieved by pictures of events, by sketches of character, by much information of a secret kind, if not exactly to be called " revela- tions," and by many curious traits of the working of the Pro- visional Government and its members. In reading the following portraiture of Lamartine, after his triumphant election to the As- sembly by Paris, it should be borne in mind that the great poeti- cal orator is as much the declared opponent of M. Louis Blanc as is Lord Normanby.

" The illusion of M. de Lamartine happened to be as brief as it was blinding. The Legitimists and the Orleanists soon showed that in voting for him their sole object had been to use him as an instrument, to be broken to bite when no longer needed. " No one certainly admires more than I do the genius of M. de Lamar-

* 1848. Ilistorical _Revelations; Inscribed to Lord Arprntanby. By Louis Blanc. Published by Chapman and Hall. tine, his integrity, the magnanimity of his bursts of feeling, the splendour of his imagination, made so fascinating by the unparalleled richness of his language. But, according to my views, he fell into a fatal mistake, in tracing out the part he had to play, under the influence of this ruling passion of a literary man—to be applauded. With his ear incessantly on the stretch to catch the sound of his name, and always uneasy lest the music, as it were, of his fame should be disturbed, he made it a study to wheedle any one whom he feared. He coveted every variety of homage. He loved to see his image reflected from the surface of every phase of opin- ion, and in his handling of parties he endeavoured to place himself at their point of intersection. With equal ardour was he to be seen courting the approbation of drawingrooms and trying to allure that of the clubs; ingra- tiating himself with Lord Normanby, and making friends with M. Selmer ; offering an embassy to M. de la Bochejaquelin, and looking out for secret interviews with M. Blanqui.

" That 31. de Lamartine fancied he was in this way contributing to a work of universal reconciliation, is to be inferred from his natural gene- rosity of character. But he would soon have seen how fruitless such an effort was likely to be, depending exclusively on the influence of personal fascination, had he not yielded to an inward motive of which in all proba- bility he was himself unconscious. So easily do our best feelings conceal imperceptible sophisms, and so skilful is the human heart in deceiving itself !

" M. de Lamartine undoubtedly displayed when in power eminent quali- ties. But bravely to espouse the cause of the weak and the oppressed against the strong ; to confront with all the energy of an unconquerable soul injustice, whether armed with a glaive or crowned with flowers ; to expose oneself, on behalf of everlasting truth, to be misunderstood, slan- dered, vilified, ridiculed, stung till the blood comes, by thousands of vipers ; to live unmoved amid the hatred of the dishonest ; and so to serve our con- science as not to fear doing battle with the world for conscience' mike—this is what must be done, and what M. de Lamartine did not. Nobly defiant of death, his was the courage of the soldier; trembling before detractors, he had the weakness of the poet. What was deficient in him was the power of provoking deadly enmities. "And so he had all parties at his feet—for one day. He lay down, be- lieving that France was at his bedside. He went to sleep, in the intoxica- tion of imaginary triumph : he dreamt dictatorship ; he awoke—he was alone !"

The most interesting feature of the book, and, the peculiar so- cial views of the author being put aside, (for his socialism is not of a vulgar or immoral stamp,) the most important, is the picture it presents of the formation, progress, and extinction, rather than decline of that very wonderful thing, the French Provisional Go- vernment of 1848. Formed, we must say, by an intrigue, or at all events by a previous compromise and by the dictum of a few pri- vate persons connected with two journals, (eight are mentioned by name, but there may have been more,) it assembled to face a na- tion on the very verge of anarchy with divided opinions, and embryo animosities. M. Louis Blanc with Albert as a fidus Achates, was not only an extreme Republican, who conceived that having got power into their hands they should use it dictatorially, to establish their own opinions, and put off an appeal to the uni- versal suffrage of an " ignorant peasantry " as long as possible • but he held economical doctrines which more or less separated him from nearly all his colleagues. In politics Ledru Rollin and one or two others might closely agree with him ; but Ledru Rollin was loose in his political economy, and his aid could not be depended upon. Lamartine, Arago, and probably if they could have been definitively polled, a majority of the Government, were constitu- tional republicans, averse to settle anything fundamental or institutional, which they could postpone, and anxious to de- liver their Provisional power into the hands of the nation as quickly as possible. They were all, from ignorance, preju- dice, or some equally bad motive, as the author leaves us to suppose, thoroughly averse to all schemes of Socialism, and even to the name. There was a fourth section of equally "ill-disposed" men, Marie and Marrast, who mostly agreed with Lamartine in politics, and were opposed to our author as well as to his political economy. M. Marie especially set up the Ateliers Nationaux in opposition to the organization of labour by M. Louis Blanc, used them in conjunction with Marrast for political purposes, and, though failure was inevitable, made them more mischievous than they need have been, and laid the whole discredit upon our author. Standing thus alone with Albert what could he do ? His colleagues refused to establish a ministry of la- bour or to furnish any funds ; but sent him to the Luxembourg to try Socialistic experiments without implements or materials. M. Gamier Pages would not encourage his proposed banks ; the Finance Minister suspended cash payments in preference. All the " reactionists " of whatever party, and the mere political Republicans, cried out against Socialism; M. Louis Blanc was turned out, and the republic was destroyed.

" The old Monarchical parties, willing enough then to submit to the Re- public as a necessity, were not prepared to accept it in its Socialist bearing. Now, unfortunately, in this disinclination they happened to be backed by that fraction of the Republican party whose views were merely political, and who, on this occasion, acted like a corps d'armee, which, from miscon- ception or any other unlucky cause, should unexpectedly fall upon its own vanguard.

" The result of this coalition, in which the Legitimists and the Orleanists cleverly kept themselves at first in the background, was to set up every- where in all offices political, to the exclusion of Social, Republicans."

A Government so divided within itself as the Provisional now appears to have been, could have had no elements of enduring strength. It was probably better adapted for the purpose before it, that of saving a nation for the time from resolving itself into its elements, than one with greater singleness of will. Com- promise was the order of the day, and compromise, whatever else it may do, produces apparent moderation. Efforts to carry out any very decided principles of politicp would have led to resist- ance, possibly to civil war. Errors, faults, perhaps more than faults, were undoubtedly committed, but all things being con- sidered, the Provisional. Government deserved to be dismissed

with applause, especially when we remember by what sort of rule it has been succeeded. Nobody need consider this criticism a Asrhave unsparingly blamed the Provisional Government for what I think was wrong, I shall perhaps. be pardoned for stating what I am. sure was right. " Whatever opinion may be entertained of. the views of which this Go- vernment was the representative, and deplorable as may have been the errors• into which an extravagant distrust of the new ideas caused some of its mem-

bers to f its passage across the stormy stage of the world will remain an

e souvenir of honesty of purpose, integrity, love of public good,

self'-devotedness. I will not deny that the difference of opinions amonpt those who composed it, brought on collisions and misunderstand- ings which revealed infirmities that-are incident to human nature ; but still Rua my firm conviction, that the Previsional Government, taking its acts as a whole, may challenge comparison_ with the beat that has ever existed. When the clamours of party are silenced, history will say, that never, in the Iiiefspace of two months, did any government issue a greater number of decrees favourable to freedom, and stamped with more reverence for human dignity that never did any government in the midst of an immense con- fact of highly-excited opinions and unchained passions, display a more even serenity, a prouder courage, s more unflinching confidence in the moralau- therity of its principles; that never did a government treat its enemies with more magnanimity, show greater horror at the spilling of blood, or more scrupulously abstain from violence of any. kind; in a word, that never did a gavemment so marvellously succeed in maintaining its position as long as it thought proper, at the summit of a society disturbed to its very depths, without having recourse to force, without employing courts, soldiers, or po- lice,l and without calling to its aid. any other power than that of persua- Stea

It would appear that this work is written in English by M. Louis Blanc, yet it is without stiffness, or foreign idiom, its fbreign air, which is however slight, being no more than would appear in a translation. As we believe the author did not begin the. study of English till of late,. his success is a remarkable ex- ample of persevering industry and of flexibility of mind.